Pics & History of your Empire [Archive] - Page 5

Bregil the Bowman

03-30-2007, 01:16

Story of a VI 2.01 campaign, starting in early, playing the Almohads on “Hard” setting

Herewith the tale of how Yusuf I, may his name be blessed, sought to establish a peaceful Caliphate in the western Mediterranean, enjoying peace and prosperity alongside his Christian neighbours. Sadly this was not to be – for the greed and rapacity of the Spanish and Aragonese kings was such that war soon ravaged the Iberian peninsular, and Muslim and Christian alike cried out for relief.

Early conflict with Castile and Aragon was settled by decisive battles in Cordoba and Valencia, better positioning of forces on the slopes settling the matter. Later the Spanish were able to bring large forces of jinettes to battle, and hard contests were fought where the skill of Desert Archers and steady defence of the Almohad militia was tested against the mobility and courage of the Spanish horsemen. Sometimes losses were heavy on both sides; at other times, such as the battle of the Spanish Bridges which cost the Castilian king his life, the use of terrain allowed the Almohads to draw the enemy horsemen into a killing zone.

Frequent revolts by the Spanish and Portuguese were unable to break a Muslim hold on the Iberian peninsular. By 1130 the conquest was complete and the Houses of Castile and Aragon had ceased to exist.

Yusuf II was initially content to maintain a border on the western Pyrenees.. He became allied wit the Holy Roman Empire to counter the threat of French army in Aragon but launched no hostile moves, instead expanding his fleets and developing a peaceful trading Empire in the Mediterranean. Revolts in Sardinia (1136) and Corsica (1157) challenged Italian dominance of the seas, and the Almohads were first to exploit the vacuum and seize these valuable bases.

Sadly, prompted by Rome, first France and then Germany broke the peace and attacked the Iberian empire. In the three-sided war that ensured, Yusuf II’s heir, Umar I, led a magnificent campaign that drove the Germans back across the Rhone and the French north of the Loire by 1154. By the end of his reign he had advanced as far as Flanders, the last French king having fallen against the Germans in Burgundy. But by then events in the east had begun to demand attention...

The Byzantine empire developed into a superpower, exploiting conflict between Turks and Egyptians to secure its Asian flank while pressing north to the Baltic at the expense of the Hungarians and the People of Novgorod. Eventually Egypt proved to be the stronger of the eastern Muslim factions, and launched an attack which cleared the Byzantines from Asia Minor, even laying siege to Constantinople before being repulsed. But the Sultan’s forces were over-extended, and by 1160 the Byzantines had reconquered most of their lost territory. The Anatolians rose up against the Sultan and established an independent kingdom. During this time Almohad expeditions had laid claim to Corsica, Crete and Cyprus, and now a force landed in Anatolia to reclaim that territory for the True Faith. This act provoked the Sultan into a declaration of war, but defeats at sea and in Anatolia proved this to be a disastrous decision! With powerful armies deadlocked in Cyrenaica and Egypt – neither party wanting to risk a drawn out desert assault – the Almohads (under the Qadi al Qadi) achieved a breakthrough by seizing Sinai with an attack from the sea. In a series of inconsequential clashes, the Almohad expeditionary force pursued the Sultan around Palestine, Arabia and Sinai, finally succeeding trapping his forces in Jerusalem Castle by landing a second force at Tripoli. Eventually the Egyptian army was split, with one force in Egypt the other holding the Armenian states and Georgia.
Yusuf III’s brief reign saw the completion of this campaign as the Egyptian garrison dissipated its strength in two fruitless attempts to break out through Cyrenaica before a counterattack from Sinai finally crushed resistance. Yusuf also completed the conquest of all Europe west of the Rhine, with Burgundy established as a stronghold against German incursions.

The early era ended with tensions between Umar II and his Byzantine counterpart as a German crusade was allowed to pass through Trebizond to attack Anatolia. The German commander proved unequal to the challenge, retreating without offering battle twice before attempting the longer route though Syria where he was stopped in a grim desert battle. The resurgence of the Turks in Edessa also put an end to the Egyptian war, with neither Almohads nor Egyptians willing to advance with a potential enemy on the flank.

Umar II faced the Christian world in 1205 with great doubt on his mind. Despite the enormous profits from trade with Rome and Constantinople, he was aware that soon one or both must challenge his dominance of southern Europe. And in the east, rumours of the rising Tartar empire also gave him cause for concern. It would be long before the faithful Almohads could abandon the sword...

bamff

03-30-2007, 03:35

Bravo Bregil! :2thumbsup:

Well played and well written. I look forward to reading of Umar's adventures in the high period!

Martok

03-30-2007, 19:15

Well done, Bregil! I'm eager for more! ~:cheers:

Bregil the Bowman

04-01-2007, 01:40

Part Two of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

As the High period began, the Al Mu’tamid dynasty bestrode an empire that stretched from Portugal and Morocco to Syria and Arabia, from the edges of the Sahara to the Arctic edges of Scandinavia. The mainstay of this empire was its navy, fast-moving Tunisian dhows supported by Spanish and Algerian baggalas, that sailed every sea from the Baltic to the Black. The young Umar II had vowed to follow his forefathers principles, reigning over a prosperous, pious and peaceable folk and never making war upon the other major powers unless attacked first. Nonetheless, he inherited bitter wars against the Holy Roman Empire and the Egyptians, and though at peace with both the Papacy and the Byzantine Empire he knew both were working covertly against him.

The wealth of this great empire was able to maintain large forces to defend its borders. The ironworks of Toledo and Pamplona equipped the Almohad Urban Militia that was the mainstay of his army. The deserts of the Sahara provided spearmen, archers and light cavalry, while Arabia and Syria provided Bedouin camel troops who were to prove crucial. Tripoli, Tunisia and Sardinia began to produce first crossbowmen and then arbalesters. And many mercenaries also flocked to Umar’s banner – notably from the east, Druzhina cavalry, Khwarazmian horsemen, Rus and Vikings, and later (perhaps most crucially) handgunners and artillerists bringing with them the secret weapon of gunpowder.

Umar’s first crisis, surprisingly, came with the English attempt to seize Flanders. The Almohad response was merciless. Using his command of the sea, Umar sent an expeditionary force to Wales while attacking across the channel. He also drew forces back from the German borders to crush England’s last continental holding in Champagne. Within a short time the English had been pushed back to Northumbria. Never intended as an army of occupation, this force was withdrawn to Wessex to allow peace talks to continue – and to allow further prosecution of the war against Germany.

Umar’s strategy against the Holy Roman Emperor was to hold Lorraine and Burgundy and create a line of “buffer states” between the two powers. The first part of this strategy was achieved quite quickly, a brief reoccupation of Lorraine by the Germans provoking a Jihad in 1205. But buffer states quickly fell into German hands again. By 1230 Almohad armies under the able Prince Ismail had penetrated as far as Franconia, Friesland, Saxony and Switzerland, and it was becoming clear that any “buffer states” would have to remain under occupation. In addition, German shipping out of Friesland and Venice had been threatening trade and supply routes, a situation Umar refused to tolerate.

In the east, the uneasy truce with the Byzantines was maintained, but both the Egyptians and the resurgent Turks made ineffectual attacks on the Almohad territory. Fortunately Umar had excellent commanders in these areas, including his cousin Mohammed al Mu’tamid and the Bedouin Amir of Sinai, Buluggin. In 1228 Buluggin invaded and conquered the Turks in Edessa while Mohammed fended off several Egyptian jihads. In 1235 further efforts to secure the eastern provinces were made by the Amir of Provence, who succeeded in conquering Lesser Armenia and confining the Egyptians to their last province of Rum.

It was against this background that the Golden Horde arrived on the scene.

Umar II, now 63, might have hoped that the arrival of this vast and capable army on his rivals’ flanks would prove a blessing rather than otherwise. But this was not to be. Operating westwards, the Great Khan was content to seize Khazar and Kiev before making a treaty of alliance with the Byzantines. Heading south, Mongol forces conquered Georgia and Armenia before reaching a similar accommodation with the Egyptians. It was clear their target was to reach the rich cities of the Levant, and that their chief obstacle was the Almohad army in Syria.

In the last years of his reign, Umar therefore faced the two fears that had haunted its beginning. Firstly, the Tartar threat from the east finally reached the Syrian desert. Secondly, the Byzantines chose to break the peace and attack Anatolia while simultaneously blockading the Almohad sea routes.

Despite the superiority of the Byzantine army in so many respects – better generals, better archers, better heavy cavalry – the Almohad garrison in Anatolia was able t withstand several fierce attacks. Sadly the bold General Mohammed was not to live to enjoy the fruits of victory, being cut off and slain while trying to pursue a repulsed enemy attack from the field of battle. But his valour ensured victory in the first of these encounters, and the Almohads were never to lose that initiative.
Against the Mongols in Syria, several battles were fought which followed a similar, almost repetitive pattern. The Battle of Alamut serves as a fine example. The Almohad army drew up on the hills overlooking the oasis, three units of Nubian spearmen protecting pavise arbalesters and archers positioned above and below them on the slope. In reserve behind these lines the Amir Buluggin held two units of Muwahid spearmen and a mass of Bedouin camel-riders.

The Horde attacked in swirling lines of foot-archers and heavy cavalry. Despite the superiority of Mongol numbers, their elevated position and the better accuracy of the Almohad archers gave them the advantage in these exchanges. The Mongol commander therefore sent his heavy cavalry to drive off the Almohad skirmish line – but these horsemen were soon entangled with the Nubian spearmen. At the crucial moment, Buluggin released his Muwahid fanatics through the gaps in his line, while the camels swarmed round the Mongol flanks. The Mongol horses panicked and fled under this attack, leaving their infantry to be ridden down by the charging camels. Despite casualties, Buluggin maintained the chase through the oasis and across the desert, not giving the Mongols time to rally until their second wave threatened to overrun the pursuers.

Normally, the Almohad general would have been content to withdraw and face this second wave. At Alamut, however, Buluggin realised that a more advantageous position could be reached on the opposite flank of the oasis. He therefore used the time between the repulse of the first wave and the arrival of the second to reposition his army with an impassable ridge on their right flank. The manoeuvre was completed satisfactorily in time for the second wave to receive the same treatment as the first. Buluggin had sensibly arranged his reinforcements in such a way that while his camel riders were pursuing, he could replace any archer units that were low on ammunition; and while he was defending against the next attack, he could replace his weary and depleted camel units. Casualties on both sides were high, but it was the Mongols who lost most heavily and were forced to quit the field.

Buluggin’s victory at Alamut was more or less replicated with slight variations over a number of years. The introduction of mercenary handgunners and an organ gun added to the speed with which the first wave could be broken. Mongol attempts to interrupt the routes of reinforcement or lay ambushes for pursuing forces meant that the Almohad general needed to be alert. But the consequence of each battle was the same – replaceable losses (mainly camel riders) for the Almohads, severe losses for the Golden Horde.

In 1239 Prince Ismail, having conquered the Tyrol and laid siege to Venice castle, sailed to Lesser Armenia to bolster the defences of the east against the triple Byzantine-Mongol-Egyptian threat. But he was not to stay long, for the following year he was to return to Spain to be crowned as Ismail I.

Umar II died aged 68 after a long and successful reign. His virtues were recorded as “Charmer”, Magnificent Builder,” “Magnificent Steward.” Not least would he be remembered for knocking down and rebuilding the Alhambra in Granada because “he did mislike the shadow cast by its barbican.”
Though he had not greatly expanded the empire he inherited from his father, he had provided more than adequately for its defence. He had prepared the way for the campaigns which his own son, Ismail I, would wage for the next thirty-five years...

Bregil the Bowman

04-01-2007, 02:35

Umar II died aged 68 after a long and successful reign. His virtues were recorded as “Charmer”, Magnificent Builder,” “Magnificent Steward.” Not least would he be remembered for knocking down and rebuilding the Alhambra in Granada because “he did mislike the shadow cast by its barbican.”

Just to explain last comment - I discovered that the GA points awarded for a Citadel in Granada are lost if you build a barbican. Strange, but I suppose it spoils the aesthetic.

nara shikamaru

04-01-2007, 06:12

Thought I'd share my Russian campaign. High, Normal, GA. Now unlike alot of others here I can't write a good stroy about my Russian campaign, as i either don't remember some, like names and what happened when, nor do I write anything for later use, although I have some pics of something I've never seen before in the couple of years I have been playing.

Well What I remember is I wanted to get Lithuania, and create a kinnd of curtain, preventing the other factions from advancing eastward. By the time the Golden Horde came I had already conquered Lithuania, Livonia, Moldavia, Walachia, Bulgaria, Constantinople, Ryazan, and Volhynia. Now I'm letting the GH live cuz that would mean more GA points.

Now at around 1240-1260, I had started to notice my ally the Byzantines were at war with the Italians, and they were not doing so good. My plan was then to get a navy great enough to take on the Italian one out of the Mediterranean sea, and stop them in Asia Minor. Well It went well for me, I made sure to crush the Italian navy around Asia Minor, and up to Italy, I took Nicea, and Anatolia( I think, it is the province on the right of Nicea) The Italians tried to retake Nicea, but I had an army of about 1400-1500 men, mostly Halberdiers, some Boyars, Fuedal Sergeants, and arbalesters. The Italians only had about 500 men. I was able to route their army, even if my men seemed like idiots and couldn't figure out what i wanted them to do, this also brings us to the pics i took, it was of the defense of Nicea, in which I encountered something I have never seen before. I would like to apologize for the water mark, I'm using the demo version and it puts them on all pics i convert.

https://img176.imageshack.us/img176/3804/00000000dq6.th.png (https://img176.imageshack.us/my.php?image=00000000dq6.png) https://img187.imageshack.us/img187/3898/00000001ee2.th.png (https://img187.imageshack.us/my.php?image=00000001ee2.png)

Now I know someone will come along and say these aren't odd, but this was the 1st time I've ever seen a unit walk acros water in MTW.

Now to continue, after the Italians were beaten out of Asia Minor I kept up the Naval War, which was going good for me, but not the economy, I wasn't losing money but only made about 1200 florins each year. The war with Italy ended I never invaded Italy, though i think I helped the Sicilians who were at war with the Italians.

After this war I had wanted to get my ships out again, yes I rely on trade more then farming, which i slowly was, but very wearily, because the Italians still had a few ships. Well about 5-10 years after the Italian war, my ally the Byzantines attacked me in Constantinople, I was able to fend them off twice, they attacked Constantinople again, only a couple of years after the 1st attack. This like Italian war was more over a naval war then anything, at this time the Byzantines were also at war with the Sicilians, and the GH, and only had5 provinces. After alot of success at sea, I attacked them in Trebizond, the Sicilians took Greece, and the GH took Crimea from them. all the Byzantine were left with at the end was Crete, and Rhodes, and an Emperor who was over 70 years old without an heir, I killed the only heir in the attack on Trebizond. I tried to negotiate a ceasefire with the Byzantines, but the emperor died heirless, and so it no longer needed attention.

Now the last major event of my Russian Campaign was that the English sunk my ships in the English Channel, and the Bay of Biscay, called a crusade on Constantinople, and asked for a ceasefire, all in the same turn. All this happened 5-10 years after the war witht he Byzantines ended. I stoped playing after that, but I will continue later, and see what the Englisg bring when they come to Constantinople. Well That's it for now, I'll come back with more later, and maybe I'll share My Polish campaign where I own Eastern Europe, the Asian Steppes, and most of Asia Minor, and it isn't even the High period yet.

Martok

04-01-2007, 06:57

Very good, gentleman! I continue to be impressed by all the talented storytellers we seem to have here. :2thumbsup:

bamff

04-01-2007, 23:33

Now I know someone will come along and say these aren't odd, but this was the 1st time I've ever seen a unit walk acros water in MTW.

Holy halberdiers, Batman! Did your army pause post battle for a quick feed of loaves and fishes?

I have seen troops "walk" on the very edges of water before, but not that far in....

bamff

04-02-2007, 02:18

Apologies in advance - was going to include some pics, but ran into some technical difficulties. Will sort them out for Chapter 3!

A reminder again about the parameters for this campaign - XL, hard, early, GA mode.

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 2 – Iberian Expansion (1130 - 1150)

After many years of peace, the armies of Aragon are once again on the march. King Sancho II had long looked with covetous eyes across his western borders at the rich fertile lands of his Castilian neighbours. The Castilians were strong, however, so he had been able to do precious little about it – until now.
With the Aragonese crusade against the Almohads in Granada passing through Castile, a religious fervour had gripped the province. Many Castilian soldiers had left their posts to join in the holy mission to free Granada from muslim rule. With the Castilian armies reduced, Sancho decided that it was time to strike, and he directed his generals accordingly. The Castilians were all too aware of their own reduced numbers, and in both Castile and Murcia, the enemy forces fled to their strongholds.
Aragon’s rise as a European power has indeed reached far and wide. In late 1130, word arrives from distant Sweden that King Inge I offers the hand of his daughter Birgitta to Prince Ferdinand. King Sancho II accepts on behalf of his son, cementing an alliance between the two nations.
The losses of Castile and Murcia prove to be very costly indeed for the Castilian King, Alfonso. Rebellions break out in both Leon and Cordoba. Prince Pedro takes a force of almost 600 men to Cordoba to aid uprising in that province led by Don Alvaro Sanchez. The Spanish king, faced by such a force, flees north to Leon. Sanchez proves far from grateful for Aragon’s show of support, turning on the Aragonese as the new year of 1131 begins. It proves to be a fatal mistake. In the ensuing battle, 269 Cordoban loyalists and 58 Aragonese die. 104 of Sanchez’ men surrender their arms, and Cordoba becomes the latest Aragonese acquisition.
That same year, the Aragonese sponsored crusade arrives in its target province of Granada. In the fierce battle that ensues, 462 moors and 365 Christians perish. It is the cross that triumphs over the crescent on this day, and the surviving Almohads flee in disarray to their stronghold. Amir al-Hajj and his men cannot hold out for long, however, and the castle falls to Don Ferdinand de la Cerda the following year.
The Reconquista is almost complete. The sole remaining muslim province on the Iberian peninsula is Portucale, and in 1138, Aragon launches a crusade to reclaim these lands for Christendom. As these troops cross Leon in 1139, the religious fervour of the Castilians sees many nobles and other troops take up arms to join the crusade against the Almohads.
1139 is a year which brings great sadness to Aragon, as the nation’s second king, the much loved Sancho II passes peacefully in his sleep. King Garc I is crowned, and vows to continue the great works of his father.
The Portugese, apparently believing that a change of monarch in Aragon may cause some confusion or disharmony within the realm, advance into Cordoba. Upon surveying the strength of the local garrison, however, the Portugese troops promptly wheel about and march back to Algarve. It is a grave embarrassment to the Portugese monarch, and worse news awaits him upon his return to Algarve. Many are questioning his ability to lead a nation given that he could not even control his army, and rebellion breaks out.
The Castilian Spanish have long been suspected of covertly plotting against Aragon. Whilst there is no hard evidence that the Spaniards have indeed taken any action against Aragon, the finger of suspicion is reason enough for King Garc to justify his next action as King. With the Castilian forces in Leon reduced by virtue of so many men joining the Aragonese crusade on Leon, the province is ripe for the taking, and in 1144 King Garc orders his armies to advance.
Unfortunately for King Garc, however, his allies the English are ready to seize the opportunity afforded them by this westward movement of the Aragonese armies. The vile treachery of the English unfolds in a two-pronged attack, with one column marching east into Toulouse, and the other south into Aragon itself. The garrison in Toulouse is too few in number to resist, and all retreat to the stronghold to await the inevitable English siege. King Garc himself leads the defence of Aragon, choosing a field near the ancient city of Zaragoza to make his stand.
It proves to be a dark day indeed for Aragon. Outnumbered and outmanouvered by the more mobile English army, the Aragonese force fights bravely. Just as it appears that they are on the verge of an unlikely victory, King Garc’s charger falls. Dazed, and weighed down by his armour, the king is too slow to avoid the troop of hobilars that bears down on him as he struggles to regain his feet. News of the death of the king spreads like wildfire through the Aragonese army. On top of a terrible casualty toll, it proves too much, and the remaining Aragonese troops flee the field.
King Enrique I is crowned at the tender age of 17 years. His first act as king is to swear vengeance on the treacherous English. All of Aragon is with him, and in 1145, Enrique leads the reclaimation of Aragon, while a second Aragonese army marches into Toulouse.
The English forces in Aragon had also suffered terrible casualties in the first battle of Zaragoza, and consequently the army fielded for the second battle of Zaragoza is a small force indeed. With but a handful of archers to return fire on the advancing Aragonese, the English fyrdmen, and urban militia are decimated by Aragonese arrows. The one remaining regiment of hobilars finds itself under attack from two regiments of Jinettes, and is soon routed. Even as they flee the field, the beleagured English footsoldiers are being attacked by feudal sergeants from the front, and feudal men at arms from both flanks. King Enrique himself delivers the coup de grace, charging into the English rear with his royal knights at his side. Aragon is once more in Aragonese hands! 112 English corpses litter the field, and 65 prisoners are taken. Only 13 Aragonese lives are lost.
The English forces in Toulouse withdraw in the face of the sallying Aragonese garrison.
The final hammer blow for the English falls in Aquitaine in 1146. The French have taken all provinces to the north, sealing off any hope the English commander may have entertained of either escape or support. Fresh from the recent campaigns in Aragon and Toulouse, the Aragonese troops also enjoy the weight of numbers, and are inspired to perform great deeds on the field by the treacherous English attacks of 1143. Indeed, such is the Aragonese outrage that few prisoners are taken.
A truce is negotiated with the English in 1148, allowing Enrique to focus on more pressing matters within his newly expanded realm. He turns his attention to the south once more – but not in the direction of the Almohads in Africa.
It is time to repay the Portugese for their aggression of 1144. “I have taken care of the English dogs,” muses Enrique “Now it is time to crush this Portugese flea.”
The Portugese forces are indeed weak from years of civil war, and they are able to offer little resistance to the Aragonese army. They are massacred.
Aragon now controls all of Iberia, and the provinces of Aquitaine and Toulouse. Enrique reflected happily on his achievements. In 5 short years, he had completed the Reconquista, and the armies of England and Portugal had been subdued. Enrique felt that Aragon was secure, and that the time was right to look further afield. The holy lands in the east were still under muslim rule. It was only right that all Catholics should seek to return these lands to the bosom of Christianity….and there was no more staunchly Catholic nation in Europe than Aragon….
As the year 1150 drew to a close, the drums of war were once more beating in the heart of an Aragonese king…

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1000

Martok

04-03-2007, 00:10

bamff

04-04-2007, 02:27

Well done, bamff! I admit it was quite a pleasure seeing the English get their well-deserved comeuppance. ~D

I'm a little surprised they actually had the stones to invade you, though. I usually don't see the English do much in the south of their lands, unless it's to invade and occupy a still-independent Navarre. :inquisitive:

I was more than a little surprised myself when it happened, I can tell you!

That's two big surprises in this XL campaign (the first being the altered map with Toulouse joined to other french provinces). Surprises are good, though. I am looking forward to meeting some of the new unit types....

Innocentius

04-04-2007, 16:17

Fantastic as always, bamff! Long live the reconquista!~:cheers:

Me, I have finally pulled myself together to start a new campaign. I was about to start a Teutonic Order campaign, but then King Kurt beat me to it. I then went for a Bohemian campaign but it turned out too similar to my latest Bohemian campaign. So then I looked to the Iberian but figured it would be pretty lame to start another Aragonese campaign next to bamff's and the Portugese never appealed to me, so in the end I went for the Polish. I know Galagros is already running one, but since mine will be in XL it'll hopefully turn out differently.
Now, I've never been very good as the Poles, and this time I decided to play on Hard for a change, so hopefully I'm up for a real challenge. This campaign is played in Hard, Early XL, GA.

The rise of Poland and the reign of Wladyslaw I: 1087 - 1107 A.D.

In the year 1087 of our Lord, Poland is but a minor kingdom in the outskirts of the catholic world. The previous 100 years have seen the kingdom being carved out from the rock that is the pagan Slav cultures, of which much still remain. It has been a defining period for the christianised Slavs and all of Christianity for that matter.
The Holy Roman Empire has earned itself a new ally to the east, a bastion between them and the pagans of the distant east. The Pope in Rome now has a new archdiocese and several new dioceses to see to, and for the Christian Kievans and the people of Novgorod, this means that their Christian brothers are no longer as far away, although the pagan peoples of the Lithuanians and the Cumans still separate them.
This new and relatively underdeveloped kingdom is ruled by King Wladyslaw I, 32 years old, who only recently ascended to the throne after the death of his father. His reign is to see the rise of Poland.

Wladyslaw I was an ambitious man who wished to continue on the path staked out by his forefathers. To the north and east of his kingdom were small and independent Slav kingdoms, still praising the pagan gods of old.
To his south were his catholic brothers the Hungarian Magyars, and the pagan tribe known as the Cumans.
To the west lay the mighty Holy Roman Empire and the not quite so mighty kingdom of Bohemia. As Wladyslaw was to prove during his reign, he was a man able to use the conflicts of both his friends and foes to his own benefit.

Wladyslaw's first action as king was to ally with his neighbours to the west, the Bohemians. Although brothers in faith, he put little trust to the Holy Roman Empire and its greedy emperor. Bohemia and king Vratislav II was a much more trustworthy ally, and one that in part shared the same ambitions as Poland. More importantly, they both feared the might of the Emperor. An alliance between the two countries would provide some help in a war against the Empire. Then, with his western borders secured, he turned his gaze northwards.
The pagan kingdom of Pomerania was his aim. The lands of Pomerania were wealthy, and should he not seize them for himself soon enough, the Holy Roman Empire would conquer them for sure. Also, spreading the words of Christianity was a deed that would surely be appreciated by the Pope (and by all Christianity really).
Thus, in 1088, a great Polish army under personal command of King Wladyslaw marched into Pomerania. The Pomeranians put up little resistance, and fled to their strongholds and hillforts. For two whole years the war raged on, and Wladyslaw marched his men through Pomerania, everywhere driving the pagans out and piece by piece conquering the lands. After a long and tiresome war, the Poles finally stormed and took the last stronghold of the pagans in 1090, and all of Pomerania was declared subject to the Crown of Poland.
Immediately, the task of baptizing the population began. This was a slow process however, and many pagans still dwelled in these lands by the time of Wladyslaw's death.
Crown Prince Wladyslaw and Prince Casimir, who had come of age in 1089 and 1091 respectively, however longed for glory and would not settle merely with this, particularly not Casimir who had been too young to participate in the Pomeranian wars. With the blessing of their father, the two young brothers commanded an army invading the pagan lands of Prussia in 1092. Again, the war raged on for two years, and it was not until 1094 that the last pagan hillfort was finally conquered and burned down. In the same year, Prince Wladyslaw celebrated this conquest by marrying Princess Maria of Kiev, while Casimir married Margrethe of Norway the very next year.

Despite its conquests and great achievments Poland now fell into an economic crisis. The treasuries were almost empty and the meagre income brought by the harsh lands of the realm was not enough. A famine struck Pomerania in 1098 and a revolt almost broke out, but King Wladyslaw travelled there from Greater Poland in time to settle things down. Still, many perished and still more suffered that year.
It was these rough times that prevented the Poles from assisting their allies the Bohemians in their war against the Holy Roman Empire in the very last years of the 11th century. The Bohemians and King Vratislav II figured that attack was the best defence as the Emperor had been mustering great amount of troops down in Austria lately. These troops were in fact recruited to defend against the invading Hungarians, but that was beyond Vratislav's knowledge.
He invaded Franconia in 1097 and was successful, but Bohemia itself was invaded from Bavaria the next year, forcing him to retreat home. He did however defeat the Germans, and the Emperor himself was caught and executed during the battle, weakening the Empire enough for the Bohemians to recover.

During these last years of the 11th century a new threat rose to Poland. The pagan tribe known as the Cumans - or Kipchaks - had long troubled the Hungarians and often threatened their borders. Particularly the lands of Carpathia suffered in these wars, and often switched owners. King Wladyslaw knew that his catholic brothers could not hold out against the Cumans indefinitely, especially not now that they were at war with the Holy Roman Empire.
In 1099, the Cumans invaded the Slav lands of Volhynia, defeating the inhabitants in a large battle and thereafter pillaging the lands. Now, a long strip of pagan held lands separated Poland from Kiev, something Wladyslaw could not tolerate. In 1102, Poland had recovered enough strength to launch an invasion of Volhynia. Prince Casimir commanded the army, and Prince Wladyslaw travelled to Lesser Poland to defend it should it be attacked from Moldavia.
The moment was well chosen; the Cumans had recently been defeated by the Hungarians in Carpathia, and the better part of their armies were down in Wallachia, were they could not harm or threaten the Polish.
The Cumans were indeed taken by surprise as they had not expected the Polish to attack them, and they fled with great haste as Casimir approached. They left not a single man to defend their lands, and thus Volhynia fell to the Polish without a single casualty on either side.
Further Polish expansion was prevented however, as the Cumans soon retook the lands of Carpathia, and many steppe warriors rode from the distant lands of Khazar into Levidia, putting pressure on the Polish borders. A famine in Silesia in 1105 also helped secure that the Polish finances were too weak for further recruiting. Thus the position was locked.
In 1107, King Wladyslaw I passed away in an illness after 20 years on the throne. Wladyslaw would always be remembered for his capability in politics, and for conquering such vast areas of land without any major sieges or battles. Perhaps not a king of great valour and glory, he had been a king of great wisdom and sense, and had taken his kingdom through many tough periods while at the same time expanding it.
He was succeeded by his son Wladyslaw, who was crowned King Wladyslaw II in the spring of 1107.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1107:
https://img240.imageshack.us/img240/6922/campmapbe6.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Wladyslaw II:
https://img240.imageshack.us/img240/307/wlad1sl4.th.png (https://img240.imageshack.us/my.php?image=wlad1sl4.png)

Martok

04-04-2007, 23:20

Good job so far, Innocentius! You're definitely in for a challenge, especially since you neighbor the oft-powerful Cumans. The best of luck to you! :thumbsup:

Galagros

04-05-2007, 11:42

Don't worry about me Innocentius, as I said earlier ... my campaign turned sour so I abandoned it. I've recently been playing around with Chivalry Total War, which is why I have not posted anything here. :sweatdrop:

King Kurt

04-05-2007, 13:37

Martok

As my most avid reader, consider this an early easter present!! I have been meaning to write this for about 2 weeks, I hope you enjoy it.

The long awaited second episode of King Kurt’s Teutonic campaign!!

AN UNEXPECTED WAR

Lars Lindinman gripped the ship’s rail as his weathered face scanned the horizon. The pale rays of weak spring sunshine light up the sky as grey clouds scudded over the headland. The bustle of activity pulled his attention back to his crew busily preparing the ship for action. All clutter was being bound down, arrows and crossbow bolts were being put in place, the canvas screens lashed to the rails. He watched with grim pleasure as his crew went through their well practised routine, except this was no practice. Lars was the admiral of the small Teutonic fleet sent to open up the waters of the Skagerrak for the new Teutonic Order empire. His and the other 3 ships of his charge had experienced initial success, establishing strong trade links with their good allies the Danes. But their last trip to Copenhagen had brought worrying news. The Danes had heard from various sources in the inns on the quay that a powerful Swedish fleet was waiting to ambush Lars when he put to sea. Initially this seemed unbelievable – Sweden was an ally and good trade partner – but several sources had confirmed this, so Lars opted for caution and prepared to fight. He and several of his captains were veterans of many battles in the Mediterranean and these longboats could be no worse than the Turkish galleys which were their normal foe. These Vikings would find his caravels packed a few surprises.

The chords of the ratting lines sang as the ship sailed as close to the wind as it dared. The other 3 ships of Lars’s fleet stretched in line astern behind them. Lars anticipated that, if an attack was coming, it would be soon. He was hugging the right hand side of a channel with the open sea before him – the more normal route would have been the left, but Lars wanted sea room as he anticipated the Swedes would be hidden by the left bank’s headland, ready to ambush the unsuspecting ships. True enough, as they reached the mouth of the channel, 8 longboats sprung for the shore, their bows leaping from the surge of the oarsmen pulling hard to move the sleek ships through the water. Lars kept his course true as the Swedish boats narrowed the gap between them and his ships. His experienced eye noticed the small mistakes creeping into the movement of the longboats as their haste to close the gap caused a bunching in the Swedish fleet as they battled the wind and waves. The last boat in the line was the obvious target of the Swedes and Lars had boosted the crew in that boat to help repulse any attack. As the Swedes closed, Lars waited for the right moment. Just as it seemed that the Swedes would catch and overwhelm the last ship, Lars unfurled the red signal flag on his main mast. With practised swiftness, the first 3 ships of the line bore away from the wind, their sails filling with the increasing breeze. The ships turned into a line abreast and bore down on the Swedish longboats. Lars leapt to the bow as his ship closed with the rear of the group of longboats. Next to him stood the first mate, carefully aiming the pivot crossbow high in the ship’s bow. When in range he fired and the deadly bolt pinned the longboat’s steersman to the prow, causing his boat to slew into its neighbour. Almost immediately Lars’s boat struck the midships of the first longboat, smashing the boat in two. The ship’s keel bore over the boat to crash into the second longboat turning it into matchwood, its crew, weighed down with their mail shirts, struggling in the water.

Lars glanced to his left – to watch the other two boats have similar success, sinking 2 longboats between them. The remaining Swedish boats now looked to run for cover, but the archers on all 4 ships were now showering the retreating boats with arrows and casualties in the crew made their progress ragged. Many of the arrows were wrapped in rags soaked in oil, which were set alight by small braziers placed around the raised castles on the high sided sailing ships. Plumes of smoke rose from the longboats despite frantic efforts of the crews. Soon it was all over, the mid morning breeze tinged with the acrid smell of burning wood and tar. A few sorry Swedish sailors had been dragged from the sea, but most had perished in in the cold waters of the Baltic.

Word of the Teutonic victory spread like wildfire round the Baltic. Grandmaster Volquin called an emergency meeting of the Grand Order. This treachery by the Swedes would be punished. Over the next 3 years, the Order waged a swift, savage war against the Swedes routing their armies and storming their castles. Despite a rebuke from the Pope, all the Swedish lands were in the Order’s hands, including the fabled weapon shops of Stockholm, makers of the finest blades in the north. At this peak of his success, Grandmaster Volquin past away, leaving his heir Karl to take his place.

There followed a period of relative calm. Karl was an uninspiring leader, more interested in looking at the sun through the webbing between his fingers than conquering new lands. The Order’s armies were refurbished and brought up to strength and all the while a cautious eye was cast towards the east from where tales of the relentless advance of the Mongol horde filled the mead halls with worried faces. Volquin’s dying words had been to beware the Tartars and to let other nations bear the brunt. But now the Order’s treasury was looking increasingly bare, the cost of keeping an army to face the Horde was a severe drain.

One summer’s morning, Grandmaster Karl walked the battlements of Viljandi castle as per normal. The sun felt warm on his shoulders and a blackbird sang in the castle’s market garden as Karl jumped onto his favourite parapet to hold his hand up to the sun. “Look at the pretty colours” he shouted. His personal courtier mumbled his normal affirmation while admiring one of the under maids pinning washing on a line below. His idyll was shattered by a crack and a shout as a piece of poorly fitted masonry broke away from the parapet and pitched Karl into the courtyard below. The under maid ran to her royal master, but, save for a murmured “It was a pretty colour”, it was too late. Later that day, the Grand Council of the Teutonic Order turned to their new Grandmaster to hear his first commands. “Gentlemen, for too long we have been inactive. The time for action is upon us.” The hearty cheers resounded round the chamber and the festival of the wake caroused long into the night.

REFLECTION.
A first I think – a report on a MTW naval battle!! It was the deciding event in this period, so I used the bare facts and a little imagination to flesh it out. This destroyed the Swedish navy, enabling me to invade Sweden with impunity. A regrouping followed, coupled with a weak leader, setting the scene for the next episode…. Which I hope to write soon.

Martok

04-05-2007, 20:52

Innocentius

04-06-2007, 16:09

Err...I decided to end my Polish campaign after realising Hard is not for me...When two units of UM can't take down a unit of Spearmen, that's just beyond me:sweatdrop:

King Kurt

04-06-2007, 19:28

Bravo, King Kurt! I suspect you're right in that's the first account of an MTW naval battle we've seen -- and it's no surprise you were up to the task of telling it. That was very well done. :2thumbsup:

So I have to ask: What kind of stats did Grandmaster Karl boast? It sounded like he may have been a bit....unhinged. :inquisitive:

By the way, how much time (in game years) passed during this last AAR? I'm just curious as to the time frame. :book:

Karl did have the webbed fingers v&v and was preety average - it also coincided with a quiet period. The time scale was 1229 to 1243.
More to come - including the next expansion in the Teuton empire!!

Martok

04-06-2007, 19:36

Err...I decided to end my Polish campaign after realising Hard is not for me...When two units of UM can't take down a unit of Spearmen, that's just beyond me:sweatdrop:
Wuss. ~;p

Just kidding! I think if I tried playing the Polish on hard, I would quickly end up in the fetal position and cry like a little girl. I'm impressed you even made the attempt! :yes: So are you going to try the Polish again (albeit on Normal, presumably)?

Karl did have the webbed fingers v&v and was preety average - it also coincided with a quiet period. The time scale was 1229 to 1243.
More to come - including the next expansion in the Teuton empire!!
Sweet. I'm looking forward to it. :2thumbsup:

Innocentius

04-06-2007, 20:19

So are you going to try the Polish again (albeit on Normal, presumably)?

Yes. :yes: Though I wish I could play with the strategic AI at Hard while the battle AI remained at Normal...:juggle2: Also, I am running out of interesting factions to play. If only the Lithuanians or Kievans had any good cavalry units I'd love to try them out. Sadly, they don't.

Innocentius

04-07-2007, 14:56

I'd like to begin with an excuse, as the first few paragraphs of this post will be exactly the same as in my previous one. In all, this first episode of the AAR is very similar to my last one since the chronology is exactly the same (my king even died in the same year!). I hope you can live with this though.
Switching to Normal (Early XL, GA) changed the game dramatically, and now I feel I don't have to outnumber my enemies 3:1 to stand a chance. This means more action (i.e. battles) so hopefully that'll add some spice the story. Anyway, here you go:

The rise of Poland and the reign of Wladyslaw I: 1087 - 1107 A.D.

In the year 1087 of our Lord, Poland is but a minor kingdom in the outskirts of the catholic world. The previous 100 years have seen the kingdom being carved out from the rock that is the pagan Slav cultures, of which much still remain. It has been a defining period for the christianised Slavs and all of Christianity for that matter.
The Holy Roman Empire has earned itself a new ally to the east, a bastion between them and the pagans of the distant east. The Pope in Rome now has a new archdiocese and several new dioceses to see to, and for the Christian Kievans and the people of Novgorod, this means that their Christian brothers are no longer as far away, although the pagan peoples of the Lithuanians and the Cumans still separate them.
This new and relatively underdeveloped kingdom is ruled by King Wladyslaw I, 32 years old, who only recently ascended to the throne after the death of his father. His reign is to see the rise of Poland.

Wladyslaw I was an ambitious man who wished to continue on the path staked out by his forefathers. To the north and east of his kingdom were small and independent Slav kingdoms, still praising the pagan gods of old.
To his south were his catholic brothers the Hungarian Magyars, and the pagan tribe known as the Cumans.
To the west lay the mighty Holy Roman Empire and the not quite so mighty kingdom of Bohemia. As Wladyslaw was to prove during his reign, he was a man able to use the conflicts of both his friends and foes to his own benefit.

Wladyslaw's first action as king was to ally with his neighbours to the west, the Bohemians. Although brothers in faith, he put little trust to the Holy Roman Empire and its greedy emperor. Bohemia and king Vratislav II was a much more trustworthy ally, and one that in part shared the same ambitions as Poland. More importantly, they both feared the might of the Emperor. An alliance between the two countries would provide some help in a war against the Empire. Then, with his western borders secured, he turned his gaze northwards.
The pagan kingdom of Pomerania was his aim. The lands of Pomerania were wealthy, and should he not seize them for himself soon enough, the Holy Roman Empire would conquer them for sure. Also, spreading the words of Christianity was a deed that would surely be appreciated by the Pope (and by all Christianity really).
Thus, in 1088 a small army under personal command of King Wladyslaw marched into Pomerania. His ambition was to convince the Pomeranians to accept Christendom and submit to the Crown of Poland by displaying both his might as well as his friendly intentions. The King of the Pomeranians however refused to even see Wladyslaw, and instead prepared to drive the "invaders" out.
On June 12 a Pomeranian force - apparently larger than the Polish one - ambushed King Wladyslaw and his army as they were travelling through the country. Little is known about the battle except from what the - hardly reliable - Wladyslaw Chronicle, written shortly after the King's death, tells us:

And a great many of the Pomeranians
Foolishly ambushed the King
But they were all slain
For the strength of Wladyslaw
None could resist

The King of Pomerania - who remains unnamed in all sources - then fled to the neighbouring kingdom of Prussia, were he spent the rest of his life in exile.

After the battle, apparently all resistance in Pomerania failed and the lands submitted to both Christendom and King Wladyslaw. As a sign of his kindness, King Wladyslaw held a great feast in the celebration of his son Wladyslaw's sixteenth birthday, to which all the leading nobles (as well as a few commoners) were invited.
The conflict with the pagans and the now exiled King of Pomerania was not settled though, and King Wladyslaw dispatched emissaries to the Duke of Prussia, asking him to hand over the King of Pomerania. The Duke showed nothing but hate towards the Christians however, and sent the emissary back a head shorter. Outraged by this, Wladyslaw sent his sons Wladyslaw and his younger brother Casimir with a great army into Prussia in 1092 A.D. The Duke was indeed surprised and shocked by this, and noting the size of the force, he decided to retreat to his strongholds and outlast the enemy rather than meet him on the battlefield. Thus a long campaign of chasing the Duke of Prussia and his friend the ex-king of Pomerania across the lands began, a hunt that would last for two years.
The year 1092 also brought good news, as it was announced that Prince Wladyslaw would marry Princess Flora of Venice as soon as he returned from the campaign. Also, Pope Urban II showed his gratitude and sent a sum of 1000 Florins to King Wladyslaw in recognition of his services of God and the Holy Church.
In 1094 The Duke of Prussia and the former King of Pomerania were finally captured as their last stronghold, Königsberg Castle, fell to the Polish. They, along with all their men, were immediately executed. After this demonstration of power most inhabitants of Prussia followed the people of Pomerania and accepted Christendom and King Wladyslaw as their ruler.
The heavy work of baptizing the pagans now began, and Wladyslaw showed that he was a man who knew how to use the will of other to his own benefit. He asked Pope Urban II for another 1000 Florins to erect churches and found dioceses in Pomerania and Prussia to further the words of Christendom. His wish was of course accepted.

The Battle of Gorodok
King Wladyslaw's wars against the pagan Slavs continued in 1097 as he sent his son Prince Wladyslaw with a great army to invade the last of still pagan Slav kingdoms: Volhynia.
The Volhynians, confident in their numbers, rode out to fight the Polish in the field. They chose the fields outside the village of Gorodok not far from Lviv as the battlefield. At first, they laughed as the spotted the Polish in the distant. The Polish brought along with them mostly infantry, while they themselves fought on horseback, armed with bows. They had only brought a single unit of spearmen. The little cavalry that Wladyslaw brought was well trained and armoured however, and although not as fast as the Volhynian horse archers: much stronger.
The Volhynians began the battle by trying to encircle the Polish by riding around them on the flanks. The Polish were however protected by a small wood on their left flank, and on the Polish right flank, Wladyslaw's only unit of horse arches rode out to distract the Volhynians. The Volhynians took the bait, sending two units of their own men to chase down the isolated men, while the rest of their army approached the main body of the Polish army. The Volhynian horse archers were then lured away from the main battle, and Slav warriors, recruited by Wladyslaw in Prussia, along with some militiamen from Greater Poland then followed them, and when the horse arches had been lured into the woods, they were attacked from behind by the infantry, resulting in the death of the Volhynian general and the extinction of the horsemen.
The main battle proceeded as follows: The Volhynian horse archers rode up to Wladyslaw's men, and engaged in an archery duel. They were however beaten, as the dismounted archers were able to fire much more accurately, while a solid wall of spears and shields formed by the Polish infantry prevented the Volhynians from riding the Poles down. Then, just as the screams of their dying brothers now far off in the woods were heard, Prince Wladyslaw and his knights and many retainers fell in their flank, totally disrupting their force. The Volhynian spearmen desperately hurried to their aid, but were intercepted by the Polish spearmen. The better armed Poles soon chased the Volhynians off, and thus, the battle was over. Prince Wladyslaw ordered no prisoners to be taken.
https://img248.imageshack.us/img248/9568/battle2oz8.jpg (https://imageshack.us)
Note that Wladyslaw has 11 in valour, even though he gained none!

Some resistance remained in Volhynia however, but the war was put to an end in early 1098 as Lviv Castle itself was stormed and fell to Wladyslaw. In recognition of his services of God, King Wladyslaw was granted yet another 1000 Florins from Pope Urban.
With all the pagan Slav kingdoms conquered, King Wladyslaw was now able to rule for the rest of his life in peace. Indeed, he looked uneasily to the south, were the pagan Cumans had begun to threaten the Kingdom of Hungary, and in Carpathia many bloody battles and sieges stood. Yet he took no action in these wars, not wishing to engage in further conflicts unless absolutely necessary.
The early 12th century saw the fall of the Holy Roman Empire. The Empire got engaged in many wars, and after its assault on the Venetians the Emperor was excommunicated by the Pope. In 1102 the Pope called for a crusade against the Germans, and many Catholic dynasties and kingdoms now turned their attention to the Empire and invaded it. Civil war soon broke out, and King Wladyslaw was not late to exploit this. In 1104 he convinced Ludwig Zirn in Brandenburg to join the Kingdom of Poland by handing him a neat sum of money. By all means this was a win-win situation for Zirn, who gladly accepted, as he would not just get the much needed Florins, he would also get the protection of the King of Poland. Without that protection he would surely had been invaded just like most of the other small, independent and weak little duchies and chiefs formed by the civil war.

In 1107, King Wladyslaw I passed away in an unknown illness. His memory would live forever with the Polish people, as he had expanded and developed the Kingdom, making it a power to be counted on in European politics. Of course, Wlatyslaw had only begun what his descendants would finish, but indeed he founded the new Kingdom of Poland. He was succeeded by his son Wladyslaw, who was crowned King Wladyslaw II of all Poland, Pomerania, Prussia and Volhynia, Duke of Brandenburg.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1107:
https://img241.imageshack.us/img241/9420/campmapxe3.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Wladyslaw II:
https://img92.imageshack.us/img92/2338/wlad1az0.th.png (https://img92.imageshack.us/my.php?image=wlad1az0.png)

Bregil the Bowman

04-08-2007, 14:47

Part Three of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

The year 1240 saw the deaths of both Umar II and Edward III of England. While Umar was able to present his heirs with a strong, united realm, Edward’s legacy collapsed into chaos as powerful baronial families like the Scropes and the Staffords established their own petty kingdoms. That was to be England’s fate for more than a generation; while the Almohads would go from strength to strength under Ismail I.

The first decade of Ismail’s reign was dominated by the wars he had inherited from Umar II, against Byzantium, the Holy Roman Empire and the Golden Horde. It was in the German states where Ismail’s policy was first felt. He reversed the strategy of creating neutral “buffer states,” instead actively developing the conquered territory and converting the populace. Indeed Ismail was noted for his extensive mosque building and his use of religious agents, both Ulama and the more shady sect of Syrian Assassins. Not surprisingly this had a tendency to sour diplomatic relations with the Christian world.

On the Syrian border, Ismail’s youngest brother, Idris, commanded several defensive battles following a similar pattern to those fought by Buluggin and others (see previous post). These sufficed to weaken the Horde’s offensive capability, though not to open the way for a counter attack into Armenia.

Against the Byzantines, forces were evenly matched across land borders and neither could launch an all out assault without suffering heavy casualties. But with the advantage of superior sea power, the Almohads could strike anywhere on the coast. A tactic of landing smaller forces in weaker provinces and then trying to draw the Byzantine armies into attacking against concentrated Almohad forces developed. By careful manoeuvre, the Qadi al Quda was able to lure an army out of Constantinople and then lay siege to the city. Meanwhile first Nicaea and then Trebizond fell to the army operating out of Anatolia. For the Byzantine emperor, disaster loomed.

Trebizond presented a strategic dilemma. On the one hand, it was imperative to deny the Byzantines a strong base from which to conduct operations in Asia Minor. On the other hand, the alliance between the Great Khan, the Sultan and the Byzantine Emperor meant that any Mongol invasions had to cross the Syrian Desert, a feat proven impossible in successive battles. The conquest of Trebizond would open a second front in terrain more suitable for the superlative Mongol Heavy Cavalry.

The defeat of an army sent from Trebizond to relieve the siege of Constantinople presented too good an opportunity to be scorned, and the Almohads forced the survivors back to the walls of Trebizond castle. The following year the besieging force was driven off by a large Mongol army, but the Mongols were obliged to withdraw to avoid breaking the alliance with Byzantium. The following year the Almohads attacked the surviving garrison, but then an extraordinary mishap occurred for both sides – the tiny garrison of defenders was killed while undertaking counter-siege measures, with the result that the war-weary citizens opened their gates to the reluctant conquerors.

The next year the Great Khan Chagatai invaded the province, only to find himself besieged the following year. Two bloody battles followed in which the Mongols failed to dislodge the Almohad expedition, the mercenary handgunners and Saharan cavalry proving themselves particularly effective. Losses were heavy on both sides, and in each battle the quivers of three or four waves of arbalesters were exhausted. These battles were to settle the war in Asia Minor for the time being – not again in Ismail’s reign were the Mongols to risk open battle against his generals.

In order to consolidate the border, Ismail decided it was time at last for the Egyptian Sultan as-Salih II to bow to the Almohad throne. As-Salih (aged 38, “Great Warrior,” “Captivating Nature”) died defending Iconium Castle in 1259 rather than submitting. With him fell the Egyptian dynasty.

In the Balkans, the Qadi’s forces were able to defend the line of the Danube, with Croatia changing hands several times before falling to a Jihad army. Operations were briefly hampered by the intervention of the Sicilian fleet, but by 1257 the Balkan coast was securely held from Croatia to Bulgaria.

In Europe, Sweyn IV of Denmark attempted to annex Saxony, which was still lightly garrisoned. His besieging army was roundly defeated within a year, his Royal Knights beaten by a force including many mercenaries – the English longbowmen and Khwarazmian horsemen performed particularly well. Further defeat in Denmark was to follow. Besieged in turn, Sweyn was to die at the hand of a Muslim fanatic within the walls of Roskilde. With his sons dead or captured, the kingdom fell into chaos. Occupation of Denmark was not Ismail’s plan. His troops withdrew and he began the diplomatic steps that would eventually place Hardeknud, Sweyn’s grandson, on the throne in 1265.

The siege of Venice, initiated and abandoned by Ismail as a general, was at last completed and the German shipyards were destroyed. A holding garrison was then itself attacked by a Sicilian force responding to a Papal call-to-arms. Venice fell to Sicily in 1256, and in the same year a Sicilian crusade set out with the intention of recapturing Valencia by an overland route. This ambitious project fell into ruin when, having by passed a small Tyrolian garrison, the Crusaders failed to dislodge a makeshift Almohad force from a steep Swiss slope. The disaster was complete - shamefully routed by peasants, faris, spearmen, archers and militia, the Crusader force found its path to safety blocked by the sallying Tyrolians. The survivors were sold into slavery.

War with Sicily and her small but wide-ranging navy interrupted trade and logistics – briefly. Within a few year, the Sicilian captains had been hunted down and defeated, just as the Byzantines and Germans had been. The dhow and the baggala had unquestioned mastery of the seas now.

The last decade of Ismail’s reign was dominated by the military exploits of his three sons. Ibrahim, the eldest, conquered Moldavia, captured the Emperor Alexius II and reduced the Byzantine presence in the Balkans to a tiny garrison in Hungary. Mohammed and his associates recaptured Venice from the Sicilians (1265) and took Swabia, Bavaria, Austria and Milan from the Holy Roman Empire, leaving Bohemia as the Emperor’s final refuge. And Abdullah, having aided (and on one occasion rescued) his eldest brother in the Balkans, then led a daring seaborne invasion of the Crimea to trap the Emperor Michael IX.

The final act of Ismail’s reign was to commence to conquest of Britain. At the time of his death in 1275, Wales had fallen and Mercia was under siege.

His legacy included an expanded empire - covering more than two-thirds of Europe - and a thoroughly modernised army. Under his leadership, gunpowder was developed so that the Almohads were no longer reliant on mercenary gunners but were able to field a formidable siege train of mortars and demi-cannons. The introduction of Armenian cavalry at last provided an effective heavy cavalry arm.

But he would chiefly be remembered for his mosque-building – including the Great Mosque of Jerusalem – and his liberal use of religious agents. In the latter half of his reign there was no country in Europe where his ulama had not penetrated, and their influence may be noted by the fact that when the Catholic King Hardeknud was restored to his grandfather’s throne in 1266, the Danish population was 84% Muslim. It is not to be wondered, then, that Ismail’s relations with the Christian world were soured to a degree that cost him all his alliances and threatened his heirs with the prospect of Total War in Europe...

edyzmedieval

04-09-2007, 11:30

Martok, can I borrow some horses from Mithrandir's stables? I wish to run as fast as I can to MTW, not with some stinky and lazy camel. :grin:

caravel

04-09-2007, 13:05

Martok, can I borrow some horses from Mithrandir's stables? I wish to run as fast as I can to MTW, not with some stinky and lazy camel. :grin:
Is M2TW that bad then?? ~:eek:

edyzmedieval

04-09-2007, 16:50

To me? Yes. It's an enjoyable game, but still, it doesn't beat MTW.

Innocentius

04-09-2007, 17:08

The reign of King Wladyslaw II: 1107 - 1145 A.D.

When Wladyslaw ascended to the throne at the age of 34 he inherited a young and fragile kingdom from his father. On all fronts except perhaps in the west was his kingdom surrounded by potential enemies; pagans and heretics.
The Lithuanians - although powerful and fierce - were however involved in a never-ending war with the Princes of Kiev, and thus it was the nomad people known as the Cumans to the south that presented the largest threat to the young kingdom.
Despite the seemingly uneasy situation Poland and Wladyslaw enjoyed many years of peace at first and Wladyslaw took the opportunity to further develop the farmlands throughout the kingdom, and investing in the construction of copper mines i Brandenburg. He also invested in constructing fleets to finally allow Poland to trade with other kingdoms around the Baltic Sea. This trade was very lucrative indeed, and when the first Polish fleet of barques first entered the seas in 1112, this meant a welcome buffer to the Polish treasuries. It was not until 1114 - after more than 15 years of peace - that Poland again prepared for war.
The previous year, 1113, the Byzantines had invaded the Cuman lands of Moldavia, splitting the Cuman lands in two. With the Cuman main armies and their Khan trapped in Moldavia, King Wladyslaw saw an excellent opportunity to launch a raid into the relatively undefended lands of Levidia. This was to prove a mistake however.
In the early summer of 1114, Prince Casimir, Wladyslaw's brother, marched with a great army from Volhynia and into Levidia. Casimir had expected the outnumbered Cumans to flee for their lives, but they did not. Instead Prince Batu and Prince Möngke rode with their personal escorts down from the lands of Khazar to defend their lands. Even with the princes and their bodyguards, the Cumans were still heavily outnumbered and Casimir decided to fight them, hoping to capture both Batu and Möngke and then claiming a massive ransom for them.
The battle that followed was fierce, and the outnumbered Cumans fought with such a bravery that they deeply impressed Casimir who was only able to pull through a Pyrrhic victory. It was only Polish superiority in numbers that won the day.
https://img402.imageshack.us/img402/6868/battle1ql2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Among the few prisoners Casimir was able to take was both Batu and Möngke however, and despite his casualties Casimir now triumphed. He immediately sent words of the captivity of his sons to the Khan in Wallachia. The Khan however did not have the money to release his sons, and thus sealed their faith. Reluctantly Prince Casimir ordered the Cuman princes to be executed. It pained him greatly to slay such mighty warriors.
The raid into Levidia ultimately failed however, as the Cumans in Wallachia reclaimed Moldavia from the Byzantines in 1115. Prince Casimir now hurried back to Volhynia to defend his own borders rather than being isolated in enemy territory.
The opportunity for a new raid soon showed itself however, as the Byzantines yet again invaded the lands of Moldavia in late 1116, this time decisively defeating the Khan in a great battle of which only rumours reached King Wladyslaw. He did however see his chance, and sent words to his brother in Volhynia.
A new raid was conducted in the same way as in 1114, and many of the soldiers participating were veterans from the last campaign. This time Casimir met complete success as the Cumans retreated without a fight. The lands of Volhynia were thoroughly plundered and Casimir ordered no building higher than three feet to be left standing. In the early autumn of 1117 Casimir and his men returned back to Volhynia, leaving a barren Levidia behind them, burdened by their great loot. It is said that the returning troops were so weighed down by gold and silver that the footprints they left in the muddy roads were two feet deep.

In 1118 Bronisad Psotka, a royal emissary, was found murdered in an inn just outside Königsberg, Prussia. Although the assassin was never caught, many suspected the guilty to be an Englishman, although there was no evidence to prove anyhting.

After the successful raid in Levidia many peaceful years followed. The Cumans were busy fighting the Hungarians and the Greeks, and had little time to avenge the raid.
In the year 1124 or our Lord, Prince Leszek celebrated his sixteenth birthday, and King Wladyslaw rejoiced as the line of kings was now secured. But Prince Leszek was a strange young man who would cause a lot of trouble and nearly spell disaster for the kingdom.
Already at a young age, Leszek showed signs of being insane and devoted much of his time talking to stones and silently watching walls or floors. In 1125 he asked his father for permission to travel to Volhynia for reasons unknown. King Wladyslaw saw no harm in this, but sent with him words for Prince Casimir to travel to Prussia instead as Leszek would now replace him as defender of Volhynia. Casimir was not at all offended by this and happily travelled to Prussia where he installed himself in Königsberg. He figured Volhynia was a much more vulnerable land, open to invasion from both Moldavia and Levidia. Prince Leszek needed not worry about these borders however, as both Moldavia and Levidia fell to the Byzantines in the same year. For good.
Placing Prince Leszek in charge of the great army in Volhynia was a big mistake however, one which would engage the kingdom in a war that would last for more than 20 years.

Leszek had long been having disturbing dreams and these dreams were constantly hinting that he should travel east, always east. Glory awaited in the east, they said, and it was his task to go there. Being transferred to Volhynia was the first step towards this, but it was only after spending a whole month in Lviv staring at the same map of Europe that he realised what exactly this glory was. It was his task to capture the golden city of Kiev!
Without sending words to anyone, Leszek marched with his entire army into Kiev in the summer of 1126, leaving Volhynia undefended. The Kievans who were already engaged in war with Sweden and the people of Novgorod were taken by complete surprise, and were forced to abandon their capital to their long-term ally and neighbour. This really did not further the Polish situation. The Kievan-Polish wars had begun, and King Wladyslaw would not live to see their end.
The war put a heavy strain on the Polish economy as massive armies were needed to keep the borders safe. At first, Wladyslaw partly relied on the Prince of Novgorod to occupy the Kievans for long enough for him to pull off a decisive victory against an inferior army while the main Kievan armies were busy in the north. Believing that all was safe, King Wladyslaw and his brother Casimir invaded Lithuania from Prussia in 1130. This was the third major mistake by Wladyslaw, as Novgorod itself fell to the Kievans the same year. The Kievans then quickly hurried south into Lithuania. Seeing that he was now dramatically outnumbered, Wladyslaw retreated.
Wladyslaw now feared that the Kievan troops would invade Prussia or Volhynia, but he worried needlessly, as the Kievans wished to reclaim their capital, where Prince Leszek resided.
In 1131 they invaded, but this was foolish and despite his insanity, Leszek proved himself to be an excellent general. He chose to meet the Russians at two small bridges crossing a river running up to the mighty Dnieper. And in The first Battle of the Two Bridges the Kievans and Prince Ysevolod II suffered a terrible defeat, despite outnumbering the enemy 3:1.
The battle as long and fierce, and the Kievans were showered in arrows as they tried to cross the narrow bridge. Even Prince Ysevolod himself tried to cross, but had his entire unit of boyars slain around him and fled like the true coward he was.
At the right moment, Leszek and his knights and retainers crossed the other, nearby, bridge, and charged into the enemy’s flank. Panic soon spread through the Kievan army, and there was much confusion. Soon, the horns called for the army to retreat, but as they did so they were mercilessly cut down and the poor reinforcements who hurried to save their friends met with the same fait.
As the day settled, Prince Leszek stood victorious and more than a third of the Kievan army was either killed or captured. Long would this defeat be mourned by countless widows from the city of Kiev itself to the distant and dark woods of Chernigov and Smolensk.
https://img357.imageshack.us/img357/8626/battle2fk2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

After this terrible defeat Prince Ysevolod II showed no wish to continue the war, although he foolishly rejected all offers of peace from Wladyslaw. Already in 1140 the Kievans had gathered enough strength to continue the war, and again invaded Kiev. Prince Leszek decided to meet them at the same battlefield as in 1131, but this time the enemy numbers were just too great, and he suffered a defeat, although a defeat that neither side would benefit from.
The second Battle of the Two Bridges
https://img469.imageshack.us/img469/2532/battle3wr0.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Despite his previous reluctance to the war, King Wladyslaw now hurried with reinforcements to Kiev. Whatever he thought of the war, he would not see his eldest son be taken prisoner!
The Kievans, badly decimated by the two battles against Prince Leszek were too weak to resist, and retreated. After this, no action apart from minor border raids were taken for the rest of the now old King Wladyslaw's life. The Kievan armies in Lithuania were too great to harm, but they in turn did not dare risk and invasion of Kiev or Poland itself.

The last few years of Wladyslaw's reign saw terrible things happen. In 1143 the mad King Sweyn II of Denmark suddenly invaded Pomerania with only his personal bodyguard! This meant that Poland would now be forced to fight war at two fronts, while the Muslim Fatamids to the south - who had grown immensely powerful and conquered all of the Balkan peninsula! - threatened to open a third front.
King Sweyn however paid with his life for his madness, and to date no one really know why this foolish, not to say suicidal, attack was committed. As a response to this, Wladyslaw ordered the weak Saxony to be invaded in 1145. Furthermore, almost the entire Danish fleet was destroyed in a series of naval battles in Skagerakk and the North Sea.
The invasion of Saxony was the last action taken by King Wladyslaw II, who died in the same year at the high age of 72. If Wladyslaw had inherited a fragile kingdom, the utterly insane King Leszek would inherit a kingdom that would best be described as and uncooked egg: a soft inside with a shell so easy to crack it would take but a finger of the hand that was Europe.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1145:
https://img58.imageshack.us/img58/9721/campmapan5.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Leszek I:
https://img385.imageshack.us/img385/548/lesz1xl4.th.png (https://img385.imageshack.us/my.php?image=lesz1xl4.png)

I'm really disappointed at the Byzantines, they had an excellent opportunity to smash the Eggies while they were still "young" and weak, but oh no; instead they wasted their full military potential at invading Moldavia and the completely barren lands of Levidia. Now I might be crushed by a three-front war long before I reach the High-era and all the units that make the Catholic factions good...:thumbsdown:

Also, bear with any grammar errors or wrongly spelt words for now, I'll come back and read it through and edit the post within...not too long at least.

Martok

04-10-2007, 00:40

@Innocentius: Bravo! Even if the Polish people are suffering, your writing abilities clearly haven't. ~:cheers:

Looks like you're in the middle of a real roller-coaster ride right now. I hope you're able to hang on and survive! You're right about the Eggies being a potential threat, as the Fatamids will almost certainly wish to continue expanding westward. Probably your best hope right now is that they will first stop to deal with the Byzantines and the Seljuks -- this would give you precious time to shore up your defenses. I wish you luck, my friend! :balloon2:

Martok, can I borrow some horses from Mithrandir's stables? I wish to run as fast as I can to MTW, not with some stinky and lazy camel. :grin:
Well we do have some magnificent animals of fine Arabian stock available, deep-chested and fleet of foot. You will be required to switch back to camels once you arrive, however. ~;)

bamff

04-10-2007, 01:22

Wow! Some great write ups there! Well done all....

For what it is worth, here are my latest scribblings....

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 3 – The Annihilation of the Almohads (1150 - 1180)

While Enrique made plans for his own war in the south, war also raged to the north of Aragonese lands. Late in 1150, the English reclaimed the province of Anjou from the French, after a bloody battle. Notwithstanding this victory, the English presence on continental Europe remained tenuous at best. Normandy and Anjou were in English hands, in was true, but these two provinces were surrounded by heavily garrisoned French lands to the East and the West, and the Aragonese province of Aquitaine to the South. The Aragonese were not an immediate threat, as King Enrique I was known to be an honourable warrior, who would stand by the terms of the ceasefire agreement of 1148. The French, however, were altogether a different kettle of fish.

Fortunately for the English, the French were beset by their own problems. After years of aggression against the English, the Genoese, and the Bohemians, Pope Anselmo I issued a proclamation in 1151, excommunicating the French Monarch and his subjects, and condemning them all to eternal damnation. This had greatly diminished the general happiness of the French populace at large, and had also served to reduce the loyalty of many French generals.

Enrique revelled in the news of the French excommunication, which arrived hot on the heels of a papal gift of 1,000 florins to Aragon for services to the Church. No doubt this blessing was in no small part due to the driving of the Almohads from the Iberian Peninsula. This series of victories had gained much recognition for Aragon all across Europe. Aragon’s premier emissary, Don Hernando d’Anghiera, adept as he was in the art of diplomacy, used both the victories over the Almohads and Enrique’s crushing defeats of the English armies in the Pyrenees War of 1144 – 1147 in his negotiations with Consul Bernado II of Genoa. The combination of potential trade advantages and obvious Aragonese military might served him well in these talks, and in late 1151, an alliance between Aragon and Genoa was formalised.

In January 1152, d’Anghiera was despatched to Rome to persuade Pope Anselmo I to give his blessing to Enrique’s latest mission, the invasion of the Almohad province of Morocco.

Don Hernando d’Anghiera’s argument in Rome was indeed persuasive.

“The Almohads are a vile and perfidious nation of non-believers. Given the chance, they will spread the word of Allah far and wide. However, the current Almohad leadership is weak. Their nation is but a poor reflection of the mighty kingdom they once were in the times of the legendary King Kurt or Bregil the Bowman of Granada. We must take advantage of this, and strike now to crush these moors and reclaim both their lands and the souls of their people for Christendom. Your Holiness will achieve greatness for the Church and for himself within the Church by offering his blessing to so holy and noble a venture.”

Pope Anselmo was a man of some vanity, and he was duly swayed by the latter part of this argument. He wished to ensure his place in history as one of the greatest of all Popes. With his blessing duly secured, the crusading army departed Navarre the following month, marching through Aragon to set sail.

As the influence of the Kingdom of Aragon grew, so too did the offers of alliances come flooding in to Enrique’s court. 1152 saw an alliance forged with Prince Yaroslav I of Novgorod, and King Samuel II of Hungary offered the hand of his daughter, Princess Katalin, to Prince Felipe of Aragon. Enrique accepted this marriage on behalf of his son and his kingdom. Whilst Hungary has indeed developed a well deserved reputation for the beauty of it’s maidens, the unfortunate Katalin was far from a traditional Hungarian beauty. Aragonese emissaries familiar with the Hungarian court advise that she is not only physically unattractive, but is also rumoured to possess a most “unpleasant demeanour”. Prince Felipe was known to be a heavy drinker, to the point of being frequently found unconscious. Enrique reasoned that this may assist the match (provided that Katalin proved to be a tolerant woman), and it was as good a use as any for his troubled son.

The very next year, offers of alliance arrived from King Sweyn III of Denmark and King Vratislaw III of Bohemia. Both were graciously accepted by the Aragonese king.

The redoubtable Don Hernando d’Anghiera had remained in Rome after petitioning the Pope for the blessing of the crusade against Morocco, and in late 1152, he succeeded in his latest mission, delivering an alliance with the Papacy.

The Crusading army arrived in Morocco in 1155, having travelled via Naples, The Papal States and Tuscany. It would be many years yet before the invention of the Compass. The Crusaders were reinforced by Don Pedro Velazquez, who had led a strong force south from Cordoba. The Almohads did not give battle, instead fleeing in complete disarray to Algeria.

Meanwhile, the lands north of Aragon also continued to be ravaged by war. In 1156, French armies invaded Northumbria, Wessex, Normandy, and Anjou. The English defence of Normandy and Wessex is successful, but Northumbria and Anjou fall to the invaders.
Through late 1155 and 1156, the Almohad Khalifah had gathered his forces in Algeria. In 1157, this great Almohad army crashes like a wave upon Morocco. Abur abu Badis leads the mighty force of some 1,400 men. Don Pedro Velazquez, the Aragonese garrison commander of Morocco, has superior numbers, with some 1,837 men under his command, but he is painfully aware that the desert conditions probably still favour the Almohad force, and that his men will tire quickly under the harsh Moroccan sun. The two armies face one another in the hilly terrain near the west Moroccan village of Debdou.

Abur abu Badis directs his Murabitin Horsemen to advance on the Aragonese flanks. They soon come under heavy fire from the Aragonese archers. The Horsemen to the Aragonese left suffer so heavily that they withdraw. Those on the right press home their attack, charging into a regiment of feudal men at arms. The men at arms hold the Almohad cavalry for long enough for a nearby troop of Jinetes to charge them from their rear. The Murabitin Horsemen are devastated by this attack, and disengage, riding as fast as they can from the field.

With the withdrawal of the Murabitin Horsemen, several units of Berber Camel warriors ride up towards the Aragonese line. Again the Aragonese arrows rain down upon their foes, and again the carnage is terrible to behold. Abur abu Badis orders his Urban Militia to advance, and plays his trump card – among the advancing militia are several regiments of the feared Almohad Urban Militia.
The Aragonese line stands firm. Despite suffering at the hands of the Almohad Urban Militia, the Aragonese feudal men at arms hold steady, and with the Almohads pinned, the javelinmen and jinetes continue their deadly work. The Almohad advance is stalled all across the field, with all units suffering heavily from a hail of Aragonese arrows and javelins. The Almohad general attempts to take matters into his own hands, leading his ghulam cavalry into the teeth of the Aragonese line. The survivors of this ill-conceived charge are met by a wall of spears as they ride headlong into a regiment of feudal sergeants. With the remainder of his army being pushed back in fierce fighting, Abur abu Badis is isolated, and is soon cut off by a unit of feudal foot knights from Cordoba. These knights hack down the few surviving ghulam cavalry, including the unfortunate Abur abu Badis. With his death, the resolve of the Almohad army also dies, and they flee the field. 413 Almohad troops lie dead on the field, together with 226 Aragonese soldiers who have died for the country and their faith. Their twisted and broken bodies are mute testimony to the ferocity of the fighting. A paltry 33 prisoners are taken, largely due to Velazquez’s orders not to pursue the fleeing enemy.

This battle has sufficiently sapped the Almohad will to fight, and consequently it ensures that a brief peace ensues. Indeed, there is no further fighting for some 7 years. During this hiatus, King Enrique focuses on the Aragonese economy. The Moroccan campaign had stretched the treasury, of that there was no doubt. It will take a considerable effort and a monumental building campaign to ensure the future prosperity of Aragon. King Enrique sets about these tasks with an almost evangelical zeal, and in the process earns a reputation as a great builder.

By 1164, the kingdom of Aragon has emerged as a trading powerhouse, with Aragonese barques plying their trade from Tripoli and Antioch in the East to Sweden and Finland in the distant wintry North. All ports in the known world are now regularly visited by the Aragonese trade fleet. With his treasury now rapidly filling with florins, King Enrique is now free to return his attention to the Almohads.
Don Pedro Velazquez is ordered to invade Algeria, and as his men march eastwards, Prince Alfonso is wading ashore with a second Aragonese army in Tunisia. Prince Abdullah is charged with the defence of Tunisia. Abdullah is not known as a great commander, and his men do not even give battle. Indeed, they retreat so swiftly that not even the advancing jinetes of Alfonso’s army can catch them, let alone the bulk of the Aragonese force, who are on foot. All that Alfonso can do is watch the rapidly retreating Almohad force in complete disbelief.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/RunawayAlmos.jpg
Going....

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/RunawayAlmos2.jpg
....going....

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/RunawayAlmos3.jpg
....Gone!

The Almohads in Algeria are made of sterner stuff, it would seem. They fight bravely, but are overwhelmed by Velazquez’s men. The Almohads are outnumbered, and soon find themselves surrounded. Four regiments of jinetes successfully draw the teeth of the almohad force, the dreaded Almohad Urban Militia, luring these forces to pursue them. Time and again, the jinetes draw close, hurl their javelins, and then gallop safely out of reach. Eventually the Almohads are exhausted and their numbers are greatly reduced. The jinetes move in for the kill, raining death upon the beleagured survivors. None escape. Meanwhile the main Almohad force, consisting almost entirely of urban militia and murabitin horsemen, are being slowly eroded by a rain of Aragonese arrows. The handful of Almohad archers vainly try to redress the imbalance, but they are not sufficient in number to inflict serious casualties on the Aragonese. 1,035 Almohads die in a vain defence of the province, with 166 captured. The assault has cost 477 Aragonese lives.

With the Almohads reduced to a single province, King Enrique believes that they no longer offer a credible threat, and he despatches Don Hernando d’Anghiera to negotiate a peaceful settlement. Aragon has had no more capable emissary than this faithful servant, but perhaps he no longer possesses the same energy that he had enjoyed as a younger man. Whatever the reason, he is unable to sway the Almohad Khalifah to accept a ceasefire.

After many years of negotiation, Aragonese patience is exhausted, and Prince Alfonso leads the invasion of Cyrenaica. 843 Almohads and 288 Aragonese soldiers die in the ensuing battle, with 158 Almohads taken prisoner. The Almohads are no more.
Peace is once again restored, punctuated only by the French invasion of Mercia, Northumbria, and Normandy in 1176. The ongoing war between the nations of England and France shows no signs of abating.

Aragon itself enjoys peace until 1179, when, without any warning a large Egyptian force strikes west into Cyrenaica. Prince Alfonso leads a spirited defence of the province. At the end of the battle, 1,091 Egyptians, and 398 Aragonese lie dead. 247 Egyptians are ransomed back to their homelands. Aragon is once more at war.

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1000

Author's Note:
A couple of questions to finish off. I have never seen the AI just run away in a battle like the Almo's did in Tunisia. Anyone else had this happen?

Also a weird one about the troops that Crusades pick up. I have noted that my Crusades have been joined by Welsh Bandits, Pictish Crossbowmen, Pictish Mounted Xbows, and Naptha Catapults in places where such units would not (I would have thought) been produced (like Naples, Papal, states, Tuscany, and earlier in Leon). How does this happen? Were these guys just strolling around those provinces as mercenaries, and suddenly got religion?

General Dazza

04-10-2007, 09:46

Author's Note:
[I]A couple of questions to finish off. I have never seen the AI just run away in a battle like the Almo's did in Tunisia. Anyone else had this happen?

Hi Bamff,
I've had this a couple of times. Once though it was quite weird. The enemy was towards the top of a high mountain and had forest cover below it and to the left of the only approach. Given equal troops numbers iirc, I expected it to be a touch and go affair.

But as I started to position my troops they just started to walk away! And it was an important battle too. I tried to chase and iirc I might have engaged their tail, but I'm not sure about that. Odd. Very odd.

Innocentius

04-10-2007, 17:06

However, the current Almohad leadership is weak. Their nation is but a poor reflection of the mighty kingdom they once were in the times of the legendary King Kurt or Bregil the Bowman of Granada.

:2thumbsup:

Great writeup as always, bamff, and spiced with plenty of victories in the field I see. Jinetes are truly excellent units, and one not even AUM can beat! Seems like you too are about to have a lot of troubles with the Eggies...:sweatdrop:

The thing with the AI just walking away is actually not that uncommon (at least in XL). I have seen it happen several times (once in my Bohemian campaign earlier in this thread).

Bregil the Bowman

04-12-2007, 00:26

(I must say how much I am enjoying sharing these tales of MTW adventure - picking up some tactical and strategic tips too...)

Part Four of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

The Reign of Ibrahim “The Mad”

In 1275 Ismail the Magnificent ruled over an Empire that stretched from the Baltic to the Black Sea, commanding the largest armies in Europe under the most capable generals. His Treasury boasted more than half a million florins, buoyed by the trade of Europe’s wealthiest cities. Europe was rapidly converting to Islam under the influence of the Almohad ulama, even in those realms where Ismail’s word was not law. The Italians of Genoa and Tuscany, along with the Papacy, lived in uneasy peace within this sphere of power, within which only the Sicilians offered any resistance. The King of the Poles and the Prince of Novgorod also maintained the uneasy truce, but the Triple Alliance of the Holy Roman Emperor Heinrich III (confined to Bohemia), the Byzantine Emperor John III and the Great Khan Khogibag still offered the threat of war in the East.

This was the kingdom inherited by Ibrahim II, or Ibrahim the Mad.

Eight years before his ascent of the throne, Ibrahim had been responsible for the defence of Cetatea Alba in Moldavia against an invading Mongol army. The main Almohad force was off to the West under the Qadi, subduing Hungary. Prince Ibrahim would have to endure a year of siege before relieving troops arrived.

The Mongol commander was impatient, and chose to assault the castle. He had overwhelming superiority of numbers, but his cavalry troops were ill-suited to the task before them. Ibrahim felt confident - until he heard the boom of the mortar and the sound of tumbling masonry.

With the wall breached, Ibrahim’s small garrison could not hope to hold out against such overwhelming odds. The Almohad prince thought quickly. The enemy mortar was placed so as be within range of both the inner and outer walls of the castle. Would they be within bowshot of the walls? He dispatched a party of Desert Archers to the outer courtyard to see. Bending their bows, the sturdy Saharan troops found they could just reach the mortar crew. Volley after volley arced across the battlefield. Mongol gunners reeled away, clutching at their wounds. Parties of horsemen rode beneath the walls, shouting challenges, but the Prince’s orders were clear – “Shoot only at the mortar! Only at the mortar!” Another shot demolished the ramparts, but one by one the gunners tumbled. The last pair abandoned their post, but even as they ran the arrows scythed them down.

Without artillery to batter the walls, the Mongol commander’s army could do no more than circle the walls under a rain of javelins and catapult stones while the defenders jeered at them. Inevitably the Mongols withdrew to lick their wounds. Ibrahim’s reputation as a great defender of castles was established. And yet something broke in his mind that day. The confident, bold young prince was gone. He would scowl for days at unseen enemies, then laugh hysterically at unknown jests. Despite his early achievements on the battlefield, the prince who eventually ascended the throne would be known forever as an unhinged loon.

Fortunately there was no shortage of capable men to lead the Empire forward, not least the Khalifah’s two brothers, Abdullah and Mohammed. Other notable servants included the ever-faithful Qadi al Quda, the Amir al-Bahr, and Amir Ibn Badis of Ireland.

In 1277 Prince Abdullah led the attack on Kiev in overwhelming force. The Mongols under Kaishan Bator offered no challenge, and the province soon surrendered. Kiev had enormous strategic value. Not only could Abdullah secure the Empire’s border along the line of the Don, but also he was able to recruit to his flag the elite warriors of the steppes – Cumans, Rus, Avars, Khazars and others with no reason to love either the haughty Byzantines or the rapacious Mongols.

The Byzantines responded with an attempt to lift the siege, but were stopped at the crossings of the Don in a particularly bloody battle. Pavise arbalesters, halberdiers and an organ gun made mincemeat of the Byzantines as they surged across the bridge – the only problem for the Almohad Prince being that the placement of the organ gun meant that the enemy had been allowed to leave the bridge before being engaged. This meant a desperate melee to hold off the elite Kataphraktoi, during which nearly half of the Prince’s bodyguard fell. But once this was done, successive waves were driven back in confusion until, as the enemy was reeling, a party of Steppe Heavy Cavalry and Faris crossed downstream to harass the enemy flank. Morale collapsed, order was lost and the Byzantine army fled. They would not risk another pitched battle for 12 years...

Meanwhile, the Qadi’s attempts to reduce the Byzantine garrison of Hungary had been frustrated. A force small enough to lure the garrison forth had been chased away by a German relieving force which then returned to Bohemia. Against a larger army, the garrison promised to hold out indefinitely. But the Qadi hatched a cunning plan. In 1277 he reduced the sieging force to a mere handful of sergeants, enough to tempt the Holy Roman Emperor into another relieving attack the following year. But the Qadi immediately reinforced the besiegers with his main army. Crossing into Hungary, Heinrich III realised he had bitten off more than he could chew. He ordered his men back into Bohemia.

Meanwhile, the Amir al-Bahr advanced dispatched a force from Austria into Bohemia, expecting to meet token resistance. In fact there was none whatsoever. Heinrich had left his capital entirely unguarded. The Amir al Bahr’s men quickly seized the passes and the Danube crossings, catching the Emperor between two armies. The Imperial army refused to fight, melting away into the night or throwing themselves on the mercy of the Almohads. Heinrich was slain by his own servants for what little treasure remained in his broken camp. It was only with difficulty that the Qadi was able to identify his stripped carcass to give it an honourable burial. Without a battle being fought, the Holy Roman Empire ceased to be.

The British Isles, meantime, were quickly falling to the armies of the Amir Ibn Badis. By 1281 Northumbria was taken and only the Staffords of Scotland offered any resistance. The Amir and his personal troops were withdrawn for a refit while his lieutenant, Ma’mun Ibn Idris, delivered the coup de grace.

This plan, however, had not foreseen the stubborn resistance of the wily and able Edgar Stafford, King of Scotland. Stafford had seen the English kingdoms crumble and was determined not to suffer the same fate. His loyal lowland regiments included a large number of handgunners, the largest such force in Europe. From the north he called down the Highland clans, stout footsoldiers whom the Almohads severly underestimated. Withdrawing to the hills, Stafford picked his spot well and offered battle with a slight numerical advantage over the invaders.

For General Ibn Idris, things did not go according to plan. The Scots quickly withdrew beyond the range of his demi-cannon, which he decided to abandon. His mounted skirmishers were then able to disrupt the Scottish right, but an attempt to sweep away the clansmen on the left with his Ghulam and Armenian cavalry quickly came to grief. The Scottish claymores proved remarkably effective against the horsemen, and a bitter clash left more men dead than alive on either side.

With his infantry centre threatened by the advancing handgunners and clansmen, Ibn Idris chose to attack, concentrating all of his forces on bringing down Stafford. In the ensuing melee, hundreds were slain and panic spread to both sides, but it was the Almohads who at last had the breakthrough. A handful of Faris were able to delvier a decisive charge into Stafford’s rear, and as his lines wavered the Scottish king fell.

Ibn Idris had still not won the battle. Though Stafford was down, and hundreds of Scots were fleeing the battle, the hills were packed with Scottish reinforcements, while Ibn Idris’s men were scattered and weary. He hastily reassembled them around a hilltop as Highland clansmen and peasants poured from the mountain passes and swirled around him. Almohad reinforcements had to run a gauntlet of enemy patrols to reach him. For a moment or two the situation seemed precarious.

Fortunately the Highland weather did not allow the Lowland handgunners to bring their weapons into play. As desperate Almohad archers loosed their last arrows, the tale of Stafford’s death began to spread among the newly arrived troops. Outnumbered many times over, the Almohad infantry launched tentative attacks to try and spread panic. At last the Scottish force wavered. As more Almohad reinforcements appeared, the men on the hill finally launched their attack in earnest. The Scots broke and fled, though here and there a particularly bold clan would stop and make a stand. Ma’mun Ibn Idris, at the moment of his victory, fell on the same field as his opponent, cut down by a chieftain’s claymore as his men finally broke the Highland spirit. Scotland had been beaten down, but at a high price.

The following year (1283) it was all over. The last Scottish fort was attacked with mortars and demi-cannon, its defences ruthlessly pounded to rubble before its garrison was overwhelmed and slaughtered. Ma’mun Ibn Idris was avenged, and all Britain was in Almohad hands.

Ibrahim’s faltering health led to much speculation as to which of his ambitious brothers would succeed him. The birth of a son, Umar, in 1285 helped to quell these rumours, though it was by no means certain that the Mad Prince would live to see his son reach manhood.

That same year, Hardeknud II of Denmark – who had been raised at the Almohad court – chose to break the peace by sending an army of Vikings to lay siege to Stockholm. The following year he led his Royal Knights across the Skaggerack to join the besieging army, but faced with a large relieving force crossing from Norway he chose to retreat back to Denmark immediately. On landing, he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt by one of his closest advisers – a man secretly recruited years before by the Syrian assassins. Only the quick actions of his personal bodyguard prevented his death. Hardeknud, never the bravest of men, developed a nervous complaint. While his army was based around a core of Catholic Danes, a majority of his subjects had been converted to Islam. While this was the case he could ill afford to send a substantial number of troops overseas. Any threat to the Almohad presence in Scandinavia and Saxony was thus averted, though Hardeknud could not be persuaded to make peace again.

With Hardeknud neutralised, attention turned back to the Byzantine-Horde alliance. Armies had been built up in Morocco and Spain in preparation for a bold push from the Baltic coast to link up with Prince Abdullah’s army in Kiev. The generals chosen for this task were Idris Al-Mu’tamid, a Royal Uncle, and the Amir Ibn Badis of Ireland. He had shown his mettle subduing the English rebels – could he prove an effective commander against the disciplined Byzantines? The next few years would surely tell...

Martok

04-13-2007, 01:24

Another entertaining read, bamff! ~:cheers:

As the influence of the Kingdom of Aragon grew, so too did the offers of alliances come flooding in to Enrique’s court. 1152 saw an alliance forged with Prince Yaroslav I of Novgorod, and King Samuel II of Hungary offered the hand of his daughter, Princess Katalin, to Prince Felipe of Aragon. Enrique accepted this marriage on behalf of his son and his kingdom. Whilst Hungary has indeed developed a well deserved reputation for the beauty of it’s maidens, the unfortunate Katalin was far from a traditional Hungarian beauty. Aragonese emissaries familiar with the Hungarian court advise that she is not only physically unattractive, but is also rumoured to possess a most “unpleasant demeanour”. Prince Felipe was known to be a heavy drinker, to the point of being frequently found unconscious. Enrique reasoned that this may assist the match (provided that Katalin proved to be a tolerant woman), and it was as good a use as any for his troubled son.
This part definitely got the biggest chuckle out of me. I don't know who to pity more, Princess Katalin or poor Felipe.... :laugh4:

The Crusading army arrived in Morocco in 1155, having travelled via Naples, The Papal States and Tuscany. It would be many years yet before the invention of the Compass.
Another snicker-worthy passage. ~;p

[I]A couple of questions to finish off. I have never seen the AI just run away in a battle like the Almo's did in Tunisia. Anyone else had this happen?
Yeah, I've seen it before, even in vanilla MTW/VI. I can't claim it's something that's happened to me often, but it has occurred every once in a while. I've not noticed an increase of this phenomenon since I installed XL, but I don't think that really indicates anything one way or the other. :shrug:

Also a weird one about the troops that Crusades pick up. I have noted that my Crusades have been joined by Welsh Bandits, Pictish Crossbowmen, Pictish Mounted Xbows, and Naptha Catapults in places where such units would not (I would have thought) been produced (like Naples, Papal, states, Tuscany, and earlier in Leon). How does this happen? Were these guys just strolling around those provinces as mercenaries, and suddenly got religion?
As far as I've been able to tell, yes -- it's as good an explanation as any. ~D I've had a couple Crusades like yours where their ranks were filled out by exotic units, but I have no idea what causes this. :inquisitive:

@Bregil the Bowman: A most excellent write-up, sir! The tale of Ibrahim the Mad will not soon be forgotten. :bow: I especially enjoyed the account of the Caliphate's invasion of Scotland -- it sounds like it was a real back-and-forth affair! It's not often I see battles where both commanders are killed, either. It must have been rather heart-stopping for a while there.... :fainting:

seireikhaan

04-13-2007, 05:02

As confusing as it is when they just walk away, I've had even more confusing occasions. Once, I faced the Spanish as the Almos and they moved all of their troops into defensable positions on a hilltops. I motioned my archers to move to the front to shower them with arrows. I do so and sorta archer duel their one archer, while shooting up a few other of their units. After losing about 120 soldiers, they calmly turn around, and march away, as though nothing happened! I consider that to be ultra bizarre, since they should have realized that I had about 4 more archers than them and could easily outduel them. Basically, they stayed there just so I could shoot them up with a ludicrous kill ratio.

bamff

04-13-2007, 05:54

Great write up, Bregil!

Here is my latest effort - a small 10 year slice that seems rather...er..."wordy"....sorry about that.

Innocentius, I hope you don't mind - I have borrowed a device from your writings, introducing "sub-chapters" to break it up and make it a little easier to follow what I am banging on about.

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 4 – War with Egypt (1180 - 1189)

It is the year of our lord 1181. Aragon and Egypt have been at war since the Egyptian invasion of Cyrenaica two years ago. It is indeed a strange war thus far, with not a single land battle having taken place since Prince Alfonso’s stunning victory at Bardia in 1179. The respective navies of both factions have been more active, however, with 3 separate engagements fought since the Egyptian declaration of war. The sole victory of the war for Egypt thus far came in the first battle of the Nile Coast. The most recent battles have seen two dhows sent to the bottom of the Mediterranean, for the loss of not a single Aragonese barque.

Given the almost non-existent demands of this war with Egypt thus far, King Enrique has been free to continue his impressive building program, The strain of this workload is evident on the aging king. In late 1181, these stresses conspire with Enrique’s advancing years. King Enrique, the “Builder of Aragon” passes peacefully in his sleep. The crown of Aragon now rests upon the head of his son, Fernando.

The first royal decree of King Fernando II is to despatch his brother, Prince Ferdinand, to take command of the garrison of Cyrenaica. This garrison was under the control of King Fernando’s other brother, Alfonso. Alfonso had proved more than capable in this role, but years of campaigning across northern Africa had seen him contract a mysterious fever. Prince Ferdinand, in accepting the posting, notes that if he is able to prove himself as even half the commander that his brother has been, he will be pleased.

As it transpires, he has precious little time to wait to prove his mettle. In 1182, a mighty Egyptian army under the command of Amir al Hakim crosses the border into Cyrenaica. With 3,030 men at is disposal, al Hakim’s total force is slightly larger than the Aragonese army of Prince Ferdinand, which numbers some 2,879 men.

Ferdinand wastes no time, marshalling his forces and marching to El Adem to meet the Egyptians.

Prince Ferdinand positions his army in the hills overlooking the sleepy little border township to await the arrival of Amir al Hakim and the Egyptian army. As he looks out across the sun baked valley below, he notes a series of sandstorms blowing in rapidly from the East.

“What an impossible land in which to fight a war!” he muttered to himself. “If the searing heat and damnable flies were not enough, but now this?”
Orders were passed to all men to hold there positions until the storm had passed. Prince Ferdinand had explained to his captains “The conditions afflict the enemy, just as they do us. In such conditions, movement is hazardous. Troops will lose their way. We will hold our positions and let the enemy come to us.”

Just as Ferdinand was about to move from his vantage point to the comfort of his tent, he saw them. Appearing no bigger than ants at first, but growing ever larger as them approached. The Egyptians were using the sandstorm to cover their approach. The alert was raised. Battle was soon to be joined!

The Battle of El Adem
The Aragonese army had adopted a fairly standard formation upon their chosen hillside. In the centre of the line were Don Alvar Enriquez and his regiment of Order Foot. This unit had originally been formed during the Crusade on Morocco, and all were veterans of the fighting in Bardia, Ferdinand knew that these men would stand firm. They were the sheet anchor upon which his line most depended. To either side of these men were regiments of feudal sergeants, two to the left, one to the right. The flanks were held by feudal foot knights and feudal men at arms. Behind this line, four regiments of archers readied themselves for their first volley.

As the sandstorm cleared, the magnitude of the Egyptian army became clear. It was a truly impressive force in number – but Ferdinand was well aware that numbers alone could not carry the day. The Egyptians halted, and al Hakim sent his archers forward to fire upon the Aragonese.

Immediately that they came into range, the Aragonese archers fired upon their Egyptian counterparts. The weight of 240 arrows descending from the heavens in each volley devastates the Egyptian archers. Ferdinand is nonetheless impressed with the bravery of these muslim bowmen, as gamely they continue to hold their position and attempt to return fire.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/ElAdem3.jpg
The Egyptian archers are cut down

Amir al Hakim orders his Saracen infantry to advance. Two regiments move up on the Aragonese right flank. Their progress is halted when they are met by two regiments of feudal foot knights, commanded by Don Felipe Sanchez and Don Garc Mendez respectively. Mendez presents a truly horrifying visage. A deep scar runs diagonally across his weathered face, one sightless pale eye staring blindly from his left eye socket. His teeth were exposed in a never-ending maniacal smile, as parts of both his upper and lower lip were missing. He is known to use his grotesque appearance to his advantage, preferring to go into battle with his face uncovered to strike terror into the hearts of his enemies. On this day these tactics, and the ferocity of the Aragonese knights’ charge combine well, as the front ranks of Saracen infantry melt before them.

As if things could not get worse for the beleagured Egyptians, Don Felipe Nebrija’s mounted sergeants complete the rout by charging into the Saracens from the rear. The few survivors break and run, with the mounted sergeants in hot pursuit.

The Egyptian general, concerned that his other troops may also break, now involves himself. With his bedouin camel warriors and a regiment of Saharan cavalry at his side, he smashes into the exposed flank of the mounted sergeants. De Nebrija had clearly been too pre-occupied with his chase to see this danger closing upon him. How else could one explain a troop of mounted sergeants being caught by slow moving camels? The mounted sergeants flee for the safety of the Aragonese line. Now the pursuers have become the pursued, as Amir al Hakim chases down the Aragonese horsemen.

This chase also ends badly, with the Egyptian cavalry charging straight into the waiting spears of Don Alvar Enriquez and his order foot. As Don Fernando Ansuarez’ feudal foot knights move in behind them to cut off their retreat.
As his men are cut down around him, al Hakim panics. He longer has any thoughts of his men, his focus is on his own worthless hide. Like a spavined nag, he flees the field. His bedouin camel warriors, attempting to cover his withdrawal, pay the ultimate price for their loyalty. Not one survives. As they watch their general's undignified flight to safety, the Egyptian army loses all hunger for the fight, and all units break to follow al Hakim from the field. The day is won! 825 Egyptian corpses lie alongside 434 sons of Aragon. 170 Egyptian prisoners stand forlorn, awaiting their fate.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/ElAdem4.jpg
Victory at El Adem

The Battle of Limassol
Buoyed by the successful defence of El Adem, King Fernando orders the invasion of the Egyptian held province of Cyprus in 1183. The redoubtable Lord Granvelle is chosen to lead the assault. His army includes a number of “unusual” units, all of whom can trace their history back to the Crusade against Morocco. Included in his force are Welsh bandits, Pictish crossbowmen, and Pictish mounted crossbowmen. Not “standard” Aragonese units by any means!

The Egyptian commander of Cyprus is Umar al Mustanjid. He chooses the slopes of the Troodos Mountains, overlooking the coastal town of Limassol, on which to make his stand.

The impressive range of Lord Granvelle’s “unusual” archers proves decisive, with the sole unit of Egyptian archers slaughtered without ever getting within range of the Aragonese force. All that remains of the Egyptian force are spearmen and urban militia. With nary an Egyptian projectile to be had, the mounted crossbowmen are free to move in. Rather than leaving his men to be picked off one by one by the Aragonese archers, Umar al Mustanjid leads a suicidal charge of his remaining spearmen and urban militiamen. With a blood curdling cry of “Allah u Akbar!” he and his men charge headlong at the waiting Aragonese foot knights. They are duly massacred. 224 Egyptians die, 109 are captured. Some 80 Egyptians escape to the sanctuary of their fortress. Only 8 Aragonese knights are lost.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/CyprusVictory.jpg
Victory in Cyprus

The third Battle of the Nile Coast is fought in 1184, with Don Rodrigo Antolinez adding a further victory laurel to his name. The crew of his barque, the “Santa Agathoclia”, had now been responsible for sinking no fewer than 3 Egyptian dhows. All of the crew refer to their vessel lovingly as "La Nina", simply to avoid dislocating their jaws when attempting to pronounce her real name. Antolinez and his crew are rumoured to supplement their income with acts of piracy in the eastern Mediterannean, but King Fernando II chooses to turn a blind eye to these activities, given the successful service of these naval heroes.

The Battle of Bir Hakeim
Having seen his armies defeated twice in Cyrenaica, and now in Cyprus, Sultan al Mustali II felt that it was time that he personally took a hand in the ongoing war with Aragon. He had gathered an enormous army of 4,293 men in Egypt, and in 1185, he swept across the border into Cyrenaica, determined to push the Aragonese back. Prince Ferdinand’s garrison had been reinforced since 1183, but his army still numbered no more than 3,187.
Fernando chose his field near the township of Bir Hakeim.

As had been the case two years previously at El Adem, a sandstorm raged as the Egyptian troops drew ever closer.

“Let us hope that this is a portent of success.” commented the Prince to Don Pero d’Antequera, captain of a unit of Jinetes.

“With your leadership, and God’s blessing upon us, we cannot fail my lord.” responded d'Antequera, who was a capable commander, but was also a renowned sycophant.

Wave upon wave of Egyptians advanced on the Aragonese line, each one in turn dashing itself on the rock of Aragonese spears. Don Alvar Enriquez’s Order Foot were again in the thick of the fight, and the slaughter that they visited upon the Egyptian bedouin camel warriors was terrible to behold.

At the height of the battle, Sultan al Mustali II met his end as a hail of arrows rained down upon his ghulam bodyguard. Two struck home on the unfortunate sultan, with a further two arrows felling his steed. Greivously wounded, the Sultan managed only to rise as far as his knees when the hideous figure of Don Garc Mendez loomed above him. Mendez’ disfigured face was frightening at the best of times, but covered as he was now with the gore of battle, one could forgive the Sultan for thinking that he had already perished and been banished to the pits of hell when faced with such a monstrous countenance. Mendez’ sword fell with such ferocity that the Sultan was cleft from his left shoulder to his right ribcage. The death of the Sultan caused the Egyptian forces to waver, but to their credit, they regrouped to launch several more attacks on the Aragonese position.

With all leaders of any ability dead or wounded, the Egyptian attacks became ever more clumsy. As a consequence, Egyptian casualties on this day were staggering. By the time that victory had been secured, 2,122 Egyptians were dead. 723 had been taken prisoner. In a testimony to the leadership of Prince Ferdinand, only 214 Aragonese soldiers perished on the field at Bir Hakeim. Of those, it is thought that only 173 died as a result of enemy action, with the remaining 41 falling victim to heat exhaustion, though these figures can not be reliably confirmed.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/BirHakeim5.jpg
Scores of Egyptian corpses lie strewn across the field.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/BirHakeim6Victory.jpg
Victory at Bir Hakeim

In 1186, the garrison of the Egyptian fortress on Cyprus surrendered, relinquishing control of the island to Aragon.

The remaining years of the decade passed quietly enough, though King Fernando grew increasingly troubled by news that with each passing year the Egyptian forces in the province of Egypt became ever stronger and more numerous. It appeared only a matter of time before the now silent desert would once again ring with the clash of swords.

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 3 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1498721&postcount=1033
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1000

Innocentius

04-13-2007, 14:55

Excellent as always, bamff! (That is beginning to sound a bit repetitive, I know, but it's hard to find suiting words for your writing other than "excellent", "superb", "fantastic" etc). I have personally never enjoyed fighting in the desert since most good troops (i.e. the one with armour) are totally waste there, so that makes your victories even more impressive in my eyes. Bravo!~:cheers:

And of course I don't mind, in fact I'm only happy to be to any help:bow:

Also, I must apologize to you Bregil the Bowman, as my king share the same "title" as your recent Khalif.

With that said, here goes:

The reign of King Leszek the Mad: 1145 - 1175 A.D.

As King Leszek ascended to the throne in 1145, the doubts were many, and it has to be said that however they were eventually proven wrong, the doubts were justified.
Leszek was known for being an unhinged loon all since his childhood, and it was his disturbed dreams that engaged Poland in the nigh-catastrophic war with the Princes of Kiev. Kiev itself had been captured and its Princes had all since been trying to reclaim it. The need to keep massive armies ready at the borders nearly emptied the Polish treasuries, and the people of Poland suffered greatly under the heavy tax burdens issued by his father Wladyslaw.
At the end of his father's reign the apparently equally insane King Sweyn of Denmark had engaged Poland in a second war on the western frontier. This had cost Sweyn his life and Denmark had lost its entire naval power in a series of unsuccessful naval battles against the Polish fleets. Nonetheless, a two front war was a highly undesirable position, especially now that the mighty Fatamid Khalifah to the south threatened to open up a third front, thus crushing the Kingdom of Poland like a hammer upon the anvil that was Kiev.

Despite his insanity and odd ways, Leszek instead turned out to be a highly capable, not to say magnificent, ruler and, with a little help from his younger brothers Prince Konrad and Prince Mziezko, he actually lead Poland into its golden age, but not after spending the few first years of his reign solving the conflicts he had inherited from his father.

The third Battle of the Two Bridges

In the early summer of 1146 the former Prince of Kiev, now the Prince of Muscovy and Novgorod, Sviatopolk III invaded Kiev with a massive army from Lithuania. Prince Konrad, the commander of the Polish army, decided to lure him to fight at the same bridge crossing that had seen two bloody battles already.
He did this by exploiting the fact that Sviatopolk was a man of tradition. Sviatopolk was an old man, but had never been to Kiev in person. He had been born during one of the many campaigns towards the now eradicated Lithuanians conducted by his forefathers. He had been raised in Vilnius and Novgorod, and to him Kiev was as much a mythical golden city as it had been to King Leszek in his youth.
Prince Konrad thus sent words to Sviatopolk, inviting him to meet him at the same battlefield where his fathers had fought. Sviatopolk could not resist this offer, especially not since his grandfather, Ysevolod II, had been utterly defeated and chased off the battlefield by King Leszek - then Prince Leszek - back in 1131.
Thus the two armies met at the same crossing as in 1131 and 1140. Konrad had his men organised in the tradition way with a regiment of stout spearmen holding the bridgehead while his archers would rain death upon the crossing enemy. Sviatopolk on the other hand brought unusually many mounted archers, and it was the mobility of these man and the numerical superiority of the Kievans, especially when it came to missile troops, that nearly won them the day.

The battle itself proceeded in a very traditional manner with the Kievans desperately trying to cross the bridge, each time being driven back with many casualties.
Foolishly enough Prince Sviatopolk dared not cross himself, and instead waited with his boyars across the river while firing at the Polish spearmen from horseback. This proved to be a disastrous decision however, as the Polish archers soon noticed that the enemy commander in person had made himself visible and open to missile fire. They immediately turned their attention to him, and within moments Sviatopolk fell from his saddle, struck down by many arrows.
The Kievans now wavered at the sight of the death of their leader and many of them fled. Still, it was too early to celebrate for the Polish, as more and more reinforcements kept coming in, most of them horse archers from the steppes in the east and only a few of the famous Rus spearmen from the deep and dark woods of Smolensk.
This was unfortunate as the Polish were now out of arrows while the Kievan missile troops peppered the helpless spearmen. The situation grew worse by the minute and Prince Konrad now decided to cross with his retainers further downstream, just as Prince Leszek - his brother - had done fifteen years earlier.
Indeed this attack in the flank by the Polish disrupted the Kievans, but it was not enough to ultimately overthrow the enemy, and as more and more reinforcements arrived Konrad suddenly found himself and his men surrounded, and many of them were slain. Konrad now desperately fought his way out of the sea of enemies and finally made it to safety on the other shore. This flight earned him a reputation as a coward and a good runner, but no one who was there that day and saw Konrad's dire situation would ever agree to that.
The battle now raged on and it seemed as if the Kievans would be victorious in the end, but suddenly the incredibly brave Polish spearmen took destiny into their own hands, seeing that the battle was nearly lost, and charged across the bridge. The Kievan cavalry was surprised by this but rode up on the bridge to meet them in melee. They were quickly slain and the few survivors fled for their pity lives. This caused the Kievan army to finally break.
As some ran, more ran and soon panic spread.

The Polish mounted crossbowmen then charged forth, killing and capturing many Kievans as they fled for their lives. The battle was won, but at a high cost and only just.

https://img141.imageshack.us/img141/3964/battle1ax7.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The death of their prince and the many dead severely weakened the "Kievans" and a heretic people steppe people in the east, the Volga-Bulgarians, invaded and took Muscovy itself the very next year.
1147 marked the end of the People of Novgorod-Muscovy as a power to be reckoned in the north and the shores of the Baltic Sea. Not only did Sviatopolk's son, Vladimir III, lose Muscovy to the Volga-Bulgarians, King Leszek also seized the opportunity and invaded the now weakened Lithuania. A great battle stood with high casualties on both sides but in which the "Kievans" were ultimately defeated (i.e: I auto-calculated. Some 1300 dead for the Kievans and 800 for me).
This marked the end of the Kievan-Polish wars, although it would take until 1156 before a peace treaty was finally signed. The Principality of Novgorod soon fell into decline and was piece by piece conquered by the Volga-Bulgarians and the Catholic Kings of Sweden.

On the western front, a Danish force from Friesland marched into Saxony in September 1146 to relieve the province. Sir Konrad Grycki, the Polish commander, realised his hopeless situation and retreated back into Silesia. He invaded again the next year however, this time with a larger force. The Danes were performing terribly in their wars against the Kings of England, and their other borders urgently needed to be seen to. Thus, the better part of the Danish army retreated, leaving only small, scattered garrisons throughout Saxony.
Sir Grycki now campaigned for long through Saxony, castle by castle, fort by fort, driving the Danish out. On June 10 1149 Dresden itself was stormed and taken. Saxony was in Polish hands. For his efforts, Grycki was awarded with the title Elector of Saxony.
The next year the reputedly silver tongued Svyatopolk Turek, royal emissary of King Leszek I of Poland, signed a peace treaty with Christoffer I of Denmark in Scania. This marked the end of the Polish-Danish wars.
A short war in Denmark itself followed however, as a civil war had broken out in the Danish Kingdom following the death of Sweyn II in 1143. Christoffer had been his legitimate heir, being the oldest son, but his brother Erik would not accept this and claimed himself King of Denmark.
Roskilde and Copenhagen had quickly sided with Erik, and Denmark itself was in the hands of an usurper. The weakness of the Danish Kingdom and the wars with England prevented Christoffer from teaching his younger brother a well-deserved lesson and could do nothing to reclaim his own homelands.
King Leszek quickly seized the opportunity and sent Sir Grycki with a small army into Jylland.
When it came down to actual fighting, "King" Erik suddenly found himself abandoned by his people however, and was forced to meet the Polish army with no other troops than his personal bodyguard! Not surprisingly, he was defeated and taken prisoner along with all his men...not that there were many of them. He was sent to Christoffer I in Scania who had him executed immediately, but Denmark fell to the Polish.

The Golden Age: 1152 - 1175 A.D.

After the short campaign into Denmark, Poland experienced peace for the entire remain of King Leszek's reign. In 1152 Leszek met in person with Muhammad abu Inan, general and high-commander of Fatamid troops in Hungary.
Muhammad was an impressive man with many victories on his account and he spoke with great authority, knowing that the Khalif relied completely in him. Although he could have overwhelmed the Polish with his vast armies he decided not to, perhaps since his position was so risky. All Catholic Kingdoms had amassed great armies and the Bohemians in particular was a potential threat. His Caliphate was at war with the Sicilians and now even the Seljuk Turks back in his homeland, and the Fatamid armies in the Balkans were isolated from their homelands since the Seljuk and Sicilian fleets had co-operated to achieve just this. Preferring the Polish as an ally rather than another enemy, he allied with King Leszek, thus securing the Polish southern border...more or less.

In 1161 Prince Kazimierz, Leszek's oldest son, celebrated his sixteenth birthday, and Prince Wladyslaw did the same the very next year. They both married within short: Kazimierz with Ulfhild of Denmark and Wladyslaw with Margherita of Sicily.
The Crown of Castille and Léon had grown into a naval superpower recently, and after defeating the Kings of England in a long war, they inherited their conflict with Denmark, and soon the Kingdom of Denmark was no more. It all happened very fast, and King Leszek hardly realised what was going on before King Christoffer was captured and executed, and his Kingdom forfeit. Some say Leszek never realised this since he was too busy discussing which wine was the finest with his pet bear that had been caught in Lithuania.
Even though it pained Princess Ulfhild, the Kingdom of Poland allied with the Castille-Leonese, and thus gained a powerful trading partner. Bishop Leszek Buczak of Königsberg was the one responsible for the negotiations.

During these golden years the Polish treasuries flourished. The trading with the Spaniards brought in massive amounts of gold and silver and the absence of war allowed Leszek to invest more money in developing agricultural matters and establishing merchant guilds in Pomerania and Prussia. These German-speaking merchants soon became known as the Hanseatic League, and it was they who ensured the Polish wealth and their ships travelled far across the oceans.

Sadly, all good things have an end. King Leszek the Mad - yet loved - died out of age, still of great physical health in 1175. He was succeeded by his son Kazimierz who was crowned King Kazimierz II of all Poland, Denmark and Lithuania, Lord of Kiev in early 1176. What his cruel, not to say wicked, mind would hold in store for the Polish Kingdom few dared to guess.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1175:
https://img244.imageshack.us/img244/3843/campmapad1.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Kazimierz II:
https://img375.imageshack.us/img375/3831/kaz1vp4.th.png (https://img375.imageshack.us/my.php?image=kaz1vp4.png)

Bregil the Bowman

04-16-2007, 00:35

[QUOTE=Innocentius]

Also, I must apologize to you Bregil the Bowman, as my king share the same "title" as your recent Khalif.

No worries Innocentius - it's a common enough complaint among world leaders!

Bregil the Bowman

04-16-2007, 00:41

[QUOTE=bamff] The crew of his barque, the “Santa Agathoclia”, had now been responsible for sinking no fewer than 3 Egyptian dhows. All of the crew refer to their vessel lovingly as "La Nina", simply to avoid dislocating their jaws when attempting to pronounce her real name.

Quality, bamff, as they say in my part of the world.

Some great, sly wit throughout but that one really :laugh4: tickled me.

Bregil the Bowman

04-16-2007, 00:58

Part Five of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

Ibrahim II’s Baltic Campaign

The Baltic campaign of 1287 was conceived as a chevauchee, to damage the economic stability of the Byzantine empire and the Golden Horde in Eastern Europe rather than to seize territory. “Our task is to set a flame to the North,” the ageing Idris Al-Mu’tamid told his subordinate, Amir Ibn Badis of Ireland.

The army landed in Livonia and drove out the Byzantine garrison with ease. Occupying the fortress, they destroyed most of its facilities, leaving a port and a trading post since these had been the preserve of the country’s Muslim minority. One can only imagine this force of Moroccan spearmen and Spanish militia wintering on the Baltic coast, huddled beneath their cloaks and wondering as the sea itself became choked with ice.

Though the Byzantines did not retaliate, Livonia was attacked by an army from Novgorod – whether this was a response to a call to allies or an opportunistic attempt to seize the territory is not clear, but the invaders had no stomach for a fight and retreated before a sword was drawn or an arrow fired. This did mean, however, that Novgorod and Finland were now closed to Almohad trade.

The invaders moved south into Lithuania, leaving a token garrison in Livonia, while at the same time Prince Abdullah moved troop north from Kiev to join them. The Byzantines again retreated, leaving Lithuania under siege. In 1289 Amir Ibn Badis pushed them out of Smolensk and in 1290 a small expeditionary force attacked Muscovy.

The bulk of the Byzantine army had been cornered in Peryslavl, and it was from here that they launched their counter attack in 1290. The Emperor John III personally led an army of more than 3000 against the besiegers of Smolensk under Ibn Badis, a force less than half the size.

Ibn Badis drew up his lines of spearmen with a thick wood on his right. He deployed two demi-cannon and a line of Desert Archers to protect the spearmen, and as a skirmish line he had three units of Steppe Heavy Cavalry. More cavalry and infantry waited, concealed, in the wood.

The first Byzantine wave consisted of spearmen and Byzantine infantry supported by javelin throwers, arbalesters and two units of Kataphraktoi. A catapult and ballista were also deployed, although these were of little use to the attacking force.

The battle began with a volley of cannon fire that rattled the nerves of the Byzantines. As the infantry lines prepared to advance, half of the Kataphraktoi moved forward to counter any challenge from the Almohad skirmish line. The Steppe horsemen replied with volley after volley of arrows – despite their armour the Kataphraktoi sustained severe losses and were unable to get to grips with their faster moving opponents. As they drew back to await the infantry advance, they were quickly reduced to half strength.

The Emperor John moved forward with his infantry under a hail of cannon balls. Once his arbalesters moved into range he would have the advantage in missile exchanges. His javelin-men and Byzantine infantry would also give him an advantage over the ranked Almohad spearmen. Then disaster struck as a cannonball tore through the ranks of Kataphraktoi, killing the Emperor instantly. As the advancing Byzantine line wavered, Armenian and Saharan cavalry poured out from the wood, while the retreating Steppe Cavalry suddenly turned and attacked their right flank. Unit after unit broke and fled, even the elite Kataphraktoi, and the Almohad cavalry chased them from the field. One bold unit of javelin men rallied and advanced toward the wood, where it was met with a hail of fire from concealed arquebusiers. Soon they were running too. Any unit that did make a stand was quickly surrounded and massacred. The Byzantine first wave was utterly destroyed.

But the battle was not yet done. The Almohad horsemen drew back as a second wave arrived. Though this force consisted largely of undisciplined Slavs, they were many and they were supported by steppe cavalry and horse archers. Even so, they were unable to get as far as the Almohad lines. One unit of Slavs broke under another devastating volley from the hidden arquebusiers. Another group tried to outflank the Almohads by penetrating the far side of the wood – only to find Almohad militiamen and more cavalry waiting for them. The second wave dissolved as the first had done.

A third, fourth and fifth wave followed. Many of the Almohad horsemen were exhausted, and their quivers were empty. The dashing cavalry chases became dull slugging matches, and there were casualties on both sides. With the introduction of a band of high valour Pronoiai Allagion and a handful of Kataphrakoi, it seemed at one point as though the balance of the battle might turn in the Byzantines favour. But it was not to be – fragile morale cracked and each wave was broken in turn. Almohad losses amounted to around 150, mostly from the steppe heavy cavalry. Byzantine losses were nearly 2000 and included their Emperor.

The Byzantines survived, replacing the hapless John III with Nicephorus I, but all that remained of their once professional army was a scattered collection of Slavs, peasants and half-strength survivors. For the next five years the Almohad generals ran wild, bringing fire and sword to Muscovy, Chernigov and Volga-Bulgaria in turn. A loyalist uprising in Livonia was thwarted when the Muslim population rose up against them, only to be hunted down and destroyed in turn by the tiny but determined Almohad garrison. Indeed rebellions sprang up wherever the destroying army passed, much as had been planned.

Not everything went quite as planned. Confident in the ability of their Steppe and Armenian heavy cavalry, the Almohads challenged the Golden Horde to a cavalry duel in Volga-Bulgaria. Despite outnumbering the defenders by two to one, the Almohad General Ibn Yaqub soon found himself hard-pressed as the Mongol nobility ignored the arrows bouncing off their armour and charged home. What a contrast with the lumbering Kataphraktoi of the Byzantines! With his body guard falling around him, the Almohad commander was only able to escape the final melee with his life by rallying every surviving Almohad unit to his defence. In the end numbers told, but when the enemy broke the pursuit was minimal. Despite winning the battle, Ibn Yaqub was unable to mount an effective siege of the Mongol citadel, so he withdrew with a valuable lesson learned – Almohad horsemen were not equal to the cavalry arm of the Golden Horde.

For the Byzantines, though, the situation was dire. Cornered in Peryslavl in 1295, Emperor Nicephorus gathered the best of his army for one make or break battle against the invaders. He mustered more than 2000 troops - many were Slav levies rather than the professional army against which the Almohads had struggled in the early years. Abu Omar, Prince of Kiev, led an army that was only a little larger but comprised some of the best troops in Europe – Nubian spearmen from Morocco; Almohad militia from Spain; Livonian arquebusiers; heavy cavalry from Kiev and Armenia; and even two mercenary regiments of English longbowmen. Prepared for siege operations, Abu Omar also brought a selection of artillery pieces, and for the battle he deployed three demi-cannon, mainly for the terror they produced among the Byzantines.

This point was not lost upon Nicephorus, who was mindful of his predecessor’s fate. He deployed his personal troops well beyond the range of the enemy guns, gathering his Slavic warriors in a wood on his left flank where they prepared an ambush for the Almohad army.

Though oblivious to the waiting army, Abu Omar had no intention of rushing matters. With a mix of troops so well suited to defence, his plan was to try and draw the Byzantines in on his centre while using his cavalry to rush their flanks. The Emperor’s stand-offish approach therefore caused some concern at first.

As at Smolensk five years earlier, the steppe heavy cavalry provided a skirmishing screen as the Almohad infantry deployed in alternate blocks of spears and swords with missile troops in the front rank. Whether the steppe horsemen would have spotted the ambush or not, Nicephorus began to lose his nerve and drew the ambush party back to where his main force awaited the attackers. Though outnumbered and isolated, the steppe horsemen rode up to the enemy lines and peppered the retreating Slavs with arrows, shouting taunts and insults at the Byzantines. No love was lost between the Muslim and Christian folk of the steppes, despite or even because of their close kinship.

Slav javelin throwers moved up to drive off their tormentors, but the horsemen merely rode back out of range, turned, loosed another volley and retreated again. The Slavs followed. Rather than lose touch with his skirmishers against an enemy more than capable of fighting them hand-to-hand, Nicephorus moved up the rest of his men – spearmen, Byzantine infantry, archers and his last intact regiments of Kataphraktoi. The steppe horsemen retreated again, and the first cannonballs thudded against the turf as the Slavs came within their range. Nicephorus had two choices – retreat, accepting unequal losses in the long-range skirmishing battle – or advance, risking all in an attempt to catch the Almohads off balance. Being no coward, he took the latter option.

The steppe cavalry melted away before his advance. A party of Almohad militia, sent forward to clear any remaining ambushers from the wood, quickly ran back to the main force. The way was clear for the two armies to meet in a fatal clash of arms.

But as Nicephorus ordered his line of battle, waiting for his archers and arbalesters to catch up, a deadly rain of shot came from the Almohad lines. Two regiments of longbows and one of arquebusiers let fly, reloaded calmly and let fly again. Tbe Byzantine lines reeled. Troops fanned out into open order to reduce their losses, only to see the steppe horsemen bearing down on their exposed flanks. Even the elite Kataphraktoi wavered, uncertain whether to face the threat to their front or to turn back to the rescue of their colleagues on foot. At that point Nicephorus must surely have thought again of the fate that had befallen John III – and at that point he was struck himself by a cannon ball. Once he had fallen all semblance of order was lost. Those who broke were hunted down by the Almohad cavalry breaking through their flanks. Those who held their discipline met volley after volley from the Almohad ranks before the advancing militia fell upon them with their scimitars. The arrival of a wave of Byzantine reinforcements – mostly troops of dubious quality – only added to the slaughter as each regiment was broken and driven into the arms of the waiting horsemen.

The Almohads lost a mere 67 men, some of them killed in the crossfire as they pursued their opponents, almost all of the rest killed by arrows and javelins rather than in hand to hand combat. The Byzantines lost 506 killed and 1007 captured. With their last Emperor among the slain, it was the end of an Empire. A number of armies vowed to fight on against the Muslim invaders, but as independent Orthodox kingdoms. Of the great Triple Alliance, only the Khanate of the Golden Horde remained.

Two years after Peryslavl, Prince Abdullah crossed into Khazar without opposition, driving the Golden Horde forces south into Georgia. The Baltic campaign had achieved its objective of breaking the Alliance’s economic base in Eastern Europe. The brutal and destructive nature of the campaign left provinces in chaos, rebellions springing up on every hand. The People of Novgorod, seeking to exploit the situation, had seized Lithuania, but in return they had lost Finland to a party of Finnish rebels, and now their situation looked precarious.

As the century came to a close, Khan Khobibag must have looked enviously at the empires his brethren ruled in Persia, in India and in China. The European empire of the Mongols was now restricted to Georgia and Armenia, with a small garrison holding out in Volga-Bulgaria. His allies had been destroyed, and it could only be a matter of time before his turn came.

But that was not to come during the Khalifah Ibrahim’s reign, for as the century passed so did he. Of the reign of Umar III, more shall be told in time...

CountMRVHS

04-16-2007, 02:54

Wow, two Emperors in a row lost to cannonball fire... yikes! :laugh4: That'll teach those eastern-Europe-conquering Byz.

ULC

04-17-2007, 22:48

This is my first try, so excuse any inaccuracies or at least tell them.

Faction: Bohemians
Difficulty: Hard
Era: Early
Mode: GA

Chapter One: Reign of King Vratislav (1087 - 1125)

A man, who would forge an empire, be remembered as a hero, a diplomat, a warrior, a protector of the faith, and for his honesty and virtue, sat lonely upon his throne contemplating his defeat. The year was 1087, and King Vratislav II was a troubled man. His kingdom was in decline, had been since the abominable Poles refused to sell their goods to the lowly "Czech". Income had steadily dwindled since 1079, and without the precious goods to fill the coffers of Bohemia and to trade to the Holy Roman Empire, Vratislav was becoming desperate.

"Damn them to the abyss! Are coin is just as good as theirs! But ever since Wladyslaw came to the throne, things have deteriorated. I can no longer hold back. My people demand action, and they shall have it!"

Vratislav gazes across the fields of Lesser Poland. "Yes, these lands are rich, ripe for the taking. And with the capture of Krakow, I will control the flow of trade." He smiles to himself as his aid, Lord Adlyn, rushes to his side.

"My lord, the enemy has retreated across the border! Even now they race towards Poznan castle."
"Hmmm...What is Wladyslaw planning...?”
"My lord, the troops request that we march on the castle. If we continue to leave Bohemia as undefended as it is now..."
"I know the consequences Adlyn; you need not speak of them. Send forth our mounted crossbowmen to give me a tally of Polish defenses."
"Yes my lord."
"Tell the men to setup camp; I have need to speak to my brother."

Vratislav contemplates the possibilities of Wdalysaws’ retreat. He knows that the armies were with equal number, but the Polish regiments were inferior in training. Still, to draw north to Poznan and leave men to man Krakow castle wouldn't give him the numerical superiority he needed. As he walked back to the command tent, a plan formed in his mind.

"Messenger, come here" Vratislav directs one of his aids, “Send this message to Lord Adlyn; tell him to reduce the overall garrison in Bohemia"
"Yes my lord" is his reply as he hurries to finish his task.

As Vratislav enters his tent, he is accosted by a dark shadow from his left. He quickly draws his sword, and it slices through the air towards the stranger. But the stranger is quick, and he deftly blocks the blow with a dagger hidden within his sleeve.

"Hail! What now, would kinsman fight kinsman in these troubled times? I would expect better of you, brother.” challenges the Shadow.
"Coming from you Jindrich, that sounds rather hollow." Vratislav replies.
"Whatever for brother?"
"In YOUR line of business, I thought it didn't matter if the times were dark, let alone whether or not it was kin."
"Dear brother, how could you say such things?! I have all ways kept an honest trade." Jindrich smiles at this, a smile that sends shivers through Vratislavs’ body. It was not that the man had an "unnatural" talent for his job, it was that he enjoyed every moment of it. How one could possible enjoy the games of deception, intrigue, and murder this man played, Vratislav could not imagine. What could possible twist an individual like this? Vratislav shook the dark thought from his mind and concentrated on the present.
"I have need of you to secure our western and southern border"
"Is that all? You would waste my talents on such things? If you have need of a mere messenger, send one of your pathetic sycophantic courtiers."
"I don't need arguments Jindrich! I am your Liege and Lord, and so be it, your Executioner! Do what I say for a change. Afterwards, I have an assignment for you in Rome."
"Do not threaten me, Brother... I know our relationship has never been "friendly", but their is no need to get violent." Again, Jindrich smiles with his incisors, and disappears through the opening of the tent.

"What am I supposed to do with that man? I cannot make do without his abilities, yet to keep such company..."
Suddenly, Lord Adlyn bursts through the tent's opening, sending attendants and all tumbling to the ground about him, as they all attempt to squeeze through at the same time. Adlyn is clearly out of breath, and his face is flushed the most deep crimson Vratislav has ever seen.
"My Lord! News from the scouts!"
"Speak."
"Kr, Krak, Krakow Castle has been abandoned!"
"What! A most disturbing report you bring me. Hmmm... Send word to Captain Rybar to garrison Krakow and begin using the facilities to fullest advantage."
"Yes my Lord." Adlyn motions to one of the attendants, who duly races off.
"As for you and me, we shall march to Poznan and lay siege there."
"But they outnumber us 2-1! My Lord, I think it would be best if attempt to reinforce Bohemia first, then when the time is ripe, strike Warsaw. If we continue to pull men from Bohemia, then their will no one to defend it!"
"I understand your concerns, Adlyn, but I have thought of a better plan. Bohemia is lost, so we must work with what we have here.”
“But my Lord, what makes you think so?”
“As you said, Krakow has been abandoned. King Wladyslaw has taken all his forces to Warsaw. But we hold their forges and armories, and without those, the Polish King knows he cannot win.”
“But why not take back Krakow?”
“What better way to defeat an enemy then to tear his heart out? He will deal a morale blow to us if he takes Bohemia and a mortal one if we do not secure both supply lines to Bohemia and invade Poznan.”
“As you will it.”

Battle of Warsaw
Borijov Adlyn eyed the Captain. Reports were sketchy, but it appears the Polish would wait no longer. Having laid siege to Prague for two years, the Polish ended the siege in a bloody, pyrrhic victory. With the loss of Prague came the loss of his title, and he had taken to drinking into the long hours of the knight. King Vratislav II prediction had come true. Somehow, they had managed to avoid excommunication, but the Polish had not been so lucky. Vratslavs’ machinations saw to that. And now Adlyn was tasked with reclaiming Bohemia for the crown. In either case, reminiscing in front of the Captain of the Guard was not on his schedule, and may start rumors about his supposed state of mental affairs.

“Begin the sounding for the march.”
“Yes General.”
The Captain continued to stand their, looking pleadingly at Adlyn.
“What is it, Captain?”
“My men wish to inquire why King Vratislav II is not accompanying us.”
Adlyn leaned back in his chair, sucked in a deep breath, and spoke in tones that only the Captain could hear. “It is a matter of honor. I have lost my title, and the King has saw fit to send me to battle to reclaim it. If I am worthy, then I shall take it. If not, the title will go to someone else more fitting.”
The Captain reflects solemnly for a moment, then salutes Adlyn, and turns on his heels and leaves.

A few hours later, Adlyn and his men, which are composed of 2 regiments of Feudal Men-at-Arms and Mounted Sergeants, 1 regiment each of Archers and Armored Spearmen, plus his own escort of Militia Sergeants, begins there long March to Prague.
The first two days pass uneventfully, but on the third day, just as they are crossing the border, The Polish appear upon the horizon.

“Send word to the King! The Polish have met us upon field!” Adlyn shouts to his messenger. Adlyn steadies himself for the coming battle. He surveys the terrain and spies a knot of trees upon a small hill. Orders are given, and the army marches duly forward. The Polish take position on the other end, with Horse Archers flanking three units of Slav Warriors. The Polish rear is covered by Slav Javelinmen and 2 units of Archers, with the Polish crown prince Casmir in tow. “This is a fateful day; to die here, to never regain my title, to lose my men who trust and believe in me. I cannot let that happen. Victory will be mine today”, Adlyn mutters to himself. The Polish have finally reached the Bohemian line, but instead of attempting a flanking maneuver, they charge straight into the forest at the Armored Spearmen, pouring all their forces into breaking them as their archers’ rain death from the sky. Adlyn cannot believe his luck, and orders his Feudal Men-at-arms to flank the main body of Polish forces to the left as Adlyn moves to the right. Out of the corner of his eye, he spies Prince Casmir moving towards the Bohemian archers’ rear. Before he can shout to his men a warning, a horn blows in the distance, the same horn he uses to sound a cavalry charge. His Mounted Sergeants respond to the suddenly confused Royal Knights and charge home. Prince Casmir’s men are surprised, but not defeated, as they begin to fight of both units. But luck and life are not with the prince, as none other then King Vratislav II and his guard charge home, and slaughter every man in the princes’ unit. The Prince attempts to flee, but is cut down by Vratislav, and most of his upper body falls to the ground. The Polish lose heart, and rout from the field.

Vratislav rides up to Adlyn, and looks down on the former duke.
“Are your men in good condition? Are you unharmed?” Vratislav asks.
“Yes my lord, only 75 men to report dead. My Lord, what of the prisoners?”
“Ask them of their loyalty only this; Do they are do they not have homes, wives, and children? If they do release them. If their loyalty runs deeper, slay them.”
“As you command.”
“Oh, Adlyn, in the morning we march on Prague, reclaim your title, and remove the heretical Poles from our beloved country. To long have our people suffered.”
Adlyn stares in awe at his king, but suddenly a thought flashes across his mind.
“My Lord, if you will, may I inquire as to how you knew of the Poles? You were three day’s ride to my march and yet my messenger barley had time to depart when you arrived.”
“I have my sources, Lord Adlyn, and you need not know of them.”
The reference to his title fills Adlyn with pride and humility at the same time. He stared in wonder and reverence at his King and spoke only “Yes, my Lord, your will be done.”

(I'm still writing up the story from my notes, so I'll post the second half of this chapter in my next post)

bamff

04-18-2007, 00:03

Hats off, YLaC, that was great stuff! I'm looking forward to the next instalment. Bohemians are a faction that intrigues me - what is your unit roster like? similar to Poland/Hungary?

Bregil - loving the ongoing Almo campaign. It never ceases to amaze and amuse me how peculiarly accurate the artillery can be when it comes to leaders!

Innocentius, I am looking forward to reading of what Chaos Kazimierz has planned for the Poles. Don't keep us in suspense for too long!

ULC

04-18-2007, 13:37

Martok

04-18-2007, 22:24

Bravo, guys! :balloon2: Bregil, that was a pretty epic campaign to destroy the Byz. Was that your goal from the outset, or did it just end up working out that way?

As for YLC and Innocentius, I find it interesting that you guys are playing neighboring factions (and that you're at war with each other in YLC's). I don't know that I've really seen that before. ~:)

@bamff: Assuming YLC is playing the XL Mod, then I can tell you the Bohemian unit roster is actually somewhat simliar to the HRE. (They have access to mounted X-bows and whatnot.) At least it's similar earlier on, anyway -- I've not survivied as the Bohemians long enough to make a long-term comparison. :blush:

bamff

04-19-2007, 00:20

:beam: Thanks for the encouragment Bamff. I orefer your style, but my notes generally are specific or as detailed. Oh and I prefer you'd call me YLC, as YLaC is disturbingly close to YMCA.:laugh4: :embarassed:

Hahahaha! Good point YLC! If the peasants and other Village People make too many references to the YMCA, we may see the return of Martok's Pink tuniced Cheerleader Camel Warriors, and then we are all doomed!

The Unknown Guy

04-19-2007, 11:14

Interesting. Did you deliberatedly bring about artillery to blow up the enemy ruler? I´ve often found it an useful strategy.

One thing I do sometimes is, against enemies that I´ve pushed back to a few provinces with huge stacks is, instead of waging long, annoying battles against waves and waves of reinforcements (which can be awful hard when they´re defending) is launching assasination taskforces into the battlefield, using fast, long-range projectile units (such as unpavised arbalesters or, preferibly, in the Pocket Mod, compound bowmen), gun down the ruler and as many of the enemy troops as I can safely do, and then fall back and retreat (so that hopefully you both destroy the faction, and keep your army intact so that you can tackle with the rebel remnants)

ULC

04-19-2007, 20:12

Battle of Wroclaw Plains

“Are you sure? I cannot believe he would stand against us.”
“ Brother, when have my sources ever been inaccurate? The Polish King shall break the ceasefire next year. You would think the Poles to sit idly by and let their homeland be overrun by the “Czech?” Jindrich smiled his predatory smile, the only thing that could unnerve King Vratislav II. The year was 1102. 13 years of war, 2 years of uneasy peace. The Poles had been isolated to Silesia, and had been building their forces up since then. But they had not attempted to take back any part of their homeland, instead opting for Brandenburg, and to call down the wrath of the Holy Roman Emperor, an ally of the Czech for the last 9 years. Vratislav heaved a heavy sigh, and let the thoughts that so troubled him slip from his mind; The Poles renewing their aggression, the sealing of the alliance with the Hungarians, the war raging in Volhynia with the Cumans, The marriage of his precious daughters to the Rus princes, the 16th birthday of his son Vratislav. All of it weighed down on him.

“ Then prepare the men. If the Poles wish to go to battle, then we shall oblige them.”
“As you will. Shall I inform Lord Jozka to mobilize his unit too?”
“ Yes. Jindrich, to be kind to announce your arrival this time, as it seems that Jozka nearly had a heart attack the last time I sent you.”
“But how else am I to safely practice my skills?”
“On any one but my men, if you would Jindrich.”
“But they are no fun, the comm…”
“ Jindrich, I warning you, I will brook no more disobedience from my spy master. I am sure I can find a worthy replacement.”
Jindrich simply smiles, turns on his heels, and with a flourish exits the throne room.
Vratislav motions to one of his aids.
“Send for my son, I have need to speak with him.”
“Yes my Lord”

Prince Vratislav was at that moment on the practice field, showing off to the ladies of the court his skill with the blade, with Lord Jozka instructing the rest of his men to get back to their training, that Jindrich decided to show up. Again, Lord Jozka reached for his blade while simultaneously making it look as if he was reaching for his heart.
“ King Vratislav wishes to speak with you in the War room Jozka, it seems rather important.”
“Damn you to the devil Jindrich! I’ll have your hide one of these days!”
Jindrich does not reply, but instead turns to Prince Vratislav.
“And your father has also requested your presence”
“ Indeed uncle. Tell my father that I will be along shortly. I need to attend to a few things…” He smiles at the lady of the court as he says this, and they return it with giggles.
“Err, I believe dear prince he means now. Your…personal matters…can be attended to latter.”
“You were always a killjoy uncle. Has it ever occurred to you that my father detests your presence? Maybe you should remove it.”
Clearing his throat, Lord Jozka motions for the prince to follow him, and they depart towards the castle, were the messenger that King Vratislav sent greets them at the entrance, and after a few moments of confusion on the aids part, all depart towards the War room.

“We are here father”, Prince Vratislav announces as he enters the room.
“Good, you received the message I sent.”
“Not exactly, Uncle Jindrich told me of your request.”
Vratislav II stares at his son for a moment, and then mutters to himself something that sounds like “kill that man”.
“What father?”
“Nothing son; Jozka, do you see the map before me?”
“Yes my Lord.”
“What do you see?”
“I see Polish regiments along our border, and German along theirs.”
“Yes, indeed. They are planning to break the ceasefire and attack Prague.”
“You wish me to instead to lead an preemptive strike into their territory? Are the Germans supporting us?”
“Yes, and yes. I see your time in Volhynia has been well spent Lord Jozka.”
“And what of me father?”
“You shall lead Jozkas’ left flank in battle and serve as his eyes and ears. I have little cavalry to spare for the coming battle.”
“And you my Lord?”
“I shall head east, to the aid of the Kievians. It appears Kiev itself is under siege.”
All three men stare at the map solemnly for a moment, and then each in turn leaves to his duty, with the King himself last to leave.

“The men are ready my Lord, and await your command. The Germans say that they too are ready to march.”
“Good, send word to Lord von Luxembourg to begin.”
Lord Jozka surveys the battlefield. In the distance, Wroclaw castle is almost visible beyond the mist and trees. A light breeze blows, enough to carry the arrows but not to sway them from their path.
“My prince, this is your first time in battle I believe, is it not?”
“Yes indeed, and it is good that I serve under one so decorated.”
“You do me an injustice, I have won only because of luck and foolishness on my enemies part.”
“Come now Jozka, don’t be so…”
“Hold prince! The enemy draws neigh! Hurry, to the flank!”
The prince charges off into the mist to his position. Horns blow in the distance, and the German army advances. Stick to the plan, Luxembourg, stick to the plan, is the only thought that enters Jozkas’ mind as his men begin the steady drum roll to begin the march. The Polish army, composed of 5 regiments of Slavic warriors, a small contingent of Horsemen, 2 battalions of spearmen, and 3 units of Royal Knights, easily outnumbers the apparent German/Bohemian forces of 650. But fear can make even the largest of armies run. The Germans charge into the Polish line, and the Polish cavalry immediately move to flank. They are cut down by a hail of arrows, but continue their charge. It proves suicidal, as Prince Vratislav charges out of the mist and strikes them in the rear just as another volley lands home. The Polish cavalry flee into the mist and Prince Vratislav gathers his men to wait for the signal. The Polish line begins to crumble as spearman after spearman falls to Von Luxembourg’s well-trained Men-at-arms, battle hardened from the wars in France, but they hold. Not for long, thinks Jozka. He raises his hand, and hangs there for what seems like an endless moment, and then drops to his side. The Prince charges, and from the mist charge the remaining 400 men of the allied forces on all sides of the Polish army. Panicked, but not defeated, King Wladyslaw rallies his men into a box formation. Surrounded, outnumbered, and outwitted, the Polish continue to fight on till the last man. Finally, the Royal family itself is surrounded and hacked to pieces by the Germans, with no thought of mercy or civility. Luxembourg rides to meet his fellow commander and the crown prince.

“Glorious victory is it not? Your men performed excellently. Long may the alliance endure, for I hope to never meet such fierce men in battle.”
“Yes, indeed, but with out you we could not have won with so few casualties”, replies the Prince.
“Good luck to you Luxembourg, and may we meet again on the battle field to smite our foes.”
“And to you too, Jozka. Relay my thanks to your king. As for my forces, we shall depart for France. It seems that they have need of men in Friesland.”
Both men salute, then turn with their armies and depart the battlefield, leaving behind the carnage of the day.

The Celebration

Tears fill his eyes as he reads the letter. King Vratislav is not an easy man to move, but the 16th birthday of his son Jan is near. Even now he races with all speed to Prague, letter in hand, leaving the care of his army in the capable hands of Lord Rybar.

“Ride my Lord, go to your son. The Cumans dare not attack with our ally Byzantium harassing them to the south. They have not the numbers.”

With the castle in sight, Vratislav II pushes even harder. He may have not been at his sons’ birth, but he would be there for his 16th. How could he forgive himself if he didn’t make it, he did not know, but make it he must.

“Three cheers for Prince Jan, long may he serve!” The crowd roars its approval, clapping and stopping their hands in rhythm as the minstrels begin their music. Prince Vratislav is in the thick of the festivities, dancing, drinking and singing however horribly, but Prince Jan stands apart. An intellectual by nature, Prince Jan is not as boisterous as his elder brother, nor as gregarious.
“Have you heard? My brother Jan wishes to go on campaign, and he’s only just turned sixteen! How brave he must be, isn’t that right brother?”
“Father wishes it, not I. I wish to study with Lord Adlyn, and better myself.”
“But brother you cannot better yourself through books! Live a little brother, instead of staying in that dark room!”
Jan looks at his brother sourly, and Prince Vratislav makes a face of mock hurt, and quickly dances off. Prince Jan downs his wine in one gulp, and begins to march off to the library when the doors to the hall are thrown open. The music stops and everyone looks to see their king, dripping wet from the storm that rages outside.
“Where is my son? Where is my dear son Jan?”
Stunned at the appearance of his father, having expected he would not show, he finally finds his voice. “Here father; I am here.”
Overwhelmed, King Vratislav rushes to his son and hugs him tight.
“Oh it is good to see you! Long have I missed you! Fives years since I last saw you, and in five years you have grown! I hear you have done well in your studies with my chamberlain. How fortunate for you! I myself had no talent for it, but Adlyn says you’re quite the prodigy!” Prince Jan wriggles uneasily in his fathers grip. Vratislav finally notices the crowd, which is stunned at the Kings openness towards his son. He looks at them and says in frank tones, “Was there not a party in motion for my son? Where is the music? The dancing? This is a celebration, not a sideshow! Enjoy yourselves and stop gawking.” The crowd slowly returns to life, having been shocked that their warrior king could possible display such emotions. But one is not, and he knows how best to exploit the Kings' love for his son.

Last installment coming tomorrow. Wait till you see what King Jan does with the Czech Empire!

Martok

04-19-2007, 20:45

Very well done, YLC! That was a truly excellent narrative. I'm definitely looking forward to the next installment! :bow:

Bregil the Bowman

04-19-2007, 23:05

Part Six of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

Umar III becomes Khalifah

It was clear that Ibrahim II was dying. The question remained which of his two brothers would seize the crown first, given that Umar, his son, was still a minor. It seemed likely that should either of his uncles come to power, Umar might not live to receive his father’s crown.

Mohammed, the elder, certainly had the stronger claim, and his campaign against the Holy Roman Empire had certain helped to hasten the demise of the Triple Alliance. It had been many years, however, since Mohammed had been tested in battle – indeed not since the years of his father’s reign - whereas Abdullah had played a crucial role in the Baltic campaign and was being hailed as the conqueror of Khazar. Moreover, neither prince had married and even if one could be persuaded to acknowledge the other’s right to rule, the Khalifate might yet fall into chaos upon their deaths.

Ibrahim’s empire stretched from Portugal to Khazar, from Sinai to Sweden. Malta and Sicily remained in Sicilian hands, but otherwise the seas and islands belonged to the Almohad fleet. Denmark and Sicily alone among the Khalifah’s Catholic enemies had survived, largely due to forbearance. Italy and the Papacy also remained, having enjoyed peace with the Berber leadership throughout the past two centuries, as did the Kingdom of Poland which had stretched as far as Brandenburg in the West and Volhynia in the East.

In the East, the People of Novgorod still held their native city and also Lithuania. The rest of the north-east had fragmented into rebel kingdoms following the demise of the Byzantine empire in 1295. The Golden Horde still ruled in Armenia and Georgia. But Asia Minor and the southern steppe now belonged to the Almohads. It seemed that the only threat to the empire was the likelihood that no clear heir would emerge, risking civil war among the ambitious generals.

Prince Mohammed, contemplating this situation, resolved to strengthen his claim with a campaign against the Sicilians. There had been no actual conflict between the two since the fall of Venice in 1265, but the Sicilian king had consistently refused peace terms and denied Muslim ships access to Sicilian ports. The time had come for Mohammed to make his mark.

“If Mohammed wishes to wear a crown, he must conquer Malta,” a soothsayer was rumoured to have told the Prince’s Italian mistress. Whether or not to believe this omen, he was unsure. As a good Muslim, Mohammed publicly rejected the heathen prophecy, but nonetheless he made preparations for an invading force which landed St Paul’s bay in 1300.

The Sicilian garrison prepared to defend the island. As the seat of Sicilian government for a number of years, Malta was well supplied with Royal Knights, supplemented by spearmen, sergeants, militia, archers and crossbowmen. They were well led, well-motivated soldiers, commanded by the able Lord Malatesta.

Mohammed’s army was somewhat larger and included a fairly typical mix of Almohad troop types – Nubian spears from Morocco, Granadian militiamen, Levantine arbalesters, Cyrenaican cavalry, Cordoban Faris, plus a siege train of mortars and demi-cannon.

The battle opened with forces drawn up on opposing slopes, the Sicilians enjoying a considerable height advantage. However, with Mohammed’s guns ready to fire, they quickly abandoned this position and drew back to a patch of woodland out of cannon range. This manoeuvre allowed the Almohads to advance and set up a new battle line on a higher ridgeline close to the Sicilian defences. Mohammed dismissed his gunners, reasoning that they would have no further role to play.

With the Sicilian knights representing the main threat, Mohammed sent out his Faris to harass their lines, with some success. Several times the knights tried to draw the Faris in with a feigned retreat, or drive them off with a feigned charge. Each time, the Faris resisted the attempt, keeping just beyond range and peppering the armoured knights with arrows at every opportunity. Soon the hillside was peppered with dead horses and dying knights. Sicilian patience cracked and two parties of knights mounted an all out pursuit, which drew them into range of the Almohad arbalesters. Hit with a hail of missiles, half of the knights charged the main Almohad body while the rest pursued the fleeing Faris off to the right. A wall of Nubian spears saw off the first group; a counter-charge from the Prince’s bodyguard engaged the second, while the Faris turned at bay. Each fight was fierce, but the knights had the worst of it, and once broken there was no saving them. The pride of Malta fled the field.

Next the Sicilian commander tried to salvage his position by sending forward archers protected by spearmen. Mohammed deployed his fast moving Saharan cavalry against them, one unit drawing away the spearmen while the other threatened the archers, then exchanging roles. Before long the spearmen were caught from the rear as they turned to face another threatened attack, and soon that part of the Sicilian army was routed – though not before they had inflicted casualties on the brave Saharans.

With the last Sicilian units, including Lord Malatesta, skulking in the woods, Mohammed deemed it prudent to unleash his infantry force, led by the Almohad Urban Militia. Hardly a blow was struck before the Sicilians fled, and a bitter pursuit followed through the trees. The Almohads had triumphed again, and Prince Mohammed laid his plans for the siege of Valletta.

As he did so, a messenger from Navarre arrived at the camp with news of the Khalifah’s death. Ibrahim II, frail in mind and body, had at last gone to join his forefathers. Wiping away a brotherly tear, Mohammed ordered that a warship be made ready with all haste, to escort him back to Spain to claim the crown before the news reached Abdullah in Khazar.

“There will be no need,” the messenger intervened. “The Khalifah’s orders are clear. You are to remain here in Malta, to complete the conquest of this island.”

As Mohammed’s face reddened and the veins bulged on his brow, the messenger continued calmly: “His majesty Umar III, may blessings be upon him, congratulates his uncle on a glorious victory. In recognition of his greatness, and of the love his nephew bears him, he awards you this golden crown, recognising you as soon to be the King of Malta.”

The Prince fumed, but there was little he could do. While the uncles had led their armies in pursuit of glory, their nephew had moved quickly in the Spanish court to confirm his inheritance. The two veteran warriors had been outmanoeuvred by a sixteen year old boy.

Abdullah received the news at his camp in Kiev, and smiled. His reward was to be made Amir of Khazar, and he seemed content. Perhaps despite his recent success, he recognised the peril of civil war among the Almohads if Ibrahim’s son was not allowed to claim his throne. While Mohammed had wintessed the destruction of the Holy Roman Empire and the decadent Sicilians, Abdullah still faced a dangerous Mongol army that should not be underestimated. Moreover, he was separated from the Almohad homelands by the neutral but powerful Kingdom of Poland, poised to exploit any weakness in the Almohad defences. He might have taken his chance against an usurper had Mohammed claimed the throne, but Abdullah knew better than to challenge the rightful heir with so many enemies at his back.

So it was that Umar III became Khalifah in the year 1300.

Bregil the Bowman

04-19-2007, 23:05

(Author’s note: this sequence was inspired by the necessity of saving and quitting the game before resolving battles at Smolensk, Peryslavl, Volga-Bulgaria and Malta. In each case when I exited the turn the Khalifah died and his son disappeared from the reckoning. But in each case when I reloaded the game, the Khalifah was spared for another year. I therefore assumed thathe was suffering ill-health, and that Mohammed had laid plans to seize the throne whenever he should die. In the event, he survived long enough to allow his son Umar to take his place – not only that, but a much improved version of Umar with a high command rating and the “Hard Sums” virtue – clearly a young man to be reckoned with!)

bamff

04-20-2007, 02:33

I must say that both Bregil's Almo campaign and YLC's Bohemian have been two of the best reads, IMHO.

Well done, both! :2thumbsup:

Martok

04-20-2007, 02:47

Indeed. In fact, I think you may be facing some genuine competition, bamff. ~;) Between those two and CountMRVHS' Welsh campaign, I'd say we're witnessing the emergence of some truly superb storytellers. :bow:

bamff

04-20-2007, 06:23

And lest we forget, Innocentius Polish campaign is also a ripper, and King Kurt's ongoing Teutonic Order campaign!
Truly my lords and ladies, the words spoken by Lord Martok were no jest - we live in a golden age of scribes, and I am truly honoured to have been mentioned in such company!

Innocentius

04-20-2007, 21:41

As for YLC and Innocentius, I find it interesting that you guys are playing neighbouring factions (and that you're at war with each other in YLC's). I don't know that I've really seen that before. ~:)

Well, now there's a war between Poland and Bohemia in my campaign as well:juggle2:

400th post and here goes:

The reign of King Kazimierz II The Great: 1175 - 1218 A.D.

Kazimierz hardly resembled his father in any way. King Leszek had been a mad man, but a kind and understanding one, as long as his dreams and imaginary friends (including his personal favourite at court; the Lithuanian bear) didn't tell him to do otherwise. Much of the administration of Poland had been handled by the king's brother, Prince Konrad and it was he who was responsible for the upbringing of the young Prince Kazimierz.
Already from a young age Kazimierz showed to have a fierce temper and would not hesitate to use violence to work his will through. He also tended to beat up his younger brother Wladyslaw, being the stronger and older of the two. This however lead to no hostilities between the brothers as they grew up and they would in fact look back and remember it later on, laughing at their own childish behaviour.
It was probably his hot-headedness and desire for war that lead Kazimierz to all the great achievements he accomplished during his long life and reign, and he is remembered in history as King Kazimierz the Great.

When Kazimierz ascended to the throne at the age of 30 he became King of Poland during its golden years. Poland was wealthy and at peace and had been so for the past 20 years and more. Although the good years continued throughout Kazimierz' reign his heavy investments in the army slowly drained the treasuries of Poland and although it would not suffer, a slight economic decline began with the crowning of King Kazimierz.
Despite Kazimierz' desire for war, peace remained for several years as Poland was surrounded by powerful kingdoms that could not easily be overthrown and conquered. In the late 1170-ies however, the Fatamid Khalifah began to fall apart. The capture of Egypt by the Catholic Sicilians and the conquest of all the Fatamid homelands by the eastern Turks known as the Seljuks triggered a civil war in the Fatamid possessions in the Balkans. The weak remnants of what was once the Byzantine Empire exploited this weakness and retook the lands of Moldavia, Wallachia and Bulgaria. Temporarily reaching a size worthy of an empire.
Kazimierz himself was not late to exploit this either. Also, fighting against the heathens his father had so easy-goingly allied with to save his kingdom would indeed be something that would please the Pope down in Rome. Kazimierz now quickly recruited an impressive army, and marched down into Hungary from Lesser Poland in the spring of 1183. The Fatamids who suffered dearly from their civil war and their unsuccessful wars with the Byzantines could do nothing and were forced to retreat, only leaving token garrisons to hold out throughout Hungary.
King Kazimierz immediately began to throw the Fatamids out by castle by castle driving them out. He even sent words to Poland to invite burghers and impoverished farmers and beggars to come south into Hungary to settle there and repopulate the lands where the war had taken its toll. He was too hasty in this however, and his success was short-lasted as a massive Fatamid army was gathered by the Khalif himself in Croatia and Serbia and marched into Hungary already in 1184.

The Battle of Mohács

As soon as Kazimierz heard of this he rallied his army, abandoned the multiple sieges it was involved it and hurried south. At the village of Mohács, south of the Danube he caught up with the Fatamid army.
The Khalif soon learned about the Hungarian presence and prepared his army for attack. Kazimierz responded to this by retreating to a great hill nearby, where he safely positioned his entire army. The Khalif's men approached, their archers, far away from their homes in Egypt, first. Long before they were close enough to reach the Poles, hails of Polish arrows rained down upon them. Thus began the Battle of Mohács.
The archery duel was brief and worked mainly in the benefit for the Poles. The Fatamid army outnumbered them severely, but the height advantage gave their archers a chance to even out the numbers a bit. The Khalif however soon grew impatient and ordered his entire army forth, focusing at the Polish centre. "A breakthrough in the centre would be disastrous for the Polish, allowing my men to reach the soft core of their army" the Khalif thought. But in the end it was he who paid for this tactic.
The Fatamid troops fought with great discipline and skill, unheard of by the Polish, and a breakthrough really was near at times, but then disaster struck for the Fatamids. Suddenly, the Khalif fell silently from his horse, dead; struck by a bolt from the Polish mounted crossbowmen.
With this, Kazimierz ordered his flanks to encircle the enemy. He and his knights and their retainers rode around the back of the enemy, engaging a tired and disorientated unit of Ghulams to thereafter attack the main army from behind. Everything went as planned, but even in the bitter end the Saracen infantry fought with such discipline and stoutness that the Poles themselves wavered at times. Their bravery was simply unbelievable!
In the end however, there was little that the encircled Fatamids could do, and they broke and fled, hunted down by the Polish knights and mounted crossbowmen. The battle was won.
The Fatamids who were taken prisoners were quickly ransomed back by an Emir acting in the name of the new Khalif, who was currently occupied trying to reclaim Bulgaria from the Byzantines. Among the prisoners were many fine generals who made a pretty penny for the Polish.

https://img404.imageshack.us/img404/6886/battle1sl7.jpg (https://imageshack.us)
Notes: I couldn't resist letting the Catholics beat a Muslim army at Mohács =P

The year 1184 saw further reason for celebration for the Polish, as Prince Casimir came of age in that year, and his birthday was celebrated with great splendour back in Krakow.
The war was not over yet however as many of the token garrisons left throughout Hungary in 1183 remained, and it would take two years for Kazimierz to drive them all out. On April 26, 1186 Esztergom Castle, the last Fatamid stronghold in Hungary, fell to his troops. Soon thereafter he signed a peace-treaty with the Khalif in Bulgaria, which was now once again the hands of the Muslims.
Good years followed. The feast for the wedding between Prince Casimir and Princess Klementine of Germany in 1192 is considered one of the greatest feasts in Polish early medieval history and the festivities went on for an entire weak in Krakow. During this weak, it is said that no one in Krakow except perhaps the youngest children were sober enough to even stand. If this is true is debatable though, as splendid tourneys took place in which Casimir himself participated.
During these peaceful years Kazimierz in secret forged a plan however. A plan of war to make himself master of the Dnepr and the east. In secret he allied with his former enemies the Fatamids - who were desperate for allies in their dire position - and thus cancelled his alliance with the "Byzantine" (rather Levidian) Emperor. In 1195 he invaded Carpathia while Prince Casimir marched with another army into the lands of Moldavia.
In Moldavia the Byzantines realised that their inferior numbers made victory impossible and retreated back into Levidia. In Carpathia however a battle stood. The Fatamids, the Khalif himself, now actually helped the Polish and sent an army into Carpathia hoping to claim some glory for themselves. This was a dire mistake however as they foolishly attacked the Byzantine army while Kazimierz was still organising his. The Fatamids were routed and slaughtered and their Khalif barely got away with his head still on. This made the battle all the more simple for Kazimierz however as the Byzantine forces were now tired, decimated and separated as some of them were still chasing the fleeing Fatamids. He charged head on with his men and personally slew many that day.
Shortly after the battle, the now highly self-confident Kazimierz claimed: "Surely I am know the only King on Earth who has beaten both a Khalif and an Emperor!".

The battle was easily won and the few survivors figured it was best to leave the lands, having heard of the great siege techniques deployed by Kazimierz in Hungary. Emperor Alexius III was in such a pathetic state that he dared not even send an emissary to ransom the prisoners, fearing that the Poles might somehow hurt him in that way. As no ransom was paid, the prisoners were slain, to the great amusement of the King.

The Battle for Carpathia:
https://img58.imageshack.us/img58/4051/battle2ge9.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Kazimierz did not settle with this, and continued his conquest by sending his son Casimir and his brother Wladyslaw into Levidia the next year. The terrified and pitiful Alexius ran like a whipped dog, retreating to the Crimea. Thus ended the Byzantine-Polish wars, the Byzantines being utterly crushed and robbed of all glory. Alexius died soon thereafter, refusing a truce into the very last.

A long period of peace now followed after these great successes. Some said this was the second golden age of Poland, but truly, the golden age had never ceased to be.
In 1205 King Kazimierz' second son Leszek celebrated his sixteenth birthday and his younger brother Henry, named in English manner, celebrated his in 1206. These were both great banquets and Poland was now regarded as the most civilised kingdom in all of Christendom. Even fashion, which usually was determined by what the Italians or French wore, now originated in Poland and all kingdoms in Europe, apart from perhaps from the Crown of Castille and Leon attempted to imitate the Polish and copied their manners and customs. Truly, Poland, along with Castille-Leon was now the centre for Christian civilisation.
But during these years Kazimierz always longed for war. He was growing old, he knew that and felt it too. He deeply desired to ride to war one last time during his life. He again wanted to taste blood (in Carpathia and Moldavia there were rumours of him being a vampire, feasting on the blood of the men he slew) and wished for a last chance for glory. In 1216, his chance came.

The old Bishop Leszek Buczak who, thirty years ago, had persuaded the King of Castille and Leon into an alliance was found murdered with the murderer still in the room! Apparently too shocked by his own horrible deed, he had been unable to leave the spot and was found staring at the body of the poor old bishop.
Questioning soon revealed that the man was a Moravian and in the service of the King of Bohemia. The culprit was hanged like any common thief, and King Kazimierz soon declared war upon the Kingdom of Bohemia.

The Battle of Letovice:

In the early autumn of 1217 a massive Polish army crossed the Bohemian border. The Bohemians were prepared, but not for this. Allies for so long, they had expected this war to be over within a month or two, probably resulting in nothing, but Kazimierz was a man who meant business. Instead of the minor border raid that the Bohemians had prepared for a simply huge Polish army crossed from Lesser Poland. The overwhelmed Bohemians realised their only way of surviving was by running away, and so they did to their eternal shame. Kazimierz did not blame them however, he too would have fled for such a superior force. Bloodthirsty he was, but not foolish.

Of course, the Bohemians would not allow their homelands and capital to be lost so easily and Prince Spytihev returned with an army outnumbering the Polish army with 5:3. Outside the little village of Letovice the two armies met on July 2, 1218.
Kazimierz brought with him fewer troops than the Bohemians, but his troops were equipped with the latest armour and weapons and he even had a few troops yet untested in warfare: three regiments of crossbowmen and two regiments of pole-arm wielding dismounted knights.
The Bohemians bravely approached the slight slope between to woods where the Poles were positioned in their traditional defensive manner: spearmen up front and archers (or this time crossbowmen) behind with swordsmen on the flanks. The famous Bohemian bowmen marched up and indeed they inflicted the heaviest casualties on the Polish of all Bohemian troops that day, but they were no match for the Polish crossbowmen. Disaster struck the Bohemians already at an early stage as Prince Spytihev was killed by the Polish crossbowmen. Despite the fall of their leader, the Bohemians kept on coming against the Polish position.
Soon the crossbowmen ran out of bolts and withdrew. Instead Kazimierz called for the knights he held in reserve to help him fend off the enemy archers. The battle raged on for hours with casualties mounting on each side. The Bohemians always marched into the semi-circular trap set up by the Poles. Once they were in the trap, the Polish cavalry rode down their archers without mercy while the Polish infantry engaged the Bohemian spearmen, sergeants and militiamen to prevent them from aiding their friends. This worked perfectly, and wave after wave of Bohemian reinforcements was broken and driven back. The two generals Sir Godzimir Puch and Sir Przemyslaw Sochaczew showed great bravery in this battle and were responsible for a lot of casualties on the Bohemian side.
In the end, the Bohemians gave up and retreated (or fled, some say), leaving the Polish as victors once again. July 2 1218 would always be remembered as a black day in Bohemian history. The ravens circling over the battlefield in the evening sky that night were beyond counting.
The prisoners taken that day were simply too many for the Polish to handle and Kazimierz rather had them executed than rebelling, adding another massacre to that on the battlefield. For this cruel deed he was hated by all Bohemia.

https://img253.imageshack.us/img253/9051/battle3dk2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Shortly after the battle King Kazimierz II died peacefully in his bed, out of age it is said. He died a happy man, having achieved a final great deed in his long life, defeating the Bohemians in such a battle as had never been witnessed by anyone before. He never got to see the end of the Bohemian wars, but had full confidence in his sons to finish what he had started. For his great deeds as well as his body figure he was remembered in Polish history as King Kazimierz the Great.
Prince Casimir would have succeeded him as King, but preferred to let the crown go to his much younger brother Leszek, who was crowned King Leszek II of all Poland, Lithuania, Hungary, Levidia, Lord of Kiev in late 1218 at the age of 29.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1218:
https://img252.imageshack.us/img252/6103/campmapho2.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Leszek II:
https://img339.imageshack.us/img339/2905/lesz1bo0.th.png (https://img339.imageshack.us/my.php?image=lesz1bo0.png)

Martok

04-21-2007, 00:01

Innocentius

04-21-2007, 00:18

Brave, Innocentius; another excellent narrative! ~:cheers: You had some very nice battles in there, and my congratulations on your victories. My compliments as well on using the muder of poor Bishop Leszek Buczak as casus belli for war against the Bohemians -- that was a nice touch. ~:)

By the way, I just have ask: What the heck is up with the Seljuks becoming a superpower?? Is that pretty common for them in your campaigns, or is it more of an anomaly? :dizzy2:

:bow:

The Seljuks becoming that big is something I've never seen before. It's pure luck actually. The Byz got kicked out of Anatolia and the Balkans by the Eggies while they were busy fighting the Cumans. The Eggies then continued to fight on the Balkans, pretty much abandoning their homelands. The Sicilian fleet then destroyed their fleet and cut them off and defeated their main armies in a series of battles i Egypt ans Cyrenaica. Then the Seljuks just mopped up the rest.
With the the rich provinces in Anatolia and the Levant they had enough money to steamroll the Volga-Bulgars who were seriously weakened by several wars at once (first against Novgorod and Kiev, then against Sweden and Denmark that briefly re-emerged in Finland). So basically they exploited the weakness of others. They might have over-grown though, but if they don't collaps from civil war or from an unwise attack on me the Horde will deal with them.

Me, I'm going to try and get myself a ceasefire with the Bohemians once Bohemia falls (and probably after a battle or two, they still have pretty large stacks) and then start preparing for the Horde (as I don't own Khazar this won't be gamey, once I notice the Horde I will send reinforcement to bolster my defences:clown:).

bamff

04-22-2007, 04:07

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 5 – Conquest in the East (1190 - 1200)

Treachery at Court
The Lord Chamberlain’s frustration was clear.

“No, my lord, no. The time is right to seek peace with Egypt. To this end we must decrease our forces in Cyrenaica as a sign of our good faith.”

“Don Felipe, I trust you recall which of us wears the crown. The Egyptian Sultan – what is the man’s name? Ah yes, Baybars…He has refused all offers of a ceasefire thus far. In any case, we fight for more than Aragon. This war is the crucifix against the crescent, Christianity against the Muslim.” King Fernando spoke the words tolerantly, but his patience was wearing thin. The evidence of Lord Mendez’s disloyalty had been mounting steadily over recent years, and now here he was, suggesting a withdrawal of Aragonese troops from Cyrenaica, a move which would leave it open to Egyptian invasion.

“Yes, my lord, it is you who wears the crown. You were placed on the throne by birth, but you remain there through MY good counsel. Do not be show yourself to be the fool that you are, you know I am right.” Mendez realised, even as he spat out these words that he had gone too far. No matter, he would simply have to advance the timing of his plans, he reasoned.

Fernando’s voice was as cold as the waters from a Pyrenees spring when he spoke.

“Lord Chamberlain you overstep your mark. It is you who hold your post by virtue of MY good grace. Were you not my second cousin, you would have vacated your post some years hence, and indeed it is that connection which will now save you from facing a charge of treason….but you leave me with no option. You are officially stripped of the titles of Duke of Aragon and Lord Chamberlain. Leave me – and never darken my sight again.”

Mendez bowed, then abruptly turned on his heel and marched from the chamber.

As he left, Felipe Mendoza, the Aragonese spymaster, stepped from behind a tapestry which adorned the western wall of the chamber.

“You are certain that he will make his move within the month?” queried the Aragonese king.

“Indeed, my lord, I would warrant that he will now accelerate his plans.”

“And your men have the others under close scrutiny?”

“All conspirators will be in custody or in their graves as soon as you will it, my lord.”

“It pains me to have to take such action, but it is for the good of Aragon. I cannot brook any treachery, especially whilst we are without an heir to the throne. Contact Don Ruy Pacheco. He should ahhh…’meet’ with Lord Mendez as soon as is possible.”

The mere mention of Pacheco caused Mendoza to suffer an involuntary shiver. The man was the most feared assassin in all of Aragon. He was unnaturally skilled in his dark art, and completely devoid of emotion. One could not tell whether Pacheco drew any satisfaction from his grim trade, but he was most certainly effective.

“As you will it, my lord.” Mendoza bowed, and scurried off to convey the King’s orders.

Some hours later, Lord Mendez was still raging in his family stronghold.

“To think, that fool Fernando should think he could dismiss ME! I made him, and I will destroy him! I will make a far greater King of Aragon! Was it not I that taught him the value of a well placed bribe? The importance of diplomacy when required? The use of military strength? The…”

“Use of the assassin’s blade, and how to avoid it?”

“Yes, yes, that too…who are you, and what are doing in my…” Mendez’s last query trailed off as the colour drained from his face. The goblet that had been held in his right hand clattered to the floor as though his fingers had suddenly lost all sensation, all function.

“P-P-Pacheco?” he stammered, then grunted as the blade slid between his ribs. He gasped for air, clutching at his gory robes as the knife was withdrawn then thrust once more deep into his chest. He coughed twice as he fell to his knees. Pacheco stepped around behind his victim, and grabbed a handful of his hair.

“Should have paid more attention to your own lesson then, shouldn’t you – my lord?” the assassin’s question was laced with sarcasm. Mendez could only manage a guttural sob in response, before Pacheco drew his blade across the traitor’s throat. Pacheco then calmly knelt beside his victim. He examined Mendez body for a moment, ensuring that his target was indeed dead, then wiped his blade clean on Mendez’s tunic.

The following morning, the broken bodies of a dozen traitors were placed upon the castle walls, with Lord Mendez having pride of place nearest the gate. King Fernando appointed Lord de Molina as Duke of Aragon and Lord Chamberlain.

“I apologise that it has taken us so long to bring you to this post, old friend,” Fernando confided, “but we had to bring the traitor out into the open first. Now, what news on our plans?”

“Our forces have advanced into Egypt and the Sinai, my Lord. The army moving into Sinai is led by Don Pedro Berenguer. My own cousin, Don Pedro de Molina leads our forces into Egypt.”

“Excellent, excellent. I look forward to hearing of our successes.”

The Battle of El Arish
Don Pedro Berenguer surveyed the mountains that dominated the landscape near the coastal township of El Arish.

“That is where I would be, were I defending.” He noted to his lieutenant, Don Diego Diaz de Haro, a fellow Knight of Santiago.

“Agreed my lord. Perhaps I should take my squadron higher up the slope to determine the muslim’s position?”

“Yes. I will bring our main body up the slope to this position. By the time we reach the crest, you should have had ample time to identify the Egyptian dispositions.”

Intelligence gained by Felipe Mendoza’s men indicated that the Aragonese were up against a force commanded by Sultan Baybars II himself, and including both Prince el Adil and the legendary Amir abu Ma’mum, the man credited with almost single handedly destroying a French crusade aimed at Tripoli the preceding year.

As the Aragonese troops reached the crest, the Egyptian force came into view. The two armies appeared very similar in size.

“What is he doing?” asked an incredulous Berenguer as he watched the Egyptian force.

Sultan Baybars II was clearly not a battlefield leader. The Egyptian force wheeled and turned and then turned again as the Sultan continually changed his mind on the question of where best to position himself to face the Aragonese attack. Eventually, the strain of the constant relocations, and the obvious complete indecision of Baybars caused several Egyptian units to turn and ride away from the field. A cascade effect was then triggered, as the Egyptian units, seeing their comrades withdraw, and their Sultan continue to dither, each wheeled and retire from the field. Berenguer’s men were left alone on the field, victorious, but mightily confused as to what had just happened.

The Battle of Sidi Barrani
As Berenguer’s army celebrated its bizarre victory in the Sinai, a second Aragonese army was advancing into battle at Sidi Barrani in Egypt.

This army was led by Don Pedro de Molina, a wily tactician indeed. De Molina’s army included some unusual units, all of which could trace their origins back to Aragonese crusades against the Almohads some years previous. Whilst many Aragonese commanders would tend to ignore the effectiveness of such units, de Molina was known as a man who would embrace the unconventional. As a consequence, he would make very good use indeed of such units as Steppe Heavy Cavalry, Mounted Crossbowmen, Irish Horsemen, and Dhruzina Infantry.

“The Egyptian artillery is our primary obstacle” de Molina began as his captains drew near, “but I have a plan which will overcome this problem. Moreover, the Egyptian general has kindly disposed his forces in a manner most conducive to the success of this plan.”

Indeed, al Adil abu Inan had positioned the bulk of his army well to the rear of his artillery units. Possibly he was seeking to gain the advantage offered by occupying slightly higher ground. Don Pedro de Molina ordered the steppe heavy cavalry and mounted crossbows to advance on the Egyptian right flank, and the Irish horsemen on the left. Upon reaching their designated positions, the mounted crossbows and Irish horse reverted to their secondary role – light cavalry. They swept down upon the hapless Egyptian artillery, bringing with them panic, destruction and death.

The Egyptians reacted quickly, with units of desert archers and Nubian spearmen moveing forward to engage the Aragonese units. As Don Pedro de Molina watched the Egyptian line unfold from the centre, a smile spread across his weathered face.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/SidiBarrani2.jpg
The Egyptian forces divide

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/SidiBarrani4.jpg
The Aragonese advance in good order

“Perfect.” He raised his sword, then thrust it toward the broken Egyptian line. With a rousing cry of “Santiago!” the Aragonese army advanced.
With the Egyptian forces spread all over the field, they could offer little in the way of coherent resistance, and though they fought bravely, they were steadily forced back. In the thick of the fighting, al Adil abu Inan was cut down, and his death broke the spirit of much of the Egyptian force. As the Aragonese regrouped atop the hillock, their hearts momentarily sank. Hordes of Egyptian reinforcements were advancing in good order, ready to avenge their fallen comrades.

Don Pedro de Molina surveyed his men grimly. He knew that his supply lines were stretched perilously thin, and that consequently it would be quite some time before any reinforcements were to hand. He also knew that any attempt to withdraw now would be tantamount to suicide with such numbers of Bedouin camel warriors, Ghulam cavalry, and Saharan cavalry so near. The eyes of his men were upon him, some clearly unnerved by the size of the advancing Egyptian force. Defiantly he raised his sword “For Aragon and for Christendom!” he shouted.

As the first Egyptian counterattack was repelled, a second wave was sighted advancing across the desert. With his own reinforcements still far away, and his men tiring fast, grim necessity forced his hand, and he gave the order to despatch the enemy prisoners taken thus far. The surviving Dhruzina infantry carried out the order with some relish.

The second Egyptian counterattack was dealt with as was the first, and a third attack was similarly repelled. The Egyptian casualties were steadily mounting. But so were those of the Aragonese, and still the reinforcements had not made their way across the burning desert sands. The first two units of reinforcements arrived just as did the fourth Egyptian counterattack, and the sight of these units joining the line was enough to see the Egyptians break off their attack and flee the field. 1,552 Egyptian and 528 Aragonese corpses lay strewn across the sand. The surviving Aragonese troops were utterly exhausted, but the sight of the fleeing Egyptians energized them sufficiently to raise a rousing cheer for their general. Victory to Aragon had been won!

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/SidiBarrani9.jpg
Tons of Camel meat - it's enough to make Mithrandir cry

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/SidiBarrani11Victory.jpg
Victory!

France on the Offensive Again
In 1190, the French war machine once again slipped into gear, with French armies storming into the English provinces of Scotland, Mercia, Wales, and Wessex. The English manage to hold in Wales alone.

This was indeed a curious victory. The English chose to make their stand near the small welsh township of Llanfairpwllgwyngllgogerychwyrndrobwllllantysiliogogogoch. French commanders, in attempting to direct their troops to the field are sorely afflicted with tongue cramps. Those that manage to successfully impart the information to their men take so long in making their way through the name of their destination that very few Frenchmen arrive in time for the battle. Consequently the English emerge victorious, but even this victory is tainted – the English garrison is so weakened in the battle that the Welsh seize the opportunity to rise up the following year under the inspired leadership of Sir William Marshall.

It is not all grim news for the English in 1191, however. Forces from Northumbria travel south to relieve the siege in Mercia. In 1192, these same English forces reclaim Wessex from the French.

In 1193, the French are brought to account for their latest offensive, as Pope Gregory IX excommunicates them for their aggression against a fellow Catholic faction.

Barely two years later, King Phillipe is dead, and with no heir to the throne (there had long been many unfortunate rumours of the French Monarch’s preference for the company of “pretty young boys”), the former kingdom of France dissolves into a series of independent states.

Antioch & Tripoli
In 1193, Pope Gregory had given his Papal blessing to an Aragonese crusade aimed at the Egyptian province of Antioch. The crusaders duly arrive in Antioch in 1195. Their arrival causes terror in the local populace, and the Egyptian forces withdraw immediately to their stronghold without so much as loosing a single arrow.

Prince Ferdinand leads a strong Aragonese force into Tripoli that same year, with a very similar result. The Egyptian forces again retreat to their stronghold rather than facing their invaders in battle.

Within two years, both castles fall, and Antioch and Tripoli become parts of the growing Aragonese Empire.

Lord de Molina reads the news aloud at court “Our Army has crushed the last vestiges of resistance in Tripoli, and our brave Crusaders have taken Antioch. It is a Glorious Achievement indeed!”

“No my dear Lord Chancellor. Had we taken Antioch 22 years ago, it would have been truly a glorious achievement. Do not misunderstand me, this conquest is still a memorable and worthy victory, and we are most pleased to include the provinces of Tripoli and Antioch into the realm of Aragon.”

Foreign Developments
The Norwegian flag is once again unfurled in 1198, as a group of loyalists seize the formerly French province of Saxony. King Fernando sends an emissary to investigate the strength of the newly reborn faction, to determine whether it is worthy of being offered an alliance.

The Maltese, inspired no doubt by the new found freedom of the French provinces as well as the impressive oratory of Vitale Giuliani rise up against their Sicilian masters in 1199.

Lord de Molina asks the king whether Aragon should send aid to aid the Sicilians, long an ally of Aragon.

“We do have troops available in sufficient number and ability to crush the Maltese army. They could be in Malta within the month.”

“True, true,” agreed King Fernando “However, were we to send them NOW, our cousins the Sicilians would retain Malta….whereas if we delay our move we may find ourselves in a position to be….rewarded for our efforts. By all means, send orders for the troops to ready themselves. I will give the order to sail when it is appropriate.”

“As you will, my Lord” smiled Lord de Molina, before bowing and retiring.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/StateoftheWorld1200.jpg

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/StateoftheWorld12002.jpg
State of the world in the year 1200. Note the stack in Burgundy that is rebel in one pic and Genoese in the next. The Genoese are in the process of bribing their way into Burgundy!

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 4 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1039
Chapter 3 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1033
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1000

The Unknown Guy

04-23-2007, 12:57

SHADOW OF THE EMPEROR
a pocket mod Holy Roman Empire Campaign

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e5/Holy_Roman_Empire_crown_dsc02909.jpg/300px-Holy_Roman_Empire_crown_dsc02909.jpg

Episode I: Emperor Conrad II and the destruction of Denmark

Conrad II wiped the sweat off his brow, as he examined the battle aftermath. Back on his camp, his petty court of sycophants was feasting on boar and wine, but it was his opinion that a man should always be fully aware of the conseçuences of his deeds, lest self-deception lead him away from the path of rightneousness.

After being elected as Emperor, Conrad had made it his personal cause to make the Empire safe for all pious men, and started a series of agrarian reforms, aimed to achieve a prosperous state of well-being worthy of the original Romans.

The first step in this had been building a series of garrisoned forts, to prevent skirmishes from neighbouring kingdoms into an altogether too wide front.

The second step was the annexion of the domains of the self-styled "King" of Denmark. For a long time this rebellious region had defied imperial power. Not anymore. After ensuing the safety of his borders, the Emperor had marched north with his forces, raising milita levees along the way to finish this danger in the northern imperial domains.

Upon reaching their intended target, they were met by the King´s army. Apparently his rival´s intentions had been to lure Conrad´s armies into a trap in the forest, sending his forces there, while he and his firstborn stayed behind, no doubt hoping to charge at the rear of the Emperor´s army while engaging his main host.

His treacherousness had been his downfall. His distance from his men effectively allowed Conrad to drive his german levees between the Danish monarch and his forces, allowing him first to annihilate them separatedly. The King himself, a fool and treacherous villain to the end, had fallen along with his son when he was rounded up along his song by a host of peasants and plebeians eçuipped with makeshift poleaxes, which dragged him to the ground and hacked them to pieces.

After that, his demoralized army, despite being surprisingly well eçuipped, had been easy to lure out of the woods where they lurked, and annihilated by subseçuent assaults by the imperial forces, among which were a considerable number of exiled norsemen, who had sworn fealty to the Emperor. "They fought bravely" thought Conrad, and immediatedly decided that their leader should receive the title of the new Imperial duchy of Denmark"

He dismounted to check his horse for wounds. In the final stages of the battle, a body of axe-wielding danes, the fiercest and most loyal to the dead king, had been particularily hard to fall. It had reçuired several charges from the Emperor himself to finally break and drive them off the field

[TBC]

Innocentius

04-24-2007, 21:10

Great campaigns everyone! It has been long since there was a HRE-campaign here~:cheers:

Martok: You wondered about the Turks? Well... Their Sultan died:

1219:
https://img411.imageshack.us/img411/7867/campmapiw7.png (https://imageshack.us)

1220
https://img359.imageshack.us/img359/7396/postturksmm3.png (https://imageshack.us)

:laugh4:

I'll post a write-up of the reign of King Leszek II within short (plenty of battles against the Horde recently:whip:).

Deus ret.

04-24-2007, 23:02

Impressive collapse indeed! A really unglamorous end for such a large empire.

Btw what happened to the Sicilians in the same turn? Suddenly they're down to only 3 provinces!

Martok

04-25-2007, 00:16

@ bamff & The Unknown Guy: Awesome campaigns, guys. I'm looking forward to more (as always!). ~:cheers:

@ Innocentius: Yeah, I saw that in the other thread. That's a real shame for the Turks -- a pity they didn't have a general who still had some royal blood in him. :sweatdrop:

The Unknown Guy

04-25-2007, 03:10

I got into so much trouble that I don´t even know how to continue the AAR properly. It would go around these lines

- The following years were somewhat peaceful, if odd. Conrad II kept on pushing into Scandinavia, but died in his sleep before his conçuests were carried on. It was his son, Conrad III, who finally ended his conçuest campaigns, conçuering Norway.
Conrad III was not blind to the strategic possibilities of those frozen lands. Immediatedly he commissioned the building of a series of castles in the area. His plan involved the eventual commission of a huge fortress in the Norwegian coast, overlooking the Maëlstrom. But he died before even the core of that upcoming fortress was finished, and with him died the peace that had held for years.

A coalition led by the Italian Doge and the King of France struck simultaneously at the Empire through two fronts. While initial assaults were repelled, eventually the new emperor was forced to give ground in Lorraine. Furthermore, the Papacy issued a bull forbidding the Emperor to lash back under pain of excommunication. Confused, and befuddled, the Emperor limited himself to hold the papacy-backed-French at bay, while he continued with his brother´s plans of making Saxony, Brandenburg, and Scandinavia, the core of the Empire, while launching levees at the southern Italians. For years the war remained static. The French attempted over and over to cross the river into Burgundy, but got repelled every time, whereas the Italians eventually managed to conçuer Tyrolia.
Things took a turn, however, with the fall of Genoa and Milan to enraged Provenzal militias. Knowing his moment had come, the Emperor allowed his forces there to plunder at will, knowing that, even in the event of a successful counterattack, it would prevent the Doge to rebuild the infrastructure and fortifications in time to oppose him. This move utterly crushed Italian hopes. His newly conçuered province of Tyrolia revolted against their new masters, and pledged allegiance to the true Emperor of the Romans, and half the Venetian garrison guarding the doge revolted against their master, who had pulled them into a hopeles war. Meanwhile, he defied papal commands by sending one of his sons into Lorraine, along with several sergeants, and around two thousand slavic warriors levees from the far east.

The mission was not one of conçuest. Both the Emperor and his son knew that, while numerous, his slavic levees were poorly eçuipped and motivated. Rather, the prince´s outright purpose was to deal as much damage as possible, no matter the cost, so that armies which were already mobilizing from the east and north of the Empire could take their places and achieve the actual, desired victory. He was successful in this goal, althrough losses were plentiful, even more plentiful than planned beforehand. After several pincer movements annihilated several divisions of French archers, which had hoped to ambush the incoming forces from the relative security of a forest, and the destruction of several sergeants and militia guards which had entered the prince´s own ambush in a village set in a valley, things started to go wrong. The French rallied, mustered their forces around their artillery, and called in their cavalry. Prince Frederick and his sergeants, while trying to cut their way through hordes of French spearmen and the personal bodyguard of a close relative of the French king to reach and destroy their ballistas, had to retreat after his supporting slavic warrior force was broken and routed by French cavalry. Even worse, his own retreat, while organized at first, became chaotic after the cavalry turned away from the retreating levies, and pinced Frederick´s sergeants.
Casualties were plentiful, twelve hundred against half their number of french soldiers. But most of them were among the levies, and were easiliy replaceable, and while the sergeants had suffered losses, the damage was not terminal. The following year the reinforcements arrived, and a new strike force led by another sibling of the Emperor, Heinrich, who forced the French to retreat to their King´s side in Paris, returning Lorraine to their former masters, and leaving Champagne utterly unguarded. That same year, the Emperor died, and the nobles, in a strange twist, chose his younger son Lothair, a charismatic yet prideful man, as the successor, over his two older brothers and his decrepit uncle. It was widely believed the papacy had had a hand in this, for the excommunication was rescinded. If they hoped that this would mean that Lothair would forget the French offenses, the Church hierarchy was going to to be heavily disappointed. Upon reaching the throne, Lothair started plotting the plunder of the peaceful city of Champagne, nominally under French rule, but left undefended because of their current king´s blunders, and prepared a simmilar move against the Duchy of Tolouse, drained of manpower by the prostracted war, while he looked covetously at the infighting in the trader´s city of Venice, knowing that, no matter what side was victorious, their hold of the city was not to be long-lived...

...and while Emperor Lothair plotted, unknown to him, a threat rose in the East, personalized in a man who took serious offense at the sight of a barbarian styling himself "Roman Emperor". A man belonging to an ancient, cunning, and long-memoried dynasty, that had already annihilated the Seljulk tribes in Asia Minor, and was already committed to a long and expensive campign aimed at throwing the Ayubbid Sultans out of Egypt. But expenses meant little to this man.

Slightly annoyed, the Emperor of Constantinople motioned his personal slaves to warm water for his personal pool, while surveyed a map of Europe and pondered whether to leave this "pretender" Lothair aside for the moment, or make an example of him to those who would attempted to defy the true heir of the Caesars.

ULC

04-25-2007, 14:42

THE VERY LONG awaited sequal to part two. Sorry about the false date guys, things just don't seem to pan out like they should. Innocentius, thats incredibly!:jawdrop: :jawdrop: Almost worse then my HRE game!

Without further adue

The Scouring

"Die vile pagan!" Prince Jan slams his sword into his opponent who lies prone before him. The man who used to be Prince Steksys gurgles blood in a muted cry of pain before succumbing to death. As the adrenaline begins to leave Prince Jans body, he looks at the carnage around him. Across the fields of Lithuania, bodies clothed and armored in the deep blues and reds of the Dukedom of Lithuania litter the ground like so much refuse, at least to Prince Jans’ eyes. Lord Ondrus and Lord Jozka walk to where their prince stands, both surprised at his ferocity in combat. Jozka speaks first.
“My lord, today was a sound victory, with only 158 men lost.”
“158 to many for these Pagans!” He spits the words out with so much malice that both of the nobles recoil.
“But you were untested my prince! One cannot expect to not lose a man in war.”
Lord Ondrus, generally silent and otherwise stoic, speaks in flat tones.
“What of the prisoners?”
“Slay them all; I will not keep pagan trash.”
“As you will my Lord.”
Lord Jozka is stunned at his Princes brutality. How could this be the same prince who studied into the long hours of the night?
Lord Ondrus speaks again in the same mild tones.
“Some have managed to escape my Lord, to Vilnius. Should we storm the castle?”
“No, lay siege instead. Death from starvation is most befitting those who refuse to take Gods word.”
As both men walk away from the grisly scene, Lord Jozka is struck by the change in attitude of Prince Jan since the visit from the Inquisition. What had they done to him?

End of Innocence

“Yes, that’s it Borijov, keep at him!”
Prince Borijov is nearly 16, and as his birthday draws near, King Vratislav II is teaching his son the way of the sword. Lord Korutansky of Volhynia is helping in this endeavor, and the boy is quite the prodigy. As of right now, Korutansky is under duress, for it seems he has taught the prince too much. With one sweep of his blade, Borijov knocks the nobles’ sword from his hands, and with a flick of the wrist, has the tip under his chin.
“Well done, Borijov! Excellent work!” King Vratislav exclaims.
“It was mere luck I say. I’d like to see him try that on a battlefield. Get himself cut to ribbons, focusing to much on one man.”
“ Come now, Oldrich, you can’t possible mean that.”
“Aye, I do my Lord. What this boy needs now is some real combat.”
King Vratislav eyes Lord Korutansky warily, looking ever the protective father.
“ It won’t do to have him cooped up here. Better that he learn now, whilst one of his brothers can protect him.”
King Vratislav finally caves in under Korutanskys’ both pleading and stalwart gaze.
“Fine, meet me in the war room, and we shall discuss plans on where to deploy my son.”
Borijov looks up at his father with surprise, since he was half expecting yet another round of arithmetic and history with Lord Adlyn.
“ You mean it father? May I go with Vratislav?”
“I’d prefer you went with Lord Jozka or even Lord Adlyn. That son of mine is a bit too reckless for my tastes. Nonetheless, I will put thought into it.”

From a hidden balcony overlooking the plaza where King Vratislav and his son stand, Prince Spyhtinev pays close attention. His father poured every last minute into that fool of a brother Borijov, and for what! He would never be king, and he didn’t even care! Borijov had no ambitions except to please his father. Spyhtinev had bigger plans. He may only be 10,but he had learned much from his mentor. He knew he was destined for kingship, but as of now he was fifth in line for the throne. Fifth! Even his brother Boleslav preceded him, and only Vladijov was behind him succession. Trickery, deception, even murder were in order if he were to ever assume his fathers throne. Spyhtinev stood and walked quietly away, and headed back to his mentors’ room to report what he had heard.

A page huffs from exhaustion as he crosses the corpse littered fields. He had once been a poor farm boy, but had been taken in by a noble and now worked for the court of King Vratislav II. As he hops over the bodies, he reflects that working on his fathers’ farm was probably the better of the two choices. As the page approaches Prince Jan, he sees him standing over a man who is clothed in the Lithuanian standard who is clearly a noble, if not royalty. With a flash of his sword, the Lithuanians’ head topples to the ground. The page involuntarily doubles over, but to his credit, quickly recovers.
In a shaky voice the page says, “News from home my Lord.”
“Yes, what is it.” Prince Jan replies
“Your brother congratulates you on another outstanding victory over the pagan Lithuanians. He would also like to let you know that your brother has joined him on the fields of Prussia.”
“Ahh, Borijov has come of age has he? Good, we will need able men to beat back this pagan trash. Did he send a letter?”
“Yes my Lord.”
The page hands him the letter, and Jan takes and tears the seal without ceremony. As his eyes scan the letter, they grow dark and his hands shake with subdued fury. Jan abruptly crushes the letter in his hands and screams “HE LET THEM GO! HE LET THOSE VILE PAGANS GO FREE! Father shall have word of this, let there be no doubt!”
The page is visibly shaken as Jan grabs a hold of his wrist.
“Send word to Lord Jozka that he is to take over duties here at Vilnius Castle.”
“Yyyesss, my Lorrrdd.”
The page scampers off back to camp, knowing now that tending the fields was the better choice.

“Send him here to speak with me.”
“ He is in yet another of his rages. It appears that my eldest brother has enraged him for showing mercy.”
“Good, we can use this to our advantage. Jan will be easy to manipulate, he is nothing like his elder brother.”
“Are you sure you wish to see him now? He might do something…irrational.”
“Yes, I need him irritated and without level thought, if such a thing isn’t alien to him altogether. Don’t worry, I shall be safe.”

“Why would that buffoon wish to speak to me? I have more important things to do then to talk to my fathers’ aging spymaster!”
“He says it’s something important, it has to do with our elder brother Vratislav.”
“Yes, I know, he sent me a letter detailing exactly what happened.”
“Then you will be pleased to know of what information Jindrich has on him.”
“Such as…”
“To tell you in public, here, now, would ruin its value. Better that it be said in public. Besides, I don’t know what it’s about, he simple told me to find you and bring you to him.”
“Fine, but it better be good…”

Within the throne room King Vratislav II smolders upon his throne.
"First you attack the Prussians, diverting a good number of my forces to some backwater dukedom that has never been hostile to us. THAT was excusable. But then Jan tells me thought you went and attacked the Norwegians, and without my authorization! I am disappointed in you my son.”
“Father let me explain. I had received information from one of our spies that they planned to attack our ally, the Holy Roman Empire, and I took the initiative and ambushed them as they were marching to Brandenburg.”
“That information was false! I have been working with the Norwegian King and the Holy Roman Emperor on a ceasefire and terms of recompense. Then you go and attack them, and in the process make me look like a fool!”
“Then blame your spymaster, not me! I marched on his information! What was I supposed to do, let the Norse kill countless soldiers and innocents?
“Authorization! Look before you leap! As of now, I am reassigning you to another unit, one that will defend Lithuania. I will brook no objections. You are my heir and you will begin to act like it. A few hard winters should see to that.”

Death of a Prince, Rise of a Tyrant

“Run, run for your lives!”
Even as he watched his army fall apart, Prince Spyhtinev knew he had won. The Lithuanians and their Rus allies were charging headlong into a trap, one in which their would be no escape. Spyhtinev muses to himself how enraged Jan would be if he were here, who was presently tied up in Pomerania with the Novgorod. Sometimes he wondered if his brother wasn’t more cut out for the inquisition. He snapped back to reality just as the routing spearmen stampeded into the forest. As the foolish Rus and Lithuanian army followed them in, Militia Sergeants sprang from their hiding places, and Armored Spearmen appeared from nowhere, blocking the Rus and Lith advance. Caught between two lines of men, the coup de grace was delivered with 2 units of Royal Knights attacking upon the flanks. Within a minute, a handful of enemy soldiers ran screaming from the forest, with the knights in hot pursuit.
“Brother, I believe we will have to assault the Castle. It appears the nobility have fled beyond our reach.” Spyhtinev says disinterestedly.
“Indeed” replies Prince Vratislav, although he believes otherwise. His time in Lithuania had been well spent, having attempted to secure peace with the Rus, but his brother had gotten a crack-brained idea that they could defeat them simply by taking Novgorod. He objected, but his brother Spyhtinev was senior commander, and had ordered the attack on Novgorod anyway. When the march began, they took every able bodied man, leaving Vilnius quite undermanned, and soon paid the price for it. The Lithuanians had cut them off after defeating Jozka, and with the Czech fleet battling it out with the Rus, they were stranded. Now they were forced to assault Novgorod castle to ensure their very survival, let alone prosperity.
“Get the men lined up. The faster we take the castle, the faster we can defend ourselves.”
“I shall see to it brother. May I inquire as to your rush?”
“Yes, you may: Reports from my men have indicated that although the Novgorod and Lithuanians have been subdued, the Kievians to the south have not, and are planning to attack Lviv and Krakow within two years. The faster we can assemble an army here, the faster we can aid our countrymen.”

Ivan Kozlov had never been a mean spirited man. In fact he had never held a grudge against anyone, including the Czech. But since the war had begun, sparked over the fool of a Prince Vsevolod, who had ordered the attack upon them while they controlled Lithuania, everything had been much worse. The Czech generals showed incredible prowess, especially against the impetuous nobility, using their desire for glory to lead them into traps that held anything but glory. The Czech were also desperate men, with the loss of the Holy Roman Empire covering their backside, and with war with the Kievian Princes too, had sent them into poverty attempting to keep their country safe. They had even gone so far as to use silverware for daggers in one battle; a memory Ivan is all to ready to forget, particularly since he lost that engagement. And now he stared death in the face, as his men were the only ones to escape to the castle in time. 110 men…against 680, with no hope of relief. He had never held a grudge, and he wouldn’t start now.

“HOW DID HE DIE! YOU WERE SUPPOSED TO BE PROTECTING HIM! I SENT YOU TO THE LEFT FLANK, THE OPEN FLANK, WITH NO OPPOSITION, AND HERE HE LIES DEAD BEFORE MY FEET! HOW DID HE DIE!
Prince Spyhtinev is livid with rage as he berates the royal guard of the late Prince Vratislav. Each and everyone one of them are battle hardened, and each and every one of them is scared out of their wits. To them, Prince Spyhtinev is a cool, calm, collected leader, and not easily moved in any situation, even death. The side he shows them now can only be described as beyond apoplectic. He grabs the nearest guard, lifts him by his livery, and holds him in the air.
“WHAT HAPPENED!”
In a most timorous voice, the guard answers, “I dooonnt knnoow mmmy lord, He was charging with the rest of us, and then he suddenly slumped into his saaaddle.”
The prince visible pales at this, and releases the guard, who lets loose a breath of relief.
Spyhtinev motions to one of his attendants, and whispers something into his ear.
The attendant nods in understanding, and quickly scurries off.
“As of right now, you shall be under the command of Sir Bretislav Hudak. You will be deployed to Castle guard. If in the likely event that we must vacate Novgorod Castle, you will serve as the garrison, is this clear?”
A unanimous yes is the reply to the princes’ grim dictum.

“Father hasn’t come out of his room since he received news of Vratislavs death. I fear for him.”
“Indeed.”
“Almost a year now since our brothers death. I think it has gone to Jans’ head that he will become king. I can see only trouble for all of us, if he does.”
A resounding “aye” verifies Prince Borijovs’ thoughts.
The three brothers sit at a table, pondering what would happen to them. Since the death of Prince Vratislavs’ death, the king had fallen into a despondent mood, then into illness. According to the court physician, he would not last long. They continue to sit there for well over on hour, when abruptly a messenger bursts through the door, bows to each of them in turn, and with a hurried voice pronounces “The King is dead!”
All three brothers stare in surprise, for some had expected their father to pull through. Spyhtinev speaks first.
“Now we don’t have to worry, about it going to his head; we only have to worry now just about our lives.”

Martok

04-25-2007, 22:59

@ The Unknown Guy: Wow, that's a pretty wild ride so far -- my congratulations to you for keeping things together as well as you have. ~:cheers: Here's hoping the HRE can now fend off the machinations of the Greeks as well!

@ YLC: Another superb narrative, mate. It looks like the Kingdom of Bohemia may be facing some internal problems soon.... :sweatdrop:

Well after far too long, I believe that I'm finally going begin a new campaign in earnest this weekend. I only have to decide whether I want to continue the Spanish game I started last week (I didn't get very far into it), or if I want to play as the Fatamid dynasty (playing with the Pocket Mod). Ah, decisions, decisions....

The Unknown Guy

04-26-2007, 03:13

Not as well as I hoped :/ :p The attack didn´t come from Byzantium, after all. Althrough the likely instigators, it was the poles, the hungarians, the French, and the british, the ones which invaded the Empire at unison. After some initial scutting in the Austrian and Venetian borders, the lines broke, allowing the Hungarians to cut deep inside the Empire, and the French retook the lands retook the lands beyond the Rhein river. Faced upon this odds, Emperor Lothair III ordered his father´s "scortched Earth" plan to be implemented, and all forts south of Brandenburg were burned down. Furthermore, faced with these odds, he started to blame it on divine wrath for not being pious enough, and instaurated an inçuisition to hunt down heretics through the land. Althrough some standing enemy officials were found guilty of heresy, the main brunt of the Emperor´s paranoia fell upon his own people, and he himself started to spend hours in penance for supposed sins.

The situation was dire, but not yet terminal: the Emperor´s son, grieved by the situation, led a sortie into Finland to grasp it from the clutch of the city of Novgorod. Also, the garrisons at Burgundy and Venice held, against odds, before the coalition´s onslaught
Finally, there was the Emperor himself. He had entered a vicious circle of zeal and madness, but the bulk of the Imperial army was still at his side. If he were to strike, likely most of the Empire´s enemies would be driven from the soil. Furthermore, were the advice of some specialists heeded, and the Empire started fielding heavy cavalry units (in the initial skirmishes against the Hungarian kingdom, the latter´s "skelegzy"´s mounted nobles had proven able to outmaneuver Imperial spear-armed gendry and sergeants.), they might be able to push the borders beyond what originally had been.

However, this would not happen while Emperor Lothair remained this church-fearing shadow of his former self. His elder son looked at him, and pondered. The Emperor had to go, no çuestion. But should he do something about it, or wait until the old man croaked? His new-found faith, combined by his years-old habit of indulging in wine, mean´t that it wasn´t going to be too long anyway...

(yes, I tried to send the hungarian king to the stake, and he´s now a born-again. The thing is that I started this HRE game, it took me blood, sweat and tears to be able to tech it up, and now I´m playing it to the dire, bitter end :p)

Innocentius

04-26-2007, 21:50

The reign of King Leszek II the Kind: 1218 - 1244 A.D.

In the year 1218 Anno Domini Prince Leszek succeeded his father Kazimierz as king of Poland. He inherited a great kingdom, one of the largest of Christendom and also the barrier between the Catholic church and the mighty Muslim Seljuk Sultanate of the east. The Polish had forged themselves their great kingdom and fortune with much bloodshed and through great efforts. For long the kingdom had been weak despite its size, and King Leszek II was the first to become king of a true superpower of its time.
As it would prove, Leszek was a very different man from his father. He had participated in the Bohemian campaign of 1218 and had seen war and what horrible effects it had, and it interested him little. He was of a kind nature and was a great promoter of the arts and cultural life in the kingdom of Poland. He was also responsible for raising and rebuilding hundreds - not to say thousands - of churches and cathedrals across Poland. He invited many monastic orders to settle in his lands and construct monasteries. Thus, with the wisdom of these monks, Polish literature became among the finest in all Europe and The Chronicle of Leszek the Good written by a monk only known as Laurentius is considered as one of the most important literary works of the early 13th century. Even though warfare pleased him little, Leszek knew the necessity of having an effective, standing, army, the feudal armies of the past proving highly unreliable, and thus he made sure that the army was renewed and modernised in the way his father had suggested. Polearms and more importantly: the crossbow, now got a much more important role in the Polish army, the old tactics of the spear and hunter's bow being abandoned and replaced with more reliable professionals wielding these new weapons. But above all, he sought for peace.

Peace was not easily attained however, and the humiliated Bohemians in particular were reluctant to sign a ceasefire with King Leszek. In 1219, Prague itself and its castle fell to the Polish, thus effectively ending the Polish - Bohemian war, although war would officially continue for the entire reign of King Leszek. No further actions were taken however.
After the capture of Prague in 1219 a long period of peace followed for the Polish kingdom and King Leszek could calmly watch as the world around him changed and kingdoms came and went. In the summer of 1220 the mighty Seljuk Sultan suddenly died without an heir, this causing a major collapse in the entire Muslim world. In the absence of power many of the now unemployed soldiers took to looting and raiding. These large bands of raiders brought the downfall of the tiny remainder of the Fatamid Khalifah as well. Even the Kingdom of Sicily were so badly shaken by these looters, pillagers and pirates that much of the lands they had conquered in the Levant and northern Africa were lost.
The hundred of small sultanates and kingdoms that now emerged were soon engaged in conflicts with each other and the constant raids of bandits didn't help to stabilise the situation. In the early spring of 1225 Tatar Rüstem, King of Bulgaria, rode to the court of King Leszek II in Krakow to seek his aid and protection against these bandits. In return for this protection Bulgaria would become a vassal state of Poland. King Leszek immediately accepted this offer and thus Bulgaria was made a part of the Polish kingdom.
The lost Sultanate of the Seljuks soon recovered however, as a man named Osman, claiming to be an illegitimate son of the last Seljuk Sultan rose to power in Anatolia. He had many followers and thus the Seljuk Sultanate was once more. Seeing this new threat many who did not wish to again fall under Seljuk reigned now united behind a man named Ibrahim, and thus the Fatamid Khalifah was also restored.

In 1230 A.D. another people entered the scene, rivalling the presence of the Seljuks in the north. This strange pagan steppe people from the far east were called Mongols but they were soon known by the Seljuk Turks as the Golden Horde because of their vast numbers and their golden armour. Indeed, the Khan of the Golden Horde was very successful of driving the Seljuks out of the lands north of the Black Sea, and already by 1235 only the land west of the Dnepr and Lake Peipus remained in Polish or Swedish hands.
King Leszek recognised this new threat to the kingdom, and ordered that his borders in the east be reinforced by a great many soldiers from the very heart of Poland. Arbalesters from Denmark, Pomerania and Prussia and halberdiers from Greater and Lesser Poland marched east to help their brothers in the defence against these new expansionist pagans. The Mongol Khan hesitated however, and it would still be many years before these two superpowers ultimately clashed. Until then, Leszek had other troubles to see to.

With the death of the Fatamid Khalif Ibrahim in 1240 his successor, Khalif Baybars I had chosen Wallachia as his seat of power. This spelled bad news for the Polish as Baybars had now gathered huge armies in Wallachia, which was surrounded by Polish lands. In 1241 Baybars dispatched an emissary in an attempt to persuade Tatar Rüstem of Bulgaria to join him, believing that his loyalty to King Leszek would be wavering. it was not however, and Rüstem immediately sent words to King Leszek of this. Leszek knew what had to be done and, reluctantly, he declared war on the Fatamids. Already in the spring of 1242 Prince Konrad, the Crown prince of Poland and 21 years of age marched into Wallachia. His younger brother Mieszko back in Krakow cursed the fact that he had been born in September and was thus considered just a little too young to participate in this war.

The Battle of Vidra

Forcing Khalif Baybars to meet him in the field was not at all difficult for Konrad. Baybars was highly confident in his superior numbers and the great many archers he brought to the battle. Surely they would decimate the Polish badly. He was wrong in this however as Konrad's army was equipped with the latest arms and armour and although it lacked the mobility of the Fatamid army, it packed a punch many times stronger. Also, with the Polish army came two regiments of turcoman horse archers from Bulgaria, sent by Tatar Rüstem to aid Prince Konrad.
In the forested fields outside the little village of Vidra in the northern parts of Wallachia Baybars decided to meet his enemy. He positioned his men, who counted several siege engines among them, atop a slight ridge facing the Polish, but foolishly enough he failed to secure his flanks. Prince Konrad, who even though he was yet young and inexperienced, knew that the Khalif had doomed his own army and himself by this severe mistake. Konrad wasted no time.
He sent his regiments of horse archers up the Fatamid right flank while simultaneously positioning himself and his knights on the Fatamid left. All the time his arbalesters approached. A grim duel now stood as the arbalesters thanks to their superior weapons well outranged the desert archers of Khalif Baybars but were within range of the deadly siege engines. Many Poles were crushed and killed by the stones and rocks launched from the Fatamid catapults but all the time the horse archers harassed the enemy from the flank. Being pressed from three sides, Baybars committed a grim mistake that nearly cost him his pitiful life: he divided his forces. His two regiments of heavy cavalry - all the way from Armenia - charged the horse archers while he himself and most of his army now attacked the attackers, charging the arbalesters and leaving the siege engines unprotected.
The turcomans were surprised by this cavalry shock and reacted to slowly to get away and engaged in a deadly melee with the Armenians. Their light armour and simple weapons gave them a huge disadvantage fighting heavy cavalry, but they held out long enough for relieving troops to arrive.
The arbalesters on the other hand acted exactly as they had been trained and ordered to. They fired at the Fatamids as they approached, and then withdrew just in time for the halberdiers behind them to charge the approaching cavalry. The result was a slaughter. The comparatively lightly armoured Fatamids were sliced and skewered by the highly professional Polish.
Prince Konrad and his men attacked Baybar's artillery, destroyed the siege engines and then split forces; some went to the aid of the horse archers while Konrad himself charged perfectly into the rear of the already engaged main Fatamid army. At this time it all became too much for Khalif Baybars who threw his dignity aside and fled the field like the coward he was. Konrad turned his retinue away from the battle and attempted a pursuit which unfortunately failed. The cowardice of the Khalif and his fast desert horses saved his neck that day.
Some Fatamid reinforcements followed but almost all broke and ran immediately as they witnessed the slaughter and were greeted by hails of Polish arbalest fire. Within an hour after the flight of Baybars the battle was over, and it was a clear victory for the Polish and Prince Konrad.

https://img352.imageshack.us/img352/6074/battle1yh8.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The prisoners taken by the Polish - who included some of the finest Fatamid generals - were quickly ransomed back under humiliating terms by Baybars, further crippling him.
The war in Wallachia was not over however, but Baybars and the remnants of his army instead decided to remain behind the safety of stone walls rather than again meeting the Poles in open battle. The war was not fought on a very big scale however and most Wallachians weren't even aware of the war other than by distant rumours of this and that castle falling to the Polish. As time went on more and more of the inhabitants sided with Prince Konrad and Baybars soon found himself abandoned by all.
Attention was soon drawn from the Wallachian theatre however as the two giants of the Kingdom of Poland and the Khanate of the Golden Horde finally clashed in 1243.

The Mongol-Polish Wars

By 1243 the Khan of the Golden Horde had become used to success. Wherever he had fought or wherever he had sent his troops he had been victorious and it grieved him much that the Kingdom of Poland prevented him from further expansion west. King Leszek had reinforced his borders greatly and to this date the Khan had not dared to cross the Dnepr to meet with him, but all this changed in 1243 as vast Mongol armies at last crossed the border and onto Polish ground.
The greatest of the three armies invading Poland in 1243 was the one that marched towards Kiev, the eastern and third capital of Poland (Prague and Krakow being the other two). This army was commanded by one of the finest generals there were, Kublai. Kublai had risen to fame during his campaigns against the Danes in the north, and it was he who had captured Novgorod. He now intended to make Kiev his second great prize.
At this time, in the early summer of 1243, no other than King Leszek himself resided in Kiev, a city that found particularly beautiful during summertime. His stay however was not long as he quickly left the city, mustered the army and rode out to meet the Horde and Kublai. He had learnt from his ancestors and their wars against the Kievan Rus, and knew the excellent defensive position that the Dnepr and its tributaries formed. At the bridges of Polesskoje crossing the river Uzj he met with his enemy.
Kublai was a brave man and a great warrior, but his personal capabilities and his almost insane bravery could not make up for the fact that he thirsted for glory more than was appropriate. The Mongols were seasoned warriors and knew that a bridge battle was dangerous and risky, not to say foolish. Kublai would have none of it however and as he saw the Polish positioned on the other side, with their king within reach!, he ordered a head-on charge across the bridge. His advisors at least managed to convince him into sending a lone unit of horse archers across the river further downstream, attacking the enemy by surprise in the flank.
The Mongols trying to cross the bridge were all slaughtered and shot down. The horse archers sent to flank the Polish indeed fulfilled their purpose in taking the Polish by surprise, but their numbers were too few and King Leszek took his retinue, charged home against the Mongols, slew most of them with the help of Sir Ryksa Kazczyk and his dismounted knights and then chased them off the battlefield. During this chase however disaster nearly struck the Poles as the King fell from his horse, seriously wounding his leg and hip. He remounted immediately with the help of his retinue, giving them strict orders not to alert anyone else until after the battle to avoid causing any panic. The battle was soon over however.
Seeing that his flanking manoeuvre had failed, Kublai himself charged across the bridge, but was mercilessly shot down by Polish arbalesters before he even crossed. With his death and the casualties mounting while achieving little the Mongols decided to call it a day and retreated, leaving the injured King Leszek as victor.

The Battle of Polesskoje
https://img230.imageshack.us/img230/3316/battle2rn4.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Meanwhile the Mongol army marching into Levidia from Pereyaslavl encountered a Polish counterpart under the command of Lord Dudzik. The two armies met at Jurjevka and the untested Lord Dudzik soon proved to be a fine commander.
The Mongols were commanded by their general Batudhun, just like Kublai a seasoned warrior although less famous. Batudhun lacked the incredible courage of Kublai, but was instead equipped with much wisdom and experience. As he first spotted the Polish forces he almost burst into laugher, although his manners told him never to underestimate an enemy. Not only did the Poles come in lesser numbers than his own, they only brought infantry! Apart from the retinue of Lord Dudzik not a single mounted could be seen within the Polish army. It was too early to triumph however, as the day indeed proved.
Dudzik knew the disadvantages of fighting with only infantry against cavalry, but used tactic unfamiliar to the Mongols and thus won the day. He deployed his one flank in the woods with some dismounted men-at-arms hiding in there, ready to ambush anyone who ventured into these forests. His other flank he secured by two regiments of halberdiers. Arbalesters up front, halberdiers behind. The Mongol horse archers approached and from there on the battle carried on in a very linear way.
The Mongols were outranged and out-powered by the Polish arbalesters and were again and again forced to retreat with heavy casualties, only to reform and reorganise, ride back and then be out-shot again.
Soon Batudhun learnt that his only way of winning the day was by defeating the enemy in melee. He thus grouped his cavalry together and charged. The melee that followed was brief as Lord Dudzik repeated the tactics used by Prince Konrad at Vidra: his arbalesters retreated and his halberdiers moved up and counter-charged the cavalry, bringing their pole-arms to devastating effect. The situation was worsened still as the dismounted knights soon charged into the flank of the Mongol cavalry, slaying many. The situation soon became intolerable for Batudhun who - different from Kublai - knew when to retreat and when to stay and fight. This was indeed the time to retreat.

The Battle of Jurjevka
https://img123.imageshack.us/img123/8264/battle3th5.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

This victory earned Lord Dudzik great glory as this was the first time that the Golden Horde had been defeated on the open plains where they were generally considered as the superiors of all others. And he had defeated them with infantry alone!
As news of the defeats at Polesskoje and Jurjevka reached the third Mongol army which was invading the densely forested lands of Lithuania they decided it was best to retreat.
The war was all but over however, and in the summer of 1244 another Mongol army commanded by Batubali crossed the border into Levidia. Lord Dudzik was indeed a great commander, although not a very creative one and he repeated the tactics used at Jurjevka and thus defeated the Mongol and killed Batublai at The Battle of Kupjansk
https://img45.imageshack.us/img45/2272/battle4ui8.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

How the war was to end was not for King Leszek to witness however as he died from an illness caused by an infection in his broken leg at Polesskoje. He drew his last breath on February 17 1244. Never a great man of war, his first field battle became his last. Many wept at the news of the tragedy as this was a premature death when compared to his forefathers. The kings of Poland generally lived to be old men, but Leszek II was the first to day before his sixtieth birthday. Some argued that this was unfair as King Leszek was one of the mildest kings that had ever ruled Poland, while his less humane ancestors had live to see their grand-grandchildren grow up. King Leszek only left two sons. The oldest, Prince Konrad now left the war in Wallachia in a hurry to visit his father's burial in Krakow. He immediately returned to Wallachia after this however, but the war lasted for merely a few weeks, as Khalif Baybars was murdered by his own men on May 13th 1244 A.D, thus ending the resistance in Wallachia.
On July 1 Prince Konrad was crowned King Konrad I of Poland, at the young age of 23.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1244:
https://img106.imageshack.us/img106/9862/campmapjo5.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Konrad I:
https://img266.imageshack.us/img266/4686/kon1lv3.th.png (https://img266.imageshack.us/my.php?image=kon1lv3.png)

Martok

04-27-2007, 00:04

@ The Unknown Guy: Well regardless of how well you may or may not be doing, I definitely have to credit you with hanging in there. :bow: With a bit of luck, you should be able to fight your way back into contention now -- I'll keep my fingers crossed for you!

@ Innocentius: Ah, gotta love all those battles with the Horde. ~D Hail King Leszek! Long live King Konrad! ~:cheers:

Bregil the Bowman

04-27-2007, 21:38

I was wondering whether my Almohad campaign would throw up anything worth writing up in its final phase. Most of my serious opposition is either knocked out or on the ropes, and I'm storming ahead in the GA charts. But the beauty of MTW is that it always throws something up to make a story...

Bregil the Bowman

04-27-2007, 21:39

Part Seven of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

The Wooing of Margrethe

As soon as he had secured his accession to the throne, Umar III set out on his travels. The following year he set up his court in Saxony where the Danish king’s 17 year old daughter, Margrethe, was also visiting. With Margrethe’s uncle, Hardeknud, having been raised at the Almohad court, it is likely that Umar already knew much of the fair Danish princess and may have set out deliberately to woo her. Whatever the truth, a legend has grown up that Umar was immediately smitten with Margrethe and fell instantly in love.

However, the Danes were at war with the Almohads and until that could be resolved there was little hope of securing the match. Umar therefore ordered the withdrawal of troops from Saxony and Sweden as an indication of peaceful intentions. Naturally no fool, he ensured that sufficient troops remained within easy call to defend against any treacherous Danish attack. The offices of the Grand Imam of Copenhagen (Denmark being by now 94% Muslim) were called upon to help arrange a ceasefire between the nations.

Alas, Umar’s plan was not to be. As feared, the Danish army once more crossed the Skaggerack and drove the tiny Swedish garrison back behind the walls of Stockholm. A relieving party arrived from Norway and the Danes retreated without a blow being struck. It was a pointless, sabre-rattling affair, but put paid to any hopes that Umar would win his bride.

Nonetheless, the year after the Swedish debacle, Umar acknowledged a son, officially the child of a blonde-haired Circassian slave he had taken as a wife on ascending the throne. Certainly Prince Yusuf had a lighter complexion and fairer hair than any of the Al-Mutamids to date. The following year Margrethe departed Saxony, where she had remained despite the hostilities between her father and her suitor. Legend has it that she and Umar had indeed consummated their love, and that she had secretly borne him a son before, in the end, choosing her father and her religion over her lover. It is even said that they had been married according to Muslim law, but that because he had wives already that marriage could not be acknowledged by the Christian world. Whatever the truth may be, Umar did not succeed in either making Margrethe his wife or making peace with his Danish neighbours.

One section of the army removed from Saxony was used, along with troops handpicked from around the empire, to conduct and invasion of Lithuania. With the border at Kiev strongly protected by the river, Umar instead ordered an invasion by sea. This manoeuvre caught the Prince of Novgorod somewhat by surprise, and allowed the Almohad force plenty of time to assemble before it marched south.

The Army of Novgorod consisted mainly of Boyars, troops of the highest quality but few in number. The Almohad army under Amir Al-Hakam, Master of the Khalifah’s Horses, included a number of steppe heavy cavalrymen, to counter the mobile threat of the boyars, but at its core were mixed infantry units, including longbows and arbalesters. Having used cannon with success against the Byzantines in similar terrain, Al-Hakam also included some light cannon.

In the event, the battle proved a damp squib. Rather than face cannon fire, the Prince of Novgorod retreated, allowing the Almohads to establish their infantry lines in good order without interference. An exchange of arrows between the two armies saw more Russians fall than Almohads, and the boyars again retreated. Neither side had suffered heavy casualties, but Prince Chort had had enough. Leaving a small garrison to defend Vilnius – which would be utterly destroyed by Almohad gunnery – the Prince fled back to Novgorod. Once Vilnius fell, the Almohads laid waste the country and drew back to Kiev. The garrison at Livonia was also extracted. With empty lands between themselves and the People of Novgorod, they again sued for peace, but were refused.

In Malta, Prince Mohammed was becoming increasingly irrational. He assaulted Valetta but found his demi-cannon under-performed against the stout defences. Rather than await the heavier guns promised by his nephew, he decided to assault the castle gates and claim his crown without delay. A bitter, bloody battle ensued with heavy losses on both sides, but in the end the garrison was slaughtered. This was not before the harbour was blocked by sunken merchantmen, and the facilities burned to the ground. Having conquered Malta, it would take Mohammed four years to escape, during which time his mind became entirely unhinged – it was said he was as mad as his brother, the Khalifah Ibrahim. He even changed his name (inexplicably) to “the Amir Wahid,” refusing the title of King for which he had fought so hard and spent so many lives.

As the Amir Wahid, he was charged with the conquest of Sicily, which he began as soon as the ports were available to remove his troops. The Sicilian garrison put up no resistance, but as preparations for the siege began, King Arcill II crossed from Naples with an army of considerable force. The Amir Wahid defended from an advantageous hilltop, but found that the new cannon that had at last arrived from Tripoli were almost entirely useless against troops in the field, particularly as the range closed. Many gunners were killed by relentless Sicilian archery, and the chivalric troops and royal knights of the Sicilian army fought well against the Almohad veterans. Even so, the Almohads had the victory, and though losses were high on both sides it would be Arcill who rued the loss of his best troops.

1307 closed with Umar III in firm control of his realm, with the Danes confined to Denmark, the Sicilians penned in Naples, the People of Novgorod driven north and the Golden Horde limited to Georgia and Armenia. Poland, Italy and the Papacy maintained the truce. It seemed Umar would have little to do but rule an empire secure and at peace.

The first reports of an army officer named Andronicus leading a revolt against the Muscovite barons hardly excited much comment, even when it became known that he had titled himself “Emperor of the Eastern Romans.” But when the rebels of Livonia, Lithuania, Ryazan and Peryslavl declared themselves as his vassals, the situation became one of greater concern. A re-emergence of the Byzantines had occurred in the turbulent steppelands.

Umar, still only twenty-three, smiled to himself. His forefathers had made their names as mighty warriors as well as statesmen. So might he, after all.

naut

04-28-2007, 10:01

Well I'll post some pics of my current HRE game in the pocket mod.

https://img80.imageshack.us/img80/1923/untitledip0.png

https://img213.imageshack.us/img213/1725/72380186tn6.png

https://img132.imageshack.us/img132/1084/57509969pj4.png

https://img153.imageshack.us/img153/3697/41349537pz5.png

https://img412.imageshack.us/img412/9606/15230390gu4.png

Martok

04-28-2007, 17:34

Nice, Bregil! It's rare to see romance and the "gentler sex" have a presence in AAR's here, but you pulled it off quite well. :2thumbsup: Poor Umar; he had to struggle through many years before he could finally reunite with his lost love....

@ Rythmic: Very cool, mate. So have you reached the point yet where you finally feel relatively safe & secure?

naut

04-29-2007, 00:46

Well Poland invaded and Italy has been relegated to Corsica so the East looks tempting. Although I could take Spain.

Maloncanth

04-29-2007, 23:35

Opening Moves
https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000002.jpg

In 1320, Grand Master Helion I rises to the leadership of the Hospitaller Knights. By then, the order was confined to the Rhodes, a tiny island guarding the approach to the Aegean from the Islamic frontier, which in his opinion, given the good deeds and crusading history of the knighthood, was ridiculous. Despite being the smallest major kingdom in Europe, it wasn't the poorest as the yield per square mileage of the small realm was unbelieveably high. It was not, of course, enough to call an empire.

Upon entrance to his office, Helion I immediately mustered his knights, order footmen, and lesser troops for campaign. He recalled from his youth, that an illegitimate duchy of Athens had been in power since 1311. Setting sail for Greece, Helion I challenged the lethal Armoured Almughavars of the Catalan Company to battle and defeated them. By 1323, Greece was in the hands of the Hospitallers.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000005.jpg

Prince Helion the Younger soon came of age and joined his father in the occupation of Greece. A teenager of more pride and brute strength than wits or good sense, the prince was more valuable as the leader of the Hospitaller Order's best knights than as an heir to the Grand Mastership.

As grain taxes from Greece flowed into the knighthood's coffers, Helion I began contemplating other advances in the name of Christianity. At the extremities of Venetian power, Crete was an attractive target so long as he could build enough ships to overcome the naval squadron based near the small island. To all sides of Greece, lay Orthodox realms. Yet, though he felt confident in victory against either the Bulgarians or the Serbs, any battle would make the third side stronger. Moreover, there was the still powerful Eastern Empire which had the financial and military might to dislodge the knights from Greece proper.

Then, in 1325, an interesting strategic situation developed as the Tsar of Bulgaria took a risk and left for years of campaigning in Moldovia, leaving his homeland exposed.

On the one hand, the desperate situation of Bulgarian finances, having a large army and poor lands was understandable. Helion knew if he seized Bulgaria, he could easily hold the Danube against the Bulgarians. Yet, it wasn't the Bulgarians he feared, but Constantinople's intentions as they turned down the Bishop of Greece's overtures for alliance. Nor was he certain he could sustain a siege of Bulgaria's fortresses, given Rhodes was committed to funding a fleet against Crete and all of the Greek military facilities had been damaged beyond repair and so the cautious Grand Master hesitated for some years.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000007.jpg

By 1327, the situation had changed. The Romans had other concerns to deal with, leaving Constantinople minimally manned, trusting in their superior strategic depth and in the Hospitallers' case, their mighty navy to defend them. In 1326, the Serbs had proved they had similar ideas about the Bulgarian situation and was ordered back only at the last minute by a strengthened Bulgarian garrison. Helion I dispatched the good bishop to secure alliance with Serbia to settle his western flank for the time being. Helion mustered and attacked and took Tarnovo by assault in 1328.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000009.jpg

In 1333, the Hospitaller's new fireships vanquished the Venetians at Crete, laying the road to the island open. The Serbians, discontent with not having Bulgaria themselves, took these new hostilities as an excuse for war and attacked at once, bypassing Helion's prepared positions near the Danube.

Battle of Bulgaria

The two forces were of similar size, but the Serbs had brought massive advantage in horses, with several squadrons of Serbian Cavalry. Having dispatched First Prince Helion the Younger to Greece in preparation for the invasion of Crete, the Serbs had sixty one Carska Garda to Helion's forty one Knights Hospitaller.

Moreover, Serbian Prince Urso was the Achilles of the Balkans. At an all up valor of 7, he and his bodyguard was more than a match even for Helion the Younger if he were present. Combined with his father's rather better generalship, he would be more or less invincible, and so the Grand Master was determined to bring the legendary warrior down in the least chivalrous way possible.

As battle opened, the Hospitallers marched to a hilltop position, obligating the Serbs to come get them. They did so, swiftly. The two princes of Serbia and a screen of lighter cavalry were upon the Hospitallers before their defense was even ready, harassing them and locking them in place. Once his lines were ready however, Helion ordered his pavise crossbows and arbalests to fire on the Carska Garda, knowing the invincible lancer prince he feared was somewhere among them. His assembled crossbowmen fired volley after volley and shot at the Serb knights until all had perished ignobly to their bolts.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000011.jpg
The Serbs' main body marches on the Hospitaller position's left flank as the last prince dies.

Then, Tsar Stephen himself came into view in the midst of the Serbs main army as it marched like the Golden Horde itself on the Hospitallers. Arrows fell like rain upon the ranks of Order Foot, their large shields proving almost ineffectual and the previously favorable exchange rapidly reversed itself - the Serbs had at least twice as many bows on the field and fired even more arrows.

Despite this, after some halfhearted and useless attempts at driving away the Serbian cavalry, Helion ordered his own pavise units to shoot down the Tsar. One by one, his household guards fell as his enemy's drained crossbow units were ordered to the front to help absorb the withering volleys of return fire. The Grandmaster had to preserve some of his Order footmen for the hand to hand fighting that would come next and more than half of them had fallen by this point. The minutes passed and soon, only a unit of arbalests had bolts remaining, the other archers desperately organized into light infantry units for what could turn to a slaughter ahead. The arbalesters continued to fire at the roaring urges of their grand master, on the Tsar, slaying his guards and slamming bolt after bolt of fire off his silvery armour as the Serbs, satisfied with the advantage they had gained shooting the Hospitallers down where they stood, advanced on the knights. The arbalests fired more, concentrating all of their firepower at the Serbian ruler as the Tsar led from the front, a dozen bolts lodged in his bloodied battleplate yet the Serbian battleflag he held high. But, satisfied that his opponent was wounded and struggling, Helion sounded his own charge and met the Tsar for the last time with his lance.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000012.jpg
Grand Master Helion I finishes off the Tsar of Serbia as Hospitaller Halberdiers break up ranks of armoured spearmen in the woods.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/00000013.jpg
Once sharp blow, and the war is over.

His mount leaping over the corpse of his nemesis, the grand master surged on and the Serbian lines break up into disarray as the now unopposed knights hospitaller smash into the vulnerable rear elements. Formation after formation of Serbs vaporized as the knights charged into them. Within seconds, the main Serbian elements of Voynuk, Armoured Spearmen, and Halberdiers break and rout before the remnants of the Order Foot and the remains of the Serbian army withdraw in defeat.

Sixty carska garda slain by commoners with crossbows. The Serbian line of Tsars has ended. Even though Helion I hasn't the troops to pursue a conquest of Serbia, this country will probably immediately fall under Hungarian sway.

Martok

04-30-2007, 06:41

@ Rythmic: "Go east, young man!" (Sorry, could't help myself. ~;p) Seriously, though, I would expand eastwards. I wouldn't tackle the Spanish until you're in a stronger position, and/or you were forced to.

@ Maloncanth: Well done! (A pity my computer won't show the screenshots, though. Weird.) That was awfully nice of the Serbs to eliminate themselves for you. :laugh4: So what do you think you'll do next? Are you contemplating a march on the Big C, or are the Byz still too strong for you to try that?

Galagros

04-30-2007, 13:05

@ Maloncanth: Well done! (A pity my computer won't show the screenshots, though. Weird.) That was awfully nice of the Serbs to eliminate themselves for you. :laugh4: So what do you think you'll do next? Are you contemplating a march on the Big C, or are the Byz still too strong for you to try that?

Mine won't show the either... :idea2:

Maloncanth

04-30-2007, 14:08

Oh oops, I shoved them into a folder for organization on photobucket. Silly me. Let me fix this.

And yeah, I marched on Consie, I'll post about that soon. :3

Right, so when we last left off...

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/1.jpg
Helion I nominated as a Natural Leader, for bravely ordering his Serbian enemies shot with crossbows.

With her royal line ended, Serbia was quickly made no more than a vassal of the Hungarian kingdom. In just a few years, the Bulgarians would attempt a foolish and highly abortive crossing of the Danube. Naturally, Helion I was victorious there too, and likewise, the entire male line of Bulgarian royalty fell to the bolts of Hospitaller crossbows. If only the Papacy could be convinced of the utility of such weapons against infidels! Unlike the Serbs however, the Bulgarian royalty would reemerge in a few years with more forces than they had ever commanded. They would not, however, contest their homeland from the iron grip of the Hospitaller Knighthood for a long time.

After the Serbs had been defeated, Helion's armies also invaded Crete under Healion the Younger. Although the prince himself died during the fighting the massively outnumbered Venetians were quickly routed and distance forced the Venetians to accept the reality of the order's control of the island. Though the Grand Master was personally saddened at the loss of his eldest, he remarked that for the knight order as a whole, it was probably a good thing that the much more capable Dieudonne ascended to the position of heir apparent.

Battle of Greece
As diplomatic encounters continued to be tarnished by religious differences, Helion I knew Constantinople would clash with the knighthood eventually and plotted to take the city. But the Roman Empire, if distracted, was yet powerful and it would take over a decade of constant military and naval buildup to both secure the border against the indifferent Hungarians and overwhelm Andronicus III's armies and fleets. Things finally came to a head in 1337 when the Byzantines decided to try to dislodge the knights from the mainland and behead the approaching conflict before it had rightly begun.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/2.jpg

Heavily outnumbered and lacking any crossbows, it would be up to Prince Dieudonne to prove the mettle of his generalship. Having come to know the lay of the land in Greece during his youth, the prince quickly sought safety on a high hill and after a few maneuvers, forced the Byzantines to confront him directly on the slope.

As the Romans marched, Dieudonne's Dejma claimed a few lives but their arrows proved largely ineffectual against the heavy armour of the Varangian Guard making up the center and the prince prepared to reorganize as light infantry for the approaching hand to hand fighting.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/3.jpg
Dieudonne's knights sweep across the flanks as the center charges at each other.

Then, as the Order Foot and Foot knights prepared to face the Varangians in battle, Dieudonne's knights and those of his second swept down either flank, leaving the armoured spearmen sent to receive their charges flat footed. Though the central Roman troops held their ground admirably despite their disadvantage, the knights smashed into the rear areas, throwing archers into disarray.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/4.jpg
The front lines or Order Infantry and Varangian Guard clash. Hospitaller Foot Knights assault armoured spearmen in the foreground. The other company of armoured spearmen has been left for dead by the speed of Albergatti's knights.

"Lascaris!" the prince roared, as the Roman general shook where he stood. "Face me!" D:< As his position scattered in panic, the general quickly fled the field in terror. A command of Byzantine Cavalry, the only mounted troops suited to respond to the disaster, charged bravely at the knights, sacrificing themselves to buy the general time to escape.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/5.jpg
The Romans lose hard. The Byzantine Cavalry in the bottom left eventually clash with the knights above them and defend their fleeing general to the last man and horse.

The War
The result was a glorious Hospitaller victory, though Prince Dieudonne later sent his commendations on the Byzantine Cavalry and the Varangian Guard who despite suffering 3/4 casualties, withdrew from the field in an orderly fashion. As a result of the victory, the prince was nominated a Skilled Defender, the placed in ultimate command of the war with Constantinople by his father, who slowing with age, contented to retire in Bulgaria, spending his days watching the Danube. However, with Hungarian military power always growing, it would be many years before the Hospitallers could muster their own attack and Byzantine ships continued to inflict dire casualties on the navy over the years.

The Bulgarians were moving during those years too, though as said before, their Tsar and all his princes got shot.

The Hospitallers finally marched on Constantinople in 1343 and took the hinterlands in a bloody battle on an uphill and heavily wooded field. Though the prince was eventually victorious by some margin, most of the order's knights were killed among the trees and the prince bitterly regretted the course of the battle. Nevertheless, the Hospitallers held Constantinople under siege for three years. Helion I died days before he would have seen his prize. The knights sacked the great city and Dieudonne ascended to the Grand Mastership within her crumbled walls.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/7.jpg
1346: A year of ill omen.

In the aftermath, the Knights Hospitallers were heavily depleted and the ravages of the Great Mortality put to rest any hopes for a quick victory over the various remnants. Most of the standing knights had perished taking the city or died during the plague and the rest were critically needed to deter Hungarian attack as the kingdom was then at its peak of military power. At sea, a struggle against the remnants of the Byzantine navy continued.

On land, things would remain quiet for years before Dieudonne slowly resumed his pressure on the Byzantines.

(Note: Yeah, it looks like I could've just swept them up for more points then but I guess I was playing it overly cautious at the time and I was juggling troops between Serbia and Consie/Nicaea for a while debating which side to attack. I did take Nicaea around 1353 or so. The serious action should resume once I load save today. :p)

Innocentius

05-01-2007, 23:04

Great stuff Maloncanth! Another interesting faction finally got their own campaign:yes: I like the trick with the last pic, though I'm utterly worthless at Photoshop and whatever so maybe that's a basic effect...

Maloncanth

05-02-2007, 15:27

Following the Fall of Constantinople in 1346 and the Great Mortality that followed, both sides took several years to regroup and recover. Though Roman military strength had fallen greatly below that of the knighthood, they retained their troop building facilities in Asia Minor and remained far from harmless. Moreover, the war at sea continued and it was now the Hospitallers who held many lands with many attendant concerns.

In 1350, a combination of naval success and falling concentrations of Hungarian strength had already made invasion feasible, but Dieudonne upon seeing the Marmara was not confident in taking it and withdrew without a fight. The Grand Master returned with a much larger force in 1354 and forced the Romans to withdraw.

With Hungarian troop concentrations falling further to a rare low, the Grand Master's advisors urged him to wage war on Hungary (who had been none too polite to his lordship's emissaries in the past) and secure their rich lands south of the Danube with such speed that the Pope would be unable to respond in course. Troops were moved to the border in preparation for this but Dieudonne was yet loath to wage war on fellow catholics. However, the empire, reduced to just Trebizond, yet refused to accept peace and instead reinvade the following year in a last desparate attempt to restore their position. Their force included a profusion of heavy cavalry.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/8.jpg

However, in the ensuing battle, the foot knights and lesser halberdier troops turned the wooded hills against their former masters and utterly massacred the Byzantines in the field. As a result, the Grand Master resolved once and for all to turn his attentions eastwards and moved to secure the whole of Asia Minor, and eventually, the holy land in the name of the church.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/9.jpg
The world in 1360.

In 1360, the Knights Hospitaller marched unopposed into Anatolia. Predictably, the infidels returned the following year, intent on repelling the incursion.

Battle of Anatolia
https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/150.jpg
Knights prepare to sally as the Turks attempt to ease apart the formation.

The battle began as a classic set piece, with the knights outnumbered and occupying a moderate high ground. As the Turks maneuvered for position, the knights simply shifted their formation to face their enemy. Armed with numerous crossbows, the knights were confident in victory, but unlike his late father, the Grand Master would not be satisfied with simply shooting the opposition. He ordered the crossbows to be turned only against the lesser troops and riders and ordered his knights (about fifty mounted and a further eighty foot) to prepare for charge even as the Turks tested their forces against the solidity of the catholic wall.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/160.jpg
Turks recede like the tide before the righteous might of God.

Finally, sighting his opposite, the Grand Master sounded the charge. The Turkish sultan withdrew to safety at once, ordering his lesser troops to surround and destroy the knights, but the christians attacked with such ferocity that almost the entirety of the Turkish main body of Ottoman Infantry and Sipahi's simply routed before them.

As the main force of Turks dissolved and were reduced to skirmish and harrassment by the Nizaris that yet held their ground, the Grand Master chased the fleeing sultan and finally confronted him on a hilltop where he fought and was slain.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/155.jpg
https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/200.jpg
The Turkish sultan is chased and is slain as he turns and fights.

Innocentius

05-02-2007, 17:52

As you might have noticed I try to sum up the reign of one king in one post but I've reached that phase in the game when everyone has huge armies and are having fun throwing them at each other, so I decided to work with shorter posts to not make them unreadable.

Part one of the reign of King Konrad I the Warrior: 1244 - 1256 A.D.

If any Polish King deserves to be referred to as "the Warrior" it is most certainly King Konrad who unlike his father was very much a man of war. Already at the young age of 21 he had become famous after his victory at Vidra in 1242 and as a result of that battle the Fatamid Khalifah had once again ceased to be.
Having once tasted war in Wallachia Konrad would never quite get tired of warfare and it was not rare for him to get in conflict with the Council of Nobles and the Hanseatic Merchants as these wished for peace. The nobility wanted peace so that they would not be obliged to ride to war in some distant kingdom or khanate and the merchants so that it would not hurt their income. Konrad usually paid no heed to the advice from such men however and mostly did things in his own - often very violent - way. Bohemian chroniclers in particular often portray him as a monster and tyrant, worse still than the hated King Kazimierz II, responsible for the massacre at Letovice in 1218.

Even though being a man of war King Konrad's first major action as King of Poland was seeking peace with the Bohemians, who had never quite forgot the defeat at Letovice and the loss of their homelands in Bohemia and Moravia to the Poles. Nonetheless, the aged King Jaromir II finally signed a ceasefire with King Konrad in 1245 after being persuaded to do so by Konrad's emissary Wenceclaus Mazovia.
Konrad's second action was to marry. Curiously enough he married out of love and not out of political need as was the custom in Europe at the time. Rather than marrying some foreign princess he married a commoner from Lesser Poland. We don't know much about her and only her first name, Maria, is known thanks to the chroniclers. For what we know their marriage was happy and they had many children, girls in particular. This brings us into the somewhat confusing subject of Konrad's sons.
In 1246 his oldest son Boleslaw celebrated his sixteenth birthday with great splendour in Krakow, but at this time Konrad was only 25 years old! This has confused many and there is still no answer as to who Boleslaw really was, a common guess however is that Maria was older than Konrad and that Boleslaw was her son from a previous marriage, making him a bastard. Whoever Boleslaw truly was he was declared crown prince and heir to the throne by his "father" on September 5 1246. Prince Kazimierz, who celebrated his sixteenth birthday in 1251 is possibly Konrad's own son, but a bastard nonetheless as he was born before the marriage with Maria.

King Jaromir II of Bohemia died in the bitter cold winter of 1247 and was succeeded by his son, Vratislav, who became king under the name Vratislav V. Vratislav was not of the same opinion as his father when it came to the ceasefire with Poland, still not able to forgive those who had wronged his forefathers. He now declared war upon the Polish and took them by surprise as he sent an army into Brandenburg in the spring of 1248. This army was under downright terrible command, the general - who remains unnamed in all sources, even Bohemian ones - being infamous for his gluttony and obesity while the army itself consisted mostly of crossbowmen and arbalesters, troops less suitable for offensive campaign.
The people of Brandenburg was shocked as the Bohemians came pillaging and burning along their borders and decided to drive them out on their own. Brandenburg had not been a theatre of war since the German civil war of the early 12th century (after which the Elector of Brandenburg, Ludwig Zirn, had joined the Kingdom of Poland for protection against bandits and other small states) and there were no professional or royal troops in the region. Thus the people of Brandenburg armed themselves with what they could find in their homes - most of these weapons actually dated back to the 11th or 12th century! - and went out to meet the invaders.
In the Battle of Alsfeld this peasant levy was decisively defeated by the Bohemians despite their numerical superiority and the slaughter was terrible to behold. The Bohemian army failed to achieve anything however and foolishly spent their time pillaging the rest of Brandenburg, not bothering themselves to consolidate their position, leaving the castles and forts of the land untouched. They paid for their foolishness in 1249 as peasant levies from Saxony and Silesia, accompanied by a core of professional halberdiers from Pomerania, marched into Brandenburg. After a short series of skirmishes in which the Bohemians were repeatedly beaten they withdrew, burdened by their loot.

The war now rested for a few years, but King Konrad was all but idle. Massive recruiting campaigns were held in Denmark, Pomerania, Greater Poland, Lesser Poland and Bohemia. Konrad himself installed himself in Prague in the spring of 1251 and the next spring he considered himself ready. In one massive move the lands of Franconia, Bavaria and Austria were invaded by huge Polish armies. The Bohemians and King Vratislav V would indeed pay for their treachery! This was the largest full-frontal offensive Europe had witnessed to that date and was in scale comparable to those of the World Wars in the 20th century.
In all lands into which the Polish marched - Konrad himself commanded the army in Franconia - the Bohemians fled, terrified by this sudden aggression and perhaps some of them were old enough to remember the terrible invasion of 1217. Castles were now besieged and the Polish celebrated the conquest of these vast areas of land, however it was still years before it would all be over, and on the eastern front things were not going quite as well.

In the early summer of 1253, as the campaigns on Bohemian ground still raged on with unabated intensivity, the Mongol warlord Khogibag saw his chance to rise to famedom and wealth as the Polish had been disbanding several regiments of spearmen along their eastern borders lately. The Golde Horde believed this to be a result of the Polish feeling safe from the Mongols after their victories in 1243 and 1244, but in truth it was only since these men had become superfluous with the increasing use of the more effective polearms such as the halberd.
Assuming he would face a weakened enemy caught unawares Khogibag lead a great army from Novgorod south into Lithuania with some reinforcements from Smolensk to his aid. Lord Plast, the commander of the Polish royal army in Lithuania had foreseen this however and marched to meet Khogibag in what was to be

The Battle of Glubokoje

The rapid advance of the cavalry-heavy Mongol army forced Lord Plast to meet them on terms that they agreed on, luckily for him though the lands of Lithuania were heavily wooded and sparsely populated, especially after the wars and border raids against the Golden Horde and this slowed the Mongol horses down a bit. Nonetheless Plast could not find a suitable hill closer to the coast or near a river crossing, but was forced to meet the Mongols on ground that suited them best: the open plains.
Remembering the successful tactics used by Lord Dudzik at Jurjevka and Kupjansk Lord Plast deployed his troops in a similar manner with his right flank secured by woods and his left with a few additional regiments of halberdiers. The Mongols were all but ignorant however and had learnt from their failures in Levidia that the Polish infantry could not be beaten in melee. So for this campaign Khogibag brought vast amounts of horse archers and as a result of this Glubokoje turned out to be the bloodiest battle thus far in the Polish-Mongolian wars.
On June 3 1253 Khogibag and his army faced Lord Plast's in the wooded fields of Glubokoje. The battle began with the advance of a first Mongol wave consisting of mostly horse archers and a few units of heavy cavalry, including Khogibag himself and his retinue. A long and bloody archery duel that was to last for the entire battle now began, but for Khogibag his glory did not last for long. As the Mongol heavy cavalry seemed to prepare for attack the Polish arbalesters directed their fire against them to weaken them before impact. As if the Lord himself had intervened Khogibag was struck down by the very first volley and with his death the cavalry abandoned this attack, instead they became sitting ducks and they all perished for the Polish arbalesters without achieving anything.
The battle was not over however and the Mongols who enjoyed numerical superiority kept coming in wave after wave. Soon the Polish arbalesters ran out of bolts and the heavily armoured halberdiers found themselves unable to catch up with the fast Mongols. The same armour that prevented them from catching their foes was the same armour that saved them from their arrows however, as these arrows lacked the penetrating effect of the arbalest. Lord Plast was now isolated as he desperately chased off a unit of horse archers, trying to save his men. He was quickly surrounded by a horde of Mongols and only just made it out of the fray alive, his entire bodyguard slain by his enemies. The Mongols gave chase and would have caught up with Plast if it wasn't for the halberdiers who rushed to cover his retreat. Despite this Lord Plast fled the battlefield in terror and most likely also wounded. This had a heavy demoralising effect on the Poles and many nasty rumours of Plast's cowardice circulated after the battle.
Despite the grim situation the battle eventually again turned in favour for the Polish as a wave of light cavalry from the steppes entered the field. These did not carry bows like the other Mongols and when engaged in melee the Polish could finally use their halberds to full effect. With this wave of cavalry crushed, their leader dead and most of the Mongols out of arrows the Mongols finally decided to call it a day an retreated. The Polish had been victorious again, yet at a high cost.

https://img256.imageshack.us/img256/1655/battle1dl9.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Even though the Mongol casualties counted nearly twice as many as the Polish ones, Lord Plast was unable to treat this battle as a true victory as his personal honour and reputation had been badly damaged by his flight and these accusations of cowardice haunted him for the rest of his life. Nonetheless, none could disagree that the Mongols had yet again been decisively defeated and their expansion westwards yet again hampered.

In Franconia, Bavaria and Austria things were going even better. The castles fell in rapid order and the Bohemians lacked full support from the population. In Lorraine however great Bohemian armies had been gathering during the autumn of 1253, apparently to prevent King Konrad from further expansion, or so he thought for in December they marched into Franconia to expel the invaders. King Konrad was not worried by this turn of events and knew that the many defensive positions offered to him by the countless rivers here in central Germany would halt the advance of the Bohemian army and work to his profit.

The Slaughter at the Bridge

Near a small bridge crossing a small river flowing up to the Weser (exact location unknown) the Polish army, outnumbered by 3:1 set up a strong defensive position. The Bohemians immediately took the bait and hurried to meet their foes. Many Bohemian castle garrisons still loyal to King Vratislav now sallied and joined the army.
Incredibly enough the weather worked in the favour of King Konrad to that degree so that the river remained unfrozen, despite the bitter cold and heavy snowfall. The battle that followed is not very well described in the sources but with all probability this was a pretty one-sided slaughter. The Bohemians desperately attempted to cross the bridge but were mercilessly mowed down by volley after volley from the Poles. The young sergeant Ziemowit Stasiak had been given the honourable task of holding the actual bridgehead and he and his men slew any Bohemian that tried to put his foot on the other shore. For the great efforts of him and his men he was knighted after the battle, rising to fight with the dismounted chivalry instead.
This total defeat by the Bohemian army was worse than that at Letovice and King Konrad was henceforth reputed as the finest battlefield defender in Christianity at the time.

https://img90.imageshack.us/img90/7756/battle2tb3.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

As news of this terrible defeat spread across Bohemia and Franconia in particular nearly all Bohemian castles decided that capitulation and agreeing to the Polish terms would be the best way - and possibly the only way of saving their necks. The only castles that remained in Bohemian hands were Munich Castle in Bavaria and Vienna in Austria. These castles were stormed and taken during the winter of 1253-1254 however and the prisoners took by the Polish here were all executed on spot.
On April 23 1254 terrible news reached King Konrad in Bamberg where he resided for the time being: the cowardly King Vratislav V had pleaded to Pope Anselmo down in Rome, and Anselmo had sided with him, excommunicating King Konrad for his aggressions against his Catholic brothers. This bothered the Kingdom of Poland surprisingly little however and only in rather recently Christianised lands such as Moldovia and Levidia was there a decrease in loyalty to the King. Konrad is reported to have said, as a response when hearing of his excommunication: "Ha! Merely words cannot overthrow a King! It takes sword, blood and guts and although our beloved Anselmo indeed possess the first two he certainly lacks the last!". Indeed no actions were taken against the Polish Kingdom or Konrad in person and the excommunication had no serious effects.

The year 1254 saw no military actions at all except a few minor border raids along both fronts but was instead a year of much planning. Konrad had two goals for the coming years, the first and most urgent being to finally force the Byzantines out of the Crimea. It was more than fifty years since any military actions had been taken between the Kings of Poland and the Byzantine "Emperors" in Crete, yet war was still officially declared and on the map Konrad was fighting a three-front war. Seeking to remove this third front he sent his younger brother Mieszko to the Crimea by fleet in the early days of 1255. Words of this invasion reached Manuel Bryennius, the Byzantine commander in the Crimea, quickly thanks to his extensive network of spies and when the Poles under Prince Mieszko landed just north of Cembalo on March 5 they found themselves greeted by Bryennius and his army. The battle that stood was brief but fierce and this was among the last times in history that the famous Kataphraktoi rode to battle.

The Battle of Cembalo

Manuel Bryennius had organised his troops in a negligent way with a big chunk of light infantry (mostly local Slav levies) and archers and Bulgarian brigands in the center with all of his cavalry, including his many horse archers, behind it rather than on the flanks. He had positioned his army atop a hill with a tiny valley, almost forming a perfect ditch, between him and the hill on which Mieszko positioned his troops. Already this was a mistake as he had now missed out on the opportunity of driving the Poles back into the sea even before they got out of their ships, instead he had provided them with a good defensive foothold.
The Prince of Poland ordered his troops into a traditional two-line formation with arbalests up front and with halberdiers right behind them. His mounted crossbowmen he sent around the enemy flank to harass the Kataphraktoi from behind. The archery duel that followed was highly inconclusive as the superior number of Byzantine bows made up for the longer rage and power of the Polish arbalests. Seeing this Mieszko ordered his infantry forward while his arbalesters would be shooting above their heads. The Byzantine infantry now joined for melee but were easily beaten by the Poles. Swords, spears and javelins could do little against the halberds. Some of the cavalry even joined into the fray but were also defeated.
Manuel Bryennius and his personal escort of Kataphraktoi retreated further uphill while the mounted units of the Polish army, including Prince Mieszko himself, slaughtered the now unprotected archers from Trebizond and Bulgaria. He then reorganised his forces and sent his halberdiers to deal with Bryennius, who was captured after a short struggle and the remainders of the Byzantine army were sent away running for their lives.

https://img464.imageshack.us/img464/6784/battle3bo0.jpg (https://imageshack.us)
The few prisoners taken, including the defeated Bryennius, where ransomed back by the Emperor in Crete, despite the terrible finances of the "empire".
War in Crimea continued until July 1256 when Cherzonez, the last fortification still in Roman hands, fell to Prince Mieszko. After this a ceasefire was concluded with the Emperor and the Crimea was ceded to the Kingdom of Poland.

The second plan realised by King Konrad in 1255 was not quite as successful, although it was indeed no failure: Konrad had, after his capture of Franconia, noticed how poorly defended Swabia was, yet in Swabia King Vratislav V along with all of his sons resided. If he could manage to force them into battle or trap them behind the walls of their castles he could either end the Bohemian line of kings or ransom them back for a ridiculous amount of Florins! This plan was indeed tempting, and as soon as words reached him of the success of his brother in the Crimea he set his plans in motion and personally commanded an army into Swabia.
To his disappointment Vratislav did the only reasonable thing and retreated, not even leaving a single man to defend Swabia. Konrad had underestimated his fiend, or rather overestimated his stupidity but in a way he was successful nonetheless as he now controlled the lands of Swabia. The Swabian nobles were quick in swearing allegiance to King Konrad and the Kingdom of Poland.
The Bohemian armies - now positioned in Burgundy - reacted and Vratislav sent a young and yet untested general named Lord Reznik on a summer campaign to reclaim Swabia from the Polish. Konrad found himself outnumbered 3:1 once more, but nonetheless decided to meet the Bohemians in the field.

The Battle of Tübingen

At the little village of Tübingen, a rural idyll in the hilly inland provinces of Swabia the two armies met, Konrad using the terrain to his benefit. He placed his army atop a steep hill with woods on both sides overlooking the little village. The position was ideal: there was no room for outflanking and the only approach was through the village and up the steep slope.
The inexperienced Lord Reznik however was confident in his numbers and ordered an assault straight up the hill.

https://img260.imageshack.us/img260/4368/battle4vq2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)
King Konrad I and his retinue overlooking the village of Tübingen and the approaching Bohemian army.

What followed was yet another slaughter, albeit not one as grim and terrible as in 1253 in Franconia. Lord Reznik sent his Bohemian bowmen in an attempt to force the Poles to attack him, but they were out-ranged and were soon decimated. He then sent his infantry in wave after wave, always under heavy fire from the Polish arbalests. Each time being driven back, reorganising at the foot of the hill to attack yet again.
Eventually the dismounted knights under Sir Chrosciszko Marosz charged into the flank of the Bohemain infantry, followed by a charge by the Polish halberds down the slope. Fighting uphill and with inferior weapons the Bohemians were slaughtered and quickly routed. Konrad himself participated in the pursuit.
Lord Reznik was however wise enough to not even bother to send for reinforcements and with his main battle defeated he decided to retreat. Many remarked that he was lucky to still be alive as generals facing the Polish had a nasty habit of dying in battle.

https://img409.imageshack.us/img409/3138/battle5wo7.jpg (https://imageshack.us)
King Vratislav did not have the money to pay for the prisoners taken and they were duly executed.

Here we leave the Polish Kingdom for now; the further exploits of King Konrad being a story to be told later.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1256
https://img258.imageshack.us/img258/1838/campmappy0.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Konrad I of Poland
https://img442.imageshack.us/img442/5294/kon1ej5.th.png (https://img442.imageshack.us/my.php?image=kon1ej5.png)

And finally some GA stats
https://img258.imageshack.us/img258/280/gapg1.th.png (https://img258.imageshack.us/my.php?image=gapg1.png)

As I believe you can tell from the minimap the Castille-Leonese are finally beginning to collapse, so they shouldn't be very much of a problem GA-wise.

Maloncanth

05-02-2007, 18:09

Unfortunately, I just lost all of today's progress from a CtD which I managed to cause by reproducing quantum states of two princes. See the relevant details. History is going to be glossed over a bit until I get back to where I was. :laugh4:

Martok

05-03-2007, 00:22

@ Maloncath: Good to see the Hospitallars are "bringing the light" to Asia Minor and the Balkans -- whether the people there want it or not. ~D A pity about your lost progress and the whole prince snafu, though. (You do seem to find creative ways to cause the game to crash! ~;p) In any case, I look forward to the next installment. :yes:

@ Innocentius: Wow, Konrad really is quite the warmonger, isn't he? Not that he was looking for the Bohemians to backstab him, but he certainly renewed the war with gusto! ~;) So are you going to try and finish them off before the excommunication is lifted, or will you let them be for now?

Also: I was looking at your screenshot of the GA points, and I must confess surprise at the Bohemians and Seljuks. It seems hard to believe the former could still be close to you in points, but that the Turks should have so very few. (Which only illustrates that I've never fully understood how they're really calculated.) :dizzy2: In any case, good to see you're ahead and doing well. ~:cheers:

Innocentius

05-03-2007, 15:15

@ Innocentius: Wow, Konrad really is quite the warmonger, isn't he? Not that he was looking for the Bohemians to backstab him, but he certainly renewed the war with gusto! ~;) So are you going to try and finish them off before the excommunication is lifted, or will you let them be for now?

I don't think they'll let me rest but I see no reason to destroy them either. All their provinces left to take would give me borders with the Pope or the Castille-Leonese (or the soon-to-re-emerge factions in western Europe). I might take Switzerland just for the units and then Tyrolia for the borders, but otherwise I'm through with them, for now. I'll just let them bash themselves bloody against my armies until nothing remains of theirs.
I have my true aim set to the east to secure the eastern parts of my kingdom and adding Livonia and Novgorod to the kingdom would give me two additional unit-producing provinces (not that Denmark, Saxony, Pomerania, Prussia, Lithuania, Kiev, Greater Poland, Lesser Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, Carpathia and Bulgaria isn't enough, but still:juggle2: ).

Also: I was looking at your screenshot of the GA points, and I must confess surprise at the Bohemians and Seljuks. It seems hard to believe the former could still be close to you in points, but that the Turks should have so very few. (Which only illustrates that I've never fully understood how they're really calculated.) :dizzy2: In any case, good to see you're ahead and doing well. ~:cheers:

I don't think GA-scores from the previous "regime" counts when a faction re-emergese which would explain the low score of the Seljuks. The C-Ls got most of their points from Crusading (although they're kicked out now) and the same goes for the Sicilians. I have no idea how the Bohemians got all their points though...

Maloncanth

05-06-2007, 01:30

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/01.jpg
https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/02.jpg

Okay, after that Prince silliness and a ton of lost progress, I found the inclination to continue. It's 1370, with Asia Minor now under the armoured boot of the Hospitallers and Grand Master Dieudonne has just died from a surfeit of peaches.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/03.jpg

This is five years before the scoring session and we are well behind the Golden Horde in points. Still, I don't think it's threatening enough that I can't afford to take a leisurely pace of things. My overall plan now is to build up (As you can see I have remarkably few actual large armies.) re-distribute some titles (I never bothered before as I kept waiting for the GM to die to free up princes.) Then go and own the Horde really hard for seven provinces.

Martok

05-06-2007, 18:36

@ Innocentius: Gah! I'd forgotten about re-emerging facts having to start all over with the GA points, but you're right. A pity for them; they look like they're doing pretty well otherwise.

I still can't fathom how the Bohemians could've done so well, however. It's like they were all that big even *before* their wars with you began.... ~:confused:

Okay, after that Prince silliness and a ton of lost progress, I found the inclination to continue. It's 1370, with Asia Minor now under the armoured boot of the Hospitallers and Grand Master Dieudonne has just died from a surfeit of peaches.
:laugh4:

This is five years before the scoring session and we are well behind the Golden Horde in points. Still, I don't think it's threatening enough that I can't afford to take a leisurely pace of things. My overall plan now is to build up (As you can see I have remarkably few actual large armies.) re-distribute some titles (I never bothered before as I kept waiting for the GM to die to free up princes.) Then go and own the Horde really hard for seven provinces.
Yeah, I think you're still close enough to the Mongols that you don't need to hurry. Probably build up your new empire first (congrats, btw ~:cheers:), and then come out with both barrels blazing in a few years. :yes:

Deus ret.

05-06-2007, 22:12

Maloncanth

05-07-2007, 01:45

Prosperity
An abler financial administrator than either his father or his grandfather, GM Enrico propelled the realms of the Hospitallers to a period of prosperity the moment he was upon the great seat. With him at the realm the dominion rebounded ahead of Europe from the plague and Constantinople once again became the queen of cities - in catholic hands.

The Papacy had of course, been overjoyed. Even much of the holy lands remained out of catholic hands, the destruction of the excommunicated Eastern Empire without attendant destruction of its cities and wealth was a great victory for the true faith and the powerful armies of the Hospitallers (and any would-be crusaders) were powerfully poised.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/001.jpg

As pious as he was sharp, in his early reign Enrico enjoyed an excellent relation with the Pope and the two exchanged gifts even though Papacy-dominated venice was now decisively outcompeted by Constantinople's merchants.

On his deathbed, Dieudonne had ordered his son to continue onto the holy land, but Enrico didn't agree with the Pope or his Father in this regard. To him, the greatest threat to Christianity lay not South, but North, where the pagan and barbaric Mongol hordes dominated much vaster lands than the Mameluks as far as Cathay. The fellow Teutonic order had had some successes against the Mongols and Enrico, having exchanged letters with their Grand Master, was more interested in meeting up with them in the middle of the Steppe, after expelling the invaders from Europe's soil.

With arguably the richest and most sophisticated realm in Europe and at least four commanders of awesome skill left by his father, Enrico knew he had potential aplenty and set about raising armies; there was literally more gold than could be spent and even with the greatest of excesses in adding lavishly equipped troops, the annual budget continually ran surplus during the 1370's. By 1372, Enrico was ready to launch his first small crusade across the Black Sea.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/002.jpg
This battle was autoresolved. It might have been the most boring battle in the history of MTW otherwise.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/003.jpg
Goodness, more money?!

Enrico easily took Lesser Khazar, defeated the Mongol counterattack, and conquered the province by 1376. The ease with which his forces defeated the once legendary Horde made the young ruler famous throughout the known world. The Germans quickly aligned with the Hospitallers, as did the Bohemians and Poles, though the latter were on the eve of their destruction. Even the once bellicose Bulgarians wanted alliance, leaving Hungary isolated. At the same time, the Fatimids broke off relations, surrounding the the Hospitallers with enemies and forcing him to leave many troops on the defense. Nevertheless, Khazar proper was taken by 1379, making the 32-year old Enrico, the most influential monarch in Europe.

https://s150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/?action=view&current=004.jpg
The Teutonics stretch their hands, Enrico stays loyal to the fellow knighthood over the Swedes.

His first son was born at this time as well, the beginning of the height of the Grand Master's career. Despite his skill in combat and as a commander, the Grand Master knew he had even better commanders and rarely took to the field himself and instead, worked at carefully grooming his son for his future.

Then late that year, the Mameluks attacked, disrupting trade in the central med. Enrico was said to have greeted the news only with amusement. "Let the infidels come," said he. And the next year in the spring of 1380, they did.

Battle of Rum
https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/005.jpg
Sir Roger Machiavelli: "I am ecstatic at this chance to prove my mettle. I shall sweep the Egyptians from the fields."

A large force of Egyptians marched on Rum against a smaller but vastly qualitatively superior force of Hospitallers and supporting heavy infantry. The latter were confident to say the least and the former had no idea what they were getting into as they marched onto the thick line of the knights.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/006.jpg
"Let me assure you, sire, it shall be a bad day to be an Eggy."

The Egyptians engaged the Hospitallers from downhill, massing their troops on two horns on either side of the main Hospitaller line which they locked in place with medium cavalry and archers' fire. The Order Foot holding the center went through most of the day with their large shields raised as the forces of Halberdiers and Men at Arms conducted most of the heavy combat against inferior Saracens, Abyssanians, Nubians, and Muwahids, crushing first their left horn and then their right as Hospitaller crossbows wrought havoc in the back.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/007.jpg
The left horn consisting of Nubians, Abyssinians and Muwahhid has collapsed. Saracens continue attempting to push the right horn but are being sent backwards down, bloody.

The Hospitaller general adopted a passive but solid and broadly practical stance, taking no risks until a chance as clear as day developed before ordering his right wing to charge.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/010.jpg
It's a very bad day to be an Eggy.

With one sharp crack, the Egyptians' first battle collapsed into a rout. Following this, a second and third battle of Egyptians arrived, only to be destroyed in turn almost purely by archery. The muslims were on their way home within the hour.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/008.jpg
The second battle, headed by Bedouin Camels, vanishes beneath withering fire.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/009.jpg
A bad day to be riding a camel indeed.

With this victory, the Mameluks' position in the northeast extremeties of their realm is greatly weakened. Grand Master Enrico ordered his generals to proceed with the conquest of Georgia and Armenia proper.

Maloncanth

05-07-2007, 01:48

Prosperity
An abler financial administrator than either his father or his grandfather, GM Enrico propelled the realms of the Hospitallers to a period of prosperity the moment he was upon the great seat. With him at the realm the dominion rebounded ahead of Europe from the plague and Constantinople once again became the queen of cities - in catholic hands.

The Papacy had of course, been overjoyed. Even much of the holy lands remained out of catholic hands, the destruction of the excommunicated Eastern Empire without attendant destruction of its cities and wealth was a great victory for the true faith and the powerful armies of the Hospitallers (and any would-be crusaders) were powerfully poised.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/001.jpg

As pious as he was sharp, in his early reign Enrico enjoyed an excellent relation with the Pope and the two exchanged gifts even though Papacy-dominated venice was now decisively outcompeted by Constantinople's merchants.

On his deathbed, Dieudonne had ordered his son to continue onto the holy land, but Enrico didn't agree with the Pope or his Father in this regard. To him, the greatest threat to Christianity lay not South, but North, where the pagan and barbaric Mongol hordes dominated much vaster lands than the Mameluks as far as Cathay. The fellow Teutonic order had had some successes against the Mongols and Enrico, having exchanged letters with their Grand Master, was more interested in meeting up with them in the middle of the Steppe, after expelling the invaders from Europe's soil.

With arguably the richest and most sophisticated realm in Europe and at least four commanders of awesome skill left by his father, Enrico knew he had potential aplenty and set about raising armies; there was literally more gold than could be spent and even with the greatest of excesses in adding lavishly equipped troops, the annual budget continually ran surplus during the 1370's. By 1372, Enrico was ready to launch his first small crusade across the Black Sea.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/002.jpg
This battle was autoresolved. It might have been the most boring battle in the history of MTW otherwise.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/003.jpg
Goodness, more money?!

Enrico easily took Lesser Khazar, defeated the Mongol counterattack, and conquered the province by 1376. The ease with which his forces defeated the once legendary Horde made the young ruler famous throughout the known world. The Germans quickly aligned with the Hospitallers, as did the Bohemians and Poles, though the latter were on the eve of their destruction. Even the once bellicose Bulgarians wanted alliance, leaving Hungary isolated. At the same time, the Fatimids broke off relations, surrounding the the Hospitallers with enemies and forcing him to leave many troops on the defense. Nevertheless, Khazar proper was taken by 1379, making the 32-year old Enrico, the most influential monarch in Europe.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/004.jpg
The Teutonics stretch their hands, Enrico stays loyal to the fellow knighthood over the Swedes.

His first son was born at this time as well, the beginning of the height of the Grand Master's career. Despite his skill in combat and as a commander, the Grand Master knew he had even better commanders and rarely took to the field himself and instead, worked at carefully grooming his son for his future.

Then late that year, the Mameluks attacked, disrupting trade in the central med. Enrico was said to have greeted the news only with amusement. "Let the infidels come," said he. And the next year in the spring of 1380, they did.

Battle of Rum
https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/005.jpg
Sir Roger Machiavelli: "I am ecstatic at this chance to prove my mettle. I shall sweep the Egyptians from the fields."

A large force of Egyptians marched on Rum against a smaller but vastly qualitatively superior force of Hospitallers and supporting heavy infantry. The latter were confident to say the least and the former had no idea what they were getting into as they marched onto the thick line of the knights.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/006.jpg
"Let me assure you, sire, it shall be a bad day to be an Eggy."

The Egyptians engaged the Hospitallers from downhill, massing their troops on two horns on either side of the main Hospitaller line which they locked in place with medium cavalry and archers' fire. The Order Foot holding the center went through most of the day with their large shields raised as the forces of Halberdiers and Men at Arms conducted most of the heavy combat against inferior Saracens, Abyssanians, Nubians, and Muwahids, crushing first their left horn and then their right as Hospitaller crossbows wrought havoc in the back.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/007.jpg
The left horn consisting of Nubians, Abyssinians and Muwahhid has collapsed. Saracens continue attempting to push the right horn but are being sent backwards down, bloody.

The Hospitaller general adopted a passive but solid and broadly practical stance, taking no risks until a chance as clear as day developed before ordering his right wing to charge.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/010.jpg
It's a very bad day to be an Eggy.

With one sharp crack, the Egyptians' first battle collapsed into a rout. Following this, a second and third battle of Egyptians arrived, only to be destroyed in turn almost purely by archery. The muslims were on their way home within the hour.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/008.jpg
The second battle, headed by Bedouin Camels, vanishes beneath withering fire.

https://i150.photobucket.com/albums/s98/Maloncanth/MTW%20-%20Hospitallers/009.jpg
A bad day to be riding a camel indeed.

With this victory, the Mameluks' position in the northeast extremeties of their realm is greatly weakened. Grand Master Enrico ordered his generals to proceed with the conquest of Georgia and Armenia proper.

Maloncanth

05-07-2007, 01:54

A nice empire, Maloncanth! You are very justified in taking measures against the GH and their points lead, but beware: Usually it's not them who pose the greatest threat to a Late GA win. Granted, the Russians are gone, but you should also have an eye on Hungary and Aragon. Especially the latter can rake in insane amounts of GA points in Late if given the opportunity.

Oh, I didn't mention it but I checked the rate of everyone's point gain and they were all well behind me. The Hungarians at least though, are heavily hemmed in for the moment. I don't have the reach to be informed on Aragon's situation, but given the crusaders' 1-for-2 GA conquest rate, I ought to be maxed out on those shortly.

Onto more general notes, I've noticed that XL Crusades are huge. My crusades so far are spawning five stacks of Order Foot and more.

I also wonder if XL shouldn't have strengthed camels a bit. :laugh4:

Bregil the Bowman

05-08-2007, 00:07

Nice, Bregil! It's rare to see romance and the "gentler sex" have a presence in AAR's here, but you pulled it off quite well. :2thumbsup: Poor Umar; he had to struggle through many years before he could finally reunite with his lost love....

Alas, the course of true love so often runs awry...

Part Eight of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

Jihad!

Valdemar of Denmark succeeded his brother Hardeknud as the Christian ruler of a largely Muslim realm, surrounded to the north and south by provinces of the all-conquering Almohad Empire. His resistance to the diplomatic moves of Umar III was regarded in some quarters as an heroic stand against an infidel oppressor, in others as the last flailing of an outdated regime clinging unrealistically to power. Certainly his invasion of Norway in 1303 did nothing but aggravate the tense relations between the king and his Muslim subjects. When Valdemar died in 1308, his ineffective son Olaf ascended the throne. Umar III again sued for peace and was refused.

Within the Almohad realm, many felt the Khalifah’s conciliatory approach was insufficient to the defence of the faithful. A Jihad movement was growing, inspired by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, preached by ulama throughout Europe and repeated in the ribats and assassin schools of the empire. If Denmark would not have peace, Denmark would be destroyed.

In 1309 Olaf became the Jihad’s first victim. Reasoning that if the king died without an heir a Muslim regime must surely follow, the Syrian brotherhood struck with deadly force. His sister Margrethe, increasingly regarded as a dangerous influence on the Khalifah, was also killed on her return to the court at Saxony (Umar’s emissaries were by this time trying to negotiate a marriage with the younger and more pliable Princess Ingrid). Polish missionaries despatched to aid the Christian cause were struck down as they crossed the borders.

But the ruling elite were not so easily thwarted. Sir Sweyn Ericsson, a distant cousin of Olaf, rallied the Christian lords to his banner. He vowed vengeance on the assassins and those who had sent them. In response, the Grand Mufti launched three Jihad armies against Denmark, from Rhodes, Tunisia and Ireland. A fourth army began its march from Arabia. While Umar’s Royal Foundries were struggling to produce the artillery he wanted for the war against the Golden Horde, the Jihad armies emerged with half a dozen Serpentines in tow as well as a good quantity of arquebusiers and other troops. To this force a small quantity of regular soldiers were added, indicating the Khalifah’s support, however lukewarm, for the Jihad.

The invasion met with disaster. The disputed leadership at last fell to a Ghulam commander named Ibn Mahmud, who while competent proved less so than King Sweyn. The Danes counter-attacked with verve and ferocity, negating the impact of Almohad artillery. Sweyn led a flanking attack with his Royal Knights, which Ibn Mahmud was forced to counter by leading his own troops into the fray. During the melee Ibn Mahmid was unhorsed and trampled to death, resulting in panic among the Jihadists. Despite several attempts to rally the attacking force, the Danes drove them from the battlefield in a series of piecemeal actions. Among the hundreds slain were most of the serpentine crews, who had performed less well than expected. Sweyn V had clearly passed the first test of his kingship.

The second test would prove sterner. Stung by the loss of so many troops, and perhaps embittered by the death of Margethe, Umar III dispatched the experienced Ibn Yaqub, Prince of Chernigov, to lead a mixed army of Jihadists, regular soldiers and mercenaries against the Danes. Again the Danes used the tactic of counter-attacking fiercely to disconcert the invaders, but somehow Ibn Yaqub resisted this onslaught and at last turned the fight in his favour. Sweyn used his forces well, his Vikings attacking in tight formation, his archers providing support, his cavalry intercepting any sudden advances by the Almohads. But in the end numbers told, and the Danes retreated to Roskilde.

The defences at Roskilde had been reduced to a mere stockade under the previous Almohad occupation, and against demi-cannon proved of little value. Sweyn and his fellow nobles made a last stand among the ruins, successfully routing a unit of mercenary halberdiers and generally giving a good account of themselves. Sweyn died as he had lived, fighting to the bitter end. His shield was shivered, his sword broken, but he fought on with a Danish war-axe long after all his vassals had fallen, seeming some pagan God of War in his gore-spattered mail, screaming his battle-cry through bloodied lips. But at last the fatal blow was struck, and the King fell. With him, Christian resistance in Denmark came to an end. Sweyn’s followers died to man around him, or were slaughtered afterwards by the Jihadists. But Umar III offered sanctuary to the family of Olaf I, including his surviving sisters, holding them blameless for the war against the usurper.

With Denmark conquered, the Almohads returned their attention to southern Italy. The Amir Wahid already commanded a sizeable force in Sicily. To this was added a large portion of the army that had just conquered the Danes, and some recently acquired mercenary units including two companies of English billmen one of longbowmen and even some Abyssinian guards. It was a force that King Arcill, defending Naples with all that remained of the army defeated in Sicily, could hardly hope to withstand. Nonetheless he made a spirited defence, marching to meet the invaders in Bruttium.

Each side deployed warily, the Almohads wary of a Sicilian ballista deployed on the ridgetop and the Sicilians seeking to steer clear of the Serpentine deployed on a hilltop to the fore of the Almohad positions. Some cautious manoeuvring followed which ended with the Almohads deployed downslope of the Sicilians with thick woods looming on their left flank into which Sicilian arbalesters had been deployed. It was not a promising position. Arcill and his three sons each commanded a squadron of Royal Knights, and the Amir had to be wary of when and where they might strike.

A bold attack by the Saharan cavalry overpowered the ballista crew, but prompted an instant counter attack from the 17-year old Prince Algune which routed them. The fleeing horsemen were chased away behind the Almohad right flank – a precarious position to have an enemy’s elite cavalry. Meanwhile Prince Aed, accompanied by his household knights and two troops of mounted sergeants, attempted to race around the Almohad battleline and get among the arquebusiers and longbowmen. For a moment the bold strategy seemed about to pay off as the Almohads struggled to rearrange their formation in time to meet this threat.

Then fortunes began to change. Firstly, Algune’s knights ran into an ambush of Abyssinian Guards on the edge of a forest. Arcill chose to commit his own knights and those of Prince Alexander, to rescuing his youngest son rather than supporting Prince Aed’s attack on the main Almohad force. Had he been successful, he might arguably have found himself leading a strong force of knights aginst his enemy's rear. In the event, the decision proved disastrous. The force in the woods was stronger than he expected – several units of Almohad militia, elite Spanish swordsmen, were also hiding there. The surviving Saharans rallied and lent their charge to the destruction of Arcill’s knights, who were overwhelmed. Dragged from his saddle, the King himself was slain by an Abyssinian who had not realised the potential value of his prisoner.

Meanwhile a timely charge by the Amir Wahid, supported by the Khalifah’s younger brother Ismail, overwhelmed Aed’s knights while the English billmen managed to get themselves into position to fend off the mounted sergeants. Order was restored to the main body of the Almohad force. The surviving Sicilian cavalry were chased off with a volley of arquebus fire and a rain of arrows. Troops of spearmen, militia sergeants and peasants attempting to follow up the outflanking attack were themselves outflanked by the Almohad militia now surging from the trees. The Sicilians started to retreat, and then the retreat became a rout. Hundreds were captured, commoners and nobles alike, including the princes Alexander and Algune. The Amir had won a conclusive victory.

But no ransom was to be paid. The survivors of the defeated army made their way to Naples where they declared a republic. The Sicilian dynasty was ended and its last scions were sold into slavery. In short order, the Amir Wahid laid siege to the city, using his guns to blast down its towers and walls before sending his mercenaries in for the slaughter. That many died did not concern him greatly – they had served their purpose and now represented a drain on the public purse. The victors of Naples would shortly be disbanded and replaced with regular Almohad soldiers.

Denmark by 1312; Sicily and Naples in 1317. Umar had destroyed his Catholic foes. Now only the People of Novgorod and the Golden Horde were at war with the Almohad masters of the known world. It would have been tempting to believe that two more campaigns could secure peace for Medieval Europe. But Umar III knew this was not true. The peace he maintained with Italy, the Papacy, Poland and the newly resurgent Byzantine empire was still fragile. He resolved first to introduce reforms to his own empire, removing corruption and graft, restoring peace and order to provinces ravaged by war. In this way he hoped to be remembered, as his great-grandfather Umar II had been, as not only a great conqueror but also a great ruler.

Innocentius

05-09-2007, 19:41

Part two of the Reign of King Konrad I the Warrior: 1256 - 1275 A.D.

After the Battle of Tübingen things went rather quiet on the western front. The Bohemians and King Vratislav lacked the manpower and money to continue the war; too many men were needed just for defending their last stronghold in Burgundy, and King Konrad had little interest in continuing the war. Although he could easily overthrow the Bohemians he decided not to and instead settled with what he had already achieved and in fact, he never fought another battle, despite his war-like nature.
Konrad now actually asked Vratislav for a ceasefire, but the Bohemian King refused his offers time and again. Eventually the Bohemian nobles had had it with their ignorant king and overthrew him, forming a new kingdom in Burguny. Loyalists remained in Lorraine in Tyrolia, these were few and weak however. The kingdom of Burgundy was soon wiped off the face of the earth as it sided with the Germans in the war in the at the time very weak Kingdom of Castille and Leon. The Castilians soon recovered from their weakness however and crushed both the Germans and the Burgundians.

In the east, the Mongols could still not accept that the Polish blocked their way to Europe, and since the rivers near Kiev had proved impassable, and the fields of Levidia well defended by Lord Dudzik they decided that Lithuania was the most suiting target to attack in order to break the Polish and in the summer of 1257 they invaded.
Lord Plast, the general who had defeated the Mongols under Khogibag at Glubokoje in 1253 was currently in Kiev but intended to return to Lithuania as soon as he received words of the invasion. He did not do so however on the orders of Prince Boleslaw, the King's oldest son, who was currently in command of the Polish army in Lithuania. Instead he requested reinforcements from Kiev, while he himself would finally get the chance to prove himself in battle.

The Battle of Kupiskis

The Mongol army was under the command of no other than Prince Batu himself, still a young an adventurous man of about the same age as Boleslaw. The battle of Kupiskis thus turned into a battle where two young princes would test their skill, and first see battle, against each other.

Although young and inexperienced, the two generals knew what they were facing. Indeed the Polish had never been defeated by the Golden Khanate, but the high casualties suffered at Glubokoje had proved that the Mongols were able inflicting heavy casualties and possibly even beat the tactics developed by Lord Dudzik in the early 1240-ies.
Batu on the other hand knew that he was facing a seemingly unbreakable and impregnable force of heavy infantry with heavy arbalests that could easily penetrate the light armour of the Mongols while at the same time out-ranging their own bows. The Polish halberdiers were also infamous for brutally slaughtering all cavalry, light as well as heavy. Their hooked halberds slew the beloved horses of the Mongols or dragged the horsemen out of the saddle and down to the ground where he was most likely killed before he again came to his feet.
At Kupinski in northern Lithuania the two generals and their armies met, but with the reinforcements from Kiev the Polish were - for once - not heavily outnumbered and in fact the armies were almost equal in number. Already now the odds seemed heavily in favour of Boleslaw, but as rain started to pour down just before the battle commenced the Polish rejoiced as this did not only weaken the bowshot of the Mongol bows but also rendered the two bombards that Batu had brought with him useless.
Boleslaw had positioned his men in a variation of Dudzik's tactic. His line now followed the outline of a small forest, making the Polish line-up slightly S-shaped. In the front were - as always - the deadly arbalesters and right behind them, in the cover of the woods, were the halberdiers. The Prince himself and his retinue hid further into the woods where they would be safe from all arrows and able to strike at any Mongols trying to outflank their position.
Dissapointed at the outcome of the weather, Batu chose a more careful approach which resulted in him achieving nothing at all. He sent his horse archers in small groups while his infantry positioned itself at the Polish right flank. The infantry was not easily disposed of but the horse archers sent to meet the Polish centre in an archery duel were crushingly defeated and fled the field after suffering disastrous casualties.
Already now seeing that his plan had failed, Batu now took his own unit of heavy cavalry to the Polish right flank while he sent his own brother, Chagatai, and his unit towards the Polish centre. Chagatai's unit was so heavily decimated by arbalest fire that it retreated even before it reached the Polish. This earned Chagatai the deserved reputation of a good runner and this would haunt for the rest of his life, even when he eventually became Khan.
Batu, who was the older brother of Chagatai was the crown prince and heir to the Khanate, but he spent his life here in the deeply forested lands of Lithuania. He and his men charged home against the Polish halberdiers on the Polish right flank. The Mongol charge was stopped dead by the Polish counter charge and after but a few minutes of fighting, Batu was slain along with his entire retinue. The Poles now continued on to finally engage the Mongol infantry. Prince Boleslaw now rode out from the forest and helped in chasing off the remainder of the infantry. Shortly after this, the demoralized Mongols chose to retreat to catch up with the panicked Prince Chagatai who was already heading for Novgorod as fast as he ever could.

https://img487.imageshack.us/img487/4423/battle1ph7.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

After the battle of Kupiskis a stalemate entered on the eastern front as well and many years of peace now followed during which the Polish economy recovered from the long and tiring wars. The Polish monarchy and nobility established itself in the recently conquered lands of Franconia, Bavaria, Swabia and Austria and King Konrad himself installed himself in Swabia where he would remain for the rest of his life.
In 1263 Prince Casimir celebrated his sixteenth birthday and he was indeed a man who reminisced many of his father. He shared the same desire for war as his father but was alos incredibly competent and he was an excellent strategic (8 star, 10 valour!).
The years 1267 and 1269 saw the passing of two of Poland's most famous and beloved generals, Lord Dudzik of Levidia and Lord Plast of Lithuania. Both of them were buried in the at the time only partly-finished new cathedral in Krakow. This impressive building was completed in 1271 and was the largest and most splendid religious building of its time, outshining even the ones in France, Catille and Rome!
During this time, King Konrad was always planning for war. Long had he and his forefathers wished to incorporate the vast lands of the east into their kingdom and bring the true faith to the pagans who lived there. This ambition had long been hindered by the Golden Khanate, but the re-emerging Muslim tribe of the Volga-Bulgarians in Georgia in 1270 things seemed to finally turn truly in the favour of the Polish, and in 1272 Prince Casimir invaded Finland with a large army shipping out from Lübeck.
The Golden Horde had successfully conquered the Eurasian steppe and had continued forth into the high Caucasian mountains and into the deep forests of Smolensk and Pereyaslavl; they had even reached so far as to the Baltic Sea and the old town of Turku. But that was the furthest they got, though. The stout Catholic kingdoms of Sweden and Poland had long resisted them in the west, and the Seljuk Turks had did the same in the south. The rock that was Poland had broken the Mongol wave, and now it was the Polish who came down on the Mongols as a wave of pointed pole-arms and sharp swords. Unused to having to defend the Mongols in Finland dared not even face the mighty Prince Casimir in open battle and retreated. Inland, in the deep forests of Karelia Mongol resistance broke almost immediately, but along the coasts where they could still make contact with their lands in Novgorod they held out.
Prince Casimir undertook a whole year of campaigning as the poor wooden forts of the Mongols held out longer than expected, but left the war in able hands in 1274 when he continued on to Novgorod. A huge army, mustered partly along the southern coast of the Baltic Sea and partly in Lithuania accompanied him. Again, the pagans fled for their lives.
In 1273 Turku itself ultimately fell and on May 9 1274 the grand city of Novgorod fell to the Polish and Prince Casimir. The capture of Novgorod was not only important to the Polish because of the simply huge economic benefits it meant, but it was also important since this was the age-old stronghold of Poland's past enemies. The Kievan rus had used Novgorod as their capital after the Polish capture of Kiev, and then the Golden Horde had used it as their western capital. 1274 was a year of double celebration as not only did Novgorod fall, but Prince Leszek also came of age in this year.
Khan Chagatai now suffered from a civil war following the loss of Novgorod to the Polish and Khazar to the Volga-Bulgarians. Only with great difficulty did he restore order to the Khanate, but it was now merely a shadow of its former self.

Despite all the recent successes in the east the Kingdom of Poland mourned in 1275 as King Konrad I died on January 18 that year. Many wars and many wounds from these wars had undoubtedly hastened the king's somewhat premature death and although he never acquired the glorious death in battle that he had dreamt of, at least he passed away peacefully in his sleep rather than dying in great pain after weeks of illness.
Although both Prince Boleslaw, Kazimierz and Wladyslaw could now make claim to the throne before him, they decided that the crown should pass on to their younger brother Casimir, the conqueror of Novgorod and the finest military commander of his time. He ascended to the throne on April 17 1275 at the age of 28 as King Casimir I, King of all Poland, Denmark, Kiev and Hungary, Lord of Swabia and Prince of Novgorod.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1275:
https://img463.imageshack.us/img463/9300/campmap2bh6.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Casimir I of Poland:
https://img463.imageshack.us/img463/4831/cas1ry8.th.png (https://img463.imageshack.us/my.php?image=cas1ry8.png)

The Castille-Leonese recovered remarkably enough and even expanded! And now they're almost catching up with me in GA-points as they gained a lot while re-conquering the lost. They're excommunicated and at war with Sicily though so with a little luck they'll collapse yet again, this time to see some re-emergences.

ULC

05-10-2007, 14:49

Ihave some disappionting news. Due to both the age of my computer, CTD's, and corrupt save files, the Kingdom of Bohemia has ceased to exist. Still, I'm getting a new computer in a week, so I would like to know which of the following factions you would like to hear about. I will post the final chapter of my bohemian campaign soon too. The factions will be from the pocket mod.

Byzantines, HRE, Russians, Almohads, Spainish, or Turks.

seireikhaan

05-10-2007, 21:51

bamff

05-11-2007, 00:51

I haven't yet seen a history of Russia or the Turks yet, so I would like one of those two. If I had to pick, I would say Russia, though.

I will second that nomination!

ULC

05-11-2007, 18:22

3 votes Russia, 0 votes Turks. If I don't get anymore votes by monday, I'll go with the Russians on High GA. I love the challenge they present, although I will modifiy them to have access to feudal units and RK, if this is acceptable.

Oh, and don't forget the Archive! We need more contributers!

danfda

05-12-2007, 16:29

Go with Russia. It was one of my most favorite campaigns. I turtled, sort of, and let the world around me evolve until the Mongols came. At that point, it became a war of persecution. :P

High makes things a bit tougher, as the Mongols come right away and you've got little time to consolidate. Good luck!

EDIT: Innocentius, I've had historical problems with the Poles. I can never get a game to go as planned, and always seem to get my bum roundly spanked. :D

seireikhaan

05-14-2007, 00:59

EDIT: Innocentius, I've had historical problems with the Poles. I can never get a game to go as planned, and always seem to get my bum roundly spanked. :D

As have I. About the only time I've ever done real well with the Poles was when I made an immediate grab for the HRE. My orininal plan was just to grab Franconia, for the iron, and get peace with the HRE. They refused peace and I had to defend against about three or so assualts. However, at this point, the HRE, as they always seem to do, got ganged up on by France, Italy, and Aragon as well. I ended up taking advantage and split HRE territory with France, Italy, and Aragon.

bamff

05-14-2007, 01:58

Apologies for the delay in getting the latest instalment posted....

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 6 – The Age of Opportunism (1200 - 1205)
King Fernando smiled inwardly as the news quickly became more widespread. King William I of Sicily had been discovered to maintain a comprehensive network of spies. This revelation had caused scandal throughout Sicily, and indeed through all of Europe, and even more so as more and more evidence became public.
William had, naturally enough, denied the charges as “scurrilous lies”, and this had simply served to deepen his problem as his credibility all but vanished.
Fernando’s smile, while in part due to the fall from grace of a rival monarch, and the possible opportunites that it may open for himself and his kingdom, was because he was relishing the delicious irony that it had been his network of spies that had uncovered William’s dark secret. Indeed, the Aragonese spies continued their shadowy work in Sicily even at this very moment, and continued to feed a stream of evidence against William to the stunned Catholic world.
Indeed, the very next year, Aragonese agents provide Fernando with evidence that William also operated a network of assassins. The news, together with supporting evidence (both discovered and “manufactured”) is surreptitiously passed on via agents in Rome and Genoa, to avoid any hint of Aragonese involvement. All across Europe, William’s many victims cry out for vengeance.
The sharp decline in William’s popularity, combined with the loss of Malta to Vitale Guiliani’s rebellion of 1199 had left him as a monarch under threat in his own lands. His next move had to be very carefully planned, lest it be his last.
Consequently Fernando was amazed that his Sicilian counterpart prevaricated so about sending a force to reclaim Malta and subdue Guiliani. Still, the indecisiveness of King William of Sicily did create a window of opportunity for Aragon, and Fernando was anxious to act quickly, before that window could be closed.
He summoned Lord de Molina.
“Your Majesty.”
“Enter, de Molina, enter. Lord Berenguer’s force is assembled? The ships stand ready?”
“Yes, my Lord, all is in readiness. Lord Berenguer simply awaits your order.”
“Then send word at once. Our army shall sail on the morning tide for Malta.”
“As you wish, Majesty.”
Lord de Molina bowed deeply and began to withdraw from the room, when King Fernando’s voice stopped him. “Hold, de Molina. What news from Rome?”
“Excellent news, Majesty. Pope Innocent has given our proposed crusade his blessing, and has issued a proclamation calling all good Christian soldiers to rally to our banner to support our holy mission against the Saracens in Mesopotamia.”
“Good, good. Our emissary in Rome has indeed done well. Thank you, you may retire now. Hurry to Lord Berenguer, so that he may get his troops aboard ship.”
“Yes, Majesty.”
The Battle of Valletta
Lord Berenguer surveyed the landscape that stretched out before him. Directly to the front of his army was a small coastal village. He did not know its name. Indeed, he mused, the place was so small that perhaps it did not have a name. Beyond the village, to the right of his force, he could see the shimmering blue of the sea. A couple of white seagoing birds wheeled gracefully in the pale blue sky. He inhaled deeply, savouring the salty ozone. His eyes closed, and for a moment he was sitting in front of large house adjacent to the village, looking out over his fields that were tended by the village peasantry.
“Old fool!” he reproached himself, and smiled inwardly “You are not yet ready to retire, Berenguer. There is at least one battle to be fought first.”
Berenguer’s scouts had reported that Vitale Guiliani’s army had positioned itself on the hillside that rose beyond the forest that overlooked the village. Some of the local inhabitants of the village had been very forthcoming about the likely composition of Guiliani’s army. The army was apparently very strong indeed in terms of archers and crossbowmen, but possessed no cavalry whatsoever. Speed and mobility would therefore be the advantages that Berenguer would use in the forthcoming battle.
He ordered one troop of Jinetes under the leadership of his trusted lieutenant Don Martin Gonzalo, accompanied by a squadron of royal knights, to wheel around to the enemy’s left flank. Similarly, his second company of Jinetes, under Don Lope Mendoza, was to wheel around the enemy’s right flank. Again these troops would be supported by a troop of royal knights.
The bulk of his force would advance through the small forest that topped the hills to the south of the nameless, peaceful village.
Don Martin Gonzalo’s Jinetes advanced and hurled their javelins into the flank of the enemy armoured spears. These men wheeled to face their tormentors, and at the same time the Maltese crossbowmen manoeuvred to fire upon the Jinetes. Meanwhile the enemy forces on their opposing flank were also hurriedly shifting position to face the Jinetes of Don Lope Mendoza.
Time and again, the two units of Jinetes advanced, hurled their deadly javelins, then withdrew. The Maltese force was now in complete chaos. Lord Berenguer saw that his Jinetes had now created exactly the situation that he needed – all of the enemy spears, militia, and militia sergeants were now tightly pinned in the centre of the enemy, with the archers forming the outer line. On Berenguer’s signal, the knights positioned on both flanks, together with the Jinetes, charged the enemy. At the same time, Berenguer’s Knights of Santiago charged from the forest, with the support of two regiments of feudal footknights.
The Maltese were routed. Most, including their leader, chose surrender in the face of this fearsome attack. 127 Maltese loyalists perish, 302 are captured. Only 21 Aragonese lives are lost. Berenguer is hailed throughout Europe as a “Skilled Attacker".

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/Maltavictory.jpg

Opportunities in the East
Meanwhile in the Far East, the Aragonese offensive against Egypt continues unabated. Prince Ferdinand invades Syria, and is somewhat disappointed to find that his adversaries have no will to fight. The Egyptians flee in total disarray. At the same time, further to the south, Don Pedro de la Cerda marches into Palestine. Once again, the once proud Egyptian armies show themselves as a mere shadow of their former glory, as they retreat with indecent haste. Both of these Egyptian armies find themselves with nowhere to run, however, and scores of Egyptian troops are captured.
The Battle of Wattarrya Depression
Prince Garc, the king’s brother, leads the third prong of the Aragonese strike, marching eastward into Arabia. The Egyptian general commanding the garrison of that parched and inhospitable province is Asad al-din Shirkoh.
The Egyptians set their position on the sandy hills overlooking the depression. Curiously, he positions his artillery down the slope in the depression itself.
“An odd disposition indeed,” muses Prince Garc, as he looks down from the hills on the opposing side of the depression.
“Why in that position the ballista cannot elevate sufficiently to take aim upon our positions. What do you make of it, Lord Granvelle?”
The veteran Jinete surveyed the scene before him.
“My only thought, my Prince, is that the Egyptians initially positioned themselves in the depression to conceal their strength. The bulk of the force has relocated up the slope upon sighting our approach - note the disturbed sand on that face of the hill. The artillery have not been able to move with the rest of the force. They will take no significant part in the battle.”
The Prince rejoined “Agreed. Our position here atop this hill is one so advantageous that I would be loathe not to use it to our advantage. There is also the issue of the Egyptian spears to be considered. Perhaps both birds could be addressed with the one stone, so to speak. Don Gonzalo Rodriguez’s Jinetes are already positioned on our left flank, and your men to the right. Note that the Egyptians have positioned all of the archers in the centre of their line. If the Jinetes were to make their way around either flank, they could wreak havoc with the enemy spears and draw the Egyptians back towards our archers.”
“Making them attack our strong defensive position. My Prince, you are indeed inspired this day.”
The plan works perfectly, with Enriquez’ Jinetes the first to strike. In a series of skirmishes, one regiment of Nubian spearmen is reduced from 100 men to a mere 46. They retreat in disarray, their position being taken by two regiments of Saracen infantry, which the Jinetes cunningly tease into pursuing them. The Saracens charge right into the teeth of the Aragonese archers, and as they struggle up the soft sand of the large dune upon which Prince Garc has positioned his army, the casualties are horrendous.
On the Egyptian left flank, it is a similar story. Lord Granvelle’s Jinetes play havoc with a regiment of Saracen Infantry and one of Nubian spears, before leading them back into range of the Aragonese archers. The Nubians are destroyed, with only 25 surviving to flee in terror. The Saracens press on gamely, but are by now sorely reduced in number.
Asad al-din Shirkoh races to the aid of his Saracen infantry, committing all of his forces to a vain charge against the Aragonese positions. It is a fatal error. As the Aragonese archers empty their quivers, the feudal foot knights of Don Garc Mendez and the redoubtable Don Hernando Pacheco, and the feudal men at arms of Don Pedro Gustios and Don Pedro de Luna sweep down the slope. None of the Egyptian foot can withstand the weight of their charge, and with the Egyptian camel forces pinned by the Aragonese feudal sergeants, it is not long before the Egpytian forces buckle.
Asad al-din Shirkoh is fighting as a man possessed, striking down the infidel enemies of Allah, when he suddenly feels the force of a mule’s kick beneath his right shoulder blade. As he stands, he feels curiously dizzy, even light headed. He spits out the sand that he swallowed on falling from his camel, and is perplexed to note it is red. An Aragonese arrow has pierced his back, all the way to his lung. He is already dying as Don Garc Mendez reaches him, though he does not realise it. The Aragonese knight speeds Shirkoh on his journey, running the Egyptian general through. The death of their general causes the final vestiges of resistance to crumble, and the surviving Egyptians flee the field. In all, some 541 Egyptian troops have died on this day. 357 surrender. Prince Garc has achieved his remarkable victory with the loss of a paltry 72 Aragonese soldiers.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/Arabianassault-camelsinflight.jpg
The Egyptian camels are put to flight

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/Arabianassault-victory.jpg

The battle marks the end of the Egyptian empire. Sultan Baybars and both of his sons were amongst those captured fleeing Palestine, and all three are executed.
In 1201, the Pope rewards King Fernando with the gift of 1,000 florins for services to the church.
Turkish Despair, Aragonese Delight
Two years later, the Aragonese crusaders arrive in Mesopotamia. The Turks, already hard pressed by Russian attacks against their northernmost provinces, do not have the manpower to resist, and abandon the province with no resistance.
Don Pedro de la Cerda leads the Aragonese annexation of Edessa in 1204.
The Battle of Mardin
The Turkish general, Uthman al Bunduquari, leads a spirited defence of the province throughout the latter part of 1204, but his forces are ultimately overwhelmed at the Battle of Mardin in April, 1205. The Turkish general commits the cardinal error of disposing his troops in the township of Mardin itself, at the base of a gently sloping valley.
For Don Pedro de la Cerda’s army, it is as easy as shooting fish in a barrel. The Turkish forces find their movement sorely restricted by the buildings of the township, and the Aragonese archers and Jinetes exact a terrible toll. Eventually, Uthman al Bunduquari gives the order to withdraw from the village. By this time, however, the Aragonese knights are already behind the village. With a steady wall of spears in the form of three regiments of feudal sergeants pressing their front, feudal foot knights closing in on both left and right flanks, and now royal knights charging through their rear positions, the Turkish forces break and run. As they flee in complete disarray, the job of mopping up falls to the Aragonese knights and jinetes, who take to their task with relish. A total of 527 Turks are slain, including al Bunduquari, and 143 captured. 148 Aragonese soldiers die in securing this victory.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/EdessaVictory.jpg

The Turks are now reduced to but a single province, and it appears that this too will soon fall to either the Aragonese or their Russian allies. They no longer present a significant threat to Aragonese provinces in the east.
King Fernando is pleased indeed. With a northern border of just three provinces for his eastern territories, stretching from Antioch through Edessa to Mesopotamia, Aragonese garrison requirements in the region are drastically reduced, particularly in light of the severely weakened position of the two possible adversaries in the region. The Armenians and the Turks are both under extreme pressure from Aragon’s great ally, Russia. Whilst the Armenians were not enemies, their constant refusals of offered alliances caused King Fernando to view them with some measure of mistrust.
This situation leaves a number of troops available for redeployment or, in the case of units that have been campaigning for some years now, retraining and re-equipping. Significant advances in arms and armour have been made since some of these troops left the Iberian Peninsula.
Fernando’s fingers trace slowly over Anjou and Brittany. The Jacquerie now control both provinces, and Normandy, and have become increasingly powerful, having defeated armies from Genoa, England, and Norway in recent years. Perhaps it is time to reign in these independent Frenchmen….

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 5 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1061
Chapter 4 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1039
Chapter 3 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1033
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1000

King Kurt

05-18-2007, 15:51

Just to make Martok's weekend, the long delayed 3rd episode of King Kurt's great teutonic adventure!! - My apologies it took soooo long - life has just been so hectic that I haven't been able to fit it in. hopefully the next episode will be along a bit quicker.

DOWN TO THE SONDERING SEA AND ON TO THE GLEAMMING SPIRES

Grandmaster Goswin von Hercke grimaced as the artillerymen tightened the ratchet of the catapult. A secret fear was the infernal machine flying apart as it reached its critical tension. He held his breath as the artillery commander made the final adjustments before exhaling as the catapult released its missile with an almighty crash. The rock flew through the air in apparent slow motion before smashing into the gate of the Russian fort approximately 200 metres away. The impact smashed wood splinters into a starburst of destruction as the relentless bombardment wore down the entrance into the fort. Soon the gate would be breeched and Goswin’s troops would pour in with a flood of blood and pillage to level the town in an orgy of destruction. Goswin hated the wonton waste but lessons must be taught. The news of each town levelled spread before them, making the taking of each settlement that little bit easier.

The fort was about 200 leagues to the south of Kiev, the latest episode in a highly successful campaign against the Russians. For the last 6 years the Order had driven down through the Russian lands from their bases in the North. Cities and castles had fallen and now the Order controlled all the land from Livonia down to south of Kiev. The great arsenals of Moscow and Kiev were in the hands of the Order, as were the sweeping plains of the Steppes. To the east, their border was now Volga-Bulgaria and Khazar owned by the Order’s newest ally – the Mongols. The alliance with the Mongols had been the final piece in the jigsaw, allowing the Order to wage unrestricted war on the Russians, crushing them at every turn and driving them ever southwards. A grim smile of satisfaction spread over Goswin’s lips as he reflected on the campaign. His armies had swept all in front of them. His empire was now substantial and his power had never been greater. A change indeed from the doldrums of Grandmaster Karl’s reign when the Order had been at peace but poor.

Goswin’s thoughts were disturbed by the arrival of a small group of riders approaching him from the south. He quickly recognised several members of his inner retinue as well as Prince Arnold. The group rode with a reckless abandon, driven by an obvious sense of excitement. As they neared, the leading rider hailed him – “Sire, sire – come with us – a wondrous sight to see” Goswin frowned – what could be so important to distract him from the relentless business of war. However, their enthusiasm soon won him over and he joined them in galloping off to the south and a nearby ridge of hills – the siege could be left in the hands of his sub commanders.

After an hour’s ride, the small group breasted the hill. Before them spread a fertile plain – just had often been the case in the long path from the frozen fields of Livonia, far to the north. But this time a different feature brought a new radiance to the vista. Glinting across the horizon was a clear vivid slash of sparkling blue. The nearest rider to Goswin turned towards him, his face alive with excitement and wonder – “Sire” he spoke breathlessly, “I give you the wonder of the Great Southern Sea. Your Kingdom now stretches from the North to the South of the eastern lands. This is truly the window on our future, for beyond lies the wonder of the Levant, of Constantinople and the Holy Land. There will be our destiny.” Goswin noticed the tear in the eye of his companion. He smiled and inwardly forgave the courtier’s enthusiasm. His views may be gushing, but he was correct. The Order had reached a pinnacle in its history and there were new horizons opening for them. He turned to face his companions. “I thank you gentlemen for bringing me here today. I applaud your enthusiasm and share your vision of the future. Let us now return to our camp. We have work still to do and plans to prepare.”

Three months later, Goswin stood in front of the altar in Riga Cathedral. With him was Arch Bishop Ferdinand, spiritual advisor to the Teutonic Order. With due reverence, they conversed in hushed tones. “Sire, your Empire has never been stronger and is a true reflection of the glory of god”. “Yes, but I feel that I must repay the support that the Lord and the church has given to me, allowing the Order to achieve all it has. “ Sire, perhaps I may be so bold to suggest a path. Our church has links with monasteries in Bulgaria. Increasingly they are persecuted by the Serbs, an oppressive Orthodox nation with no respect to the one true church. A crusade to assist the word of God in those parts would be well received by the Holy Father in Rome. Goswin paused. “The Serbs you say. I know little of these people. What is the extent of their lands?” “Sire, they stretch from Bulgaria to the Adriatic sea to the west, to Greece to the south and to Constantinople to the east.” At the mention of Constantinople, Goswin’s eyes sparkled. After the briefest moment of reflection, Goswin turned to the high altar and his resonant tones filled the cathedral to the very rafters. “As God is my witness, the brethren in Bulgaria must be protected. Send word to the Chapter House that I, Grandmaster Goswin do declare a Crusade to Bulgaria to deliver it from the hands of the heathen Serbs. Send word to all corners of my land that I expect to see all God fearing men on the muster fields as part of this Holy Crusade.”

Soon a mighty army, driven by religious zeal was marching south, its numbers growing with every province it crossed. On the plains of Bulgaria, the crusade, bolstered by the Order’s main army meet and shattered the forces of Serbia. There then followed a swift, savage campaign with the Serbian lands falling to the advancing armies of the Order. Soon the army of Goswin stood before the very walls of Constantinople itself. As he pondered an assault, messengers brought him word that the remnants of the Serbian kingdom had fallen into disarray and civil war. Goswin called his High Chancellor to him. “Time for some sharp words, not sharp swords, I think. Enter the city, meet with these rebels. I’m sure some gold coin will ease the path to common sense.” 3 days later, Goswin’s assessment of the matter bore fruit. The city’s main gates were thrown open and Goswin rode in at the head of his army with the defenders wearing their new Teutonic Order favours.

Goswin rode to the Imperial Palace – a building with its roots in the days of the Byzantines. Astride his horse, he turned to face the crowd and his voice echoed across the square “Today we thank the Lord for the triumph of our arms and the success of our Crusade. From the shores of the Baltic to the Sea of Mamara no one can stand before us. We truly are the sword of the Catholic Church. Today we return this great city to the one true faith. Tomorrow we begin our plans to restore the Christian church to its roots in Palestine.” The roar from the crowd echoed round the square as Goswin entered the palace.

REFLECTION

The campaign continues well. The empire is finacially sound and growing nicely. The destruction of the the Russians was quite straight forward, especially as the Horde became allies as we began our attacks. With a combination of our attacks and theirs plus not having to worry about the mongols attacking me, it was easy going. The Crusade was a natural step and, although the Serbs were a reasonable force they struggled against the quality of the Order - My armies now are CMAA, order foot, arbs, halberdiers and a nice mix of cavalry care of the Princes etc. Livonia is well on the way to making Teutonic Knights, so we should be producing those soon. Hopefully the next episode does not take so long.:2thumbsup:

Martok

05-18-2007, 21:28

Bravo, Kurt! However long it's been since you last posted an AAR, your storytelling abilities clearly haven't suffered in the interim. :bow: My congratulations to Goswin on his unparalleled success! :medievalcheers:

Deus ret.

05-20-2007, 21:57

Hooray, bamff, King Kurt and all the others who posted in the past two weeks! Great campaigns going on, and a good storytelling on top.

thumbs up!

random_pipings

05-23-2007, 19:30

So I'm playing as the Polish in Early XL on Hard. Things went well at first; I conquered Moldavia and Volhynia in a war with the Cumans; I bribed Prussia and Pomerania and managed to keep them from revolting; then I attacked the Lithuanians around 1120 and got Lithuania and Livonia (but had to abandon Livonia). Around 1125 I found myself at war with Sweden, Denmark, Lithuania, and Novgorod. That was pretty tough but the Danes made peace with me fairly quickly and so did the Swedes. During this time I was marrying princesses off to my Russian allies left and right because I wanted to get rid of them and I thought nothing would happen. Around 1135 I was at peace with everybody except Novgorod so I took almost all of my men and prepared to wipe them out. I guess my two mistakes were marrying off all of my princesses to foreigners and not leaving enough men to guard my back. The treacherous Bohemians attacked me; my king died without any heirs but I still had some royal uncles. Next thing I know, the year 1140 rolls around I'm left with only the province of Novgorod, and my entire empire (Prussia, Pomerian, Greater and Lesser Poland, Silesia, Moldavia, Volhynia, Lithuania) has gone over to the Kievans. So at that point I was shocked and discouraged but I decided to keep playing. In 1180 I invaded Livonia which was the Lithuanians last province and I wiped them out. Then I just kept biding my time. Around 1225 the Swedes held Pomeria, Denmark, Scania, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Estonia. Well they fell into a civil war. Denmark became rebel so I bribed it; then I invaded Finland and Estonia and sunk their navy in the Baltic. Then I moved in and wiped them out. So for about 50 years now I've been holding my own in the remote northern regions of Europe. The Mongols are super-weak; they were faced by two very strong nations (Turks and Russians) and didn't get too far. The Turks are scary strong; their empire goes from Volga-Bulgaria all the way through the Middle East (they wiped out the Fatimids) and lately they've been attacking Spain.

So I'm still just biding my time. I'll post a picture later but I'm not at my own computer right now. This has certainly been one of the most fun campaigns I've played so far. At one point the Hungarians had this five-star Inquisitor who kept killing some of my good generals, so I sent about eight Inquisitors into Hungary and killed off three of their 4-6 star generals. Also I assassinated their Inquisitor. Take that, you dumb Magyars.

Bregil the Bowman

06-01-2007, 00:24

Part Nine of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

Idris the Thunderbolt

Sitting at his gardens in Pamplona in the Spring of 1324, Umar III gathered his youngest sons around him to play with toy soldiers on the tiled floors. He was explaining to Ibrahim and Muhammed, aged 11 and 9 respectively, how the treacherous attack of the Emperor Andronicus had been repulsed from Chernigov, how the isolated Byzantine garrison of Peryslavl had been roundly defeated and driven back upon to its walls. Even now the Khalifah awaited word from Al Hakam, his veteran Master of Horses, that the fortress had been reduced and its garrison slaughtered or enslaved. The question now was whether to strike back at Andronicus or continue his other war in the east with Chort, Prince of Novgorod. Neither Chort nor Andronicus had proved an able battle commander, but in Smolensk the Boyar Champion Kuritsa Zhivnobudov, reputedly the world’s finest warrior, commanded respect from friend and foe alike. Umar had repeatedly sought peaceful terms with both of the Eastern princes and had always been rebuffed. War had been forced upon him, and he was determined to seek victory.

A scornful voice crossed the portico: “What are Andronicus and Chort to the Commander of the Faithful? Who is it that truly threatens the peace of your realm, father? You play at bat-and-ball on the Russian steppe, while all the while your true enemy lurks like a gross and bloated spider on the border of your richest territory. I tell you, father, you will have no peace while the Great Khan lives.”

Umar looked up into the eyes of his middle son, 14 year old Idris. Of all his boys, he felt this was the one he knew the least, and yet he suspected this was the one most like to himself.

Umar’s wives had borne him five sons. Eldest of these was Yusuf, known as “Yusuf the Dane” as it was rumoured his mother had been the Danish Princess Margrethe. Tall, fair and puissant-at-arms, Yusuf’s tactical sense extended no further than the reach of his lance. Next was Ali, easily the cleverest of the five, materialistic and greedy. He would have made a fine son to a grain merchant, but not to a king. The younger boys were harder to judge, their characters not yet fully formed, but Umar could tell that this Idris was staking a claim to his father’s attention.

“The Golden Horde has not moved against your realm since Grandfather’s time,” he continued. “And yet your maintain more troops upon that frontier, at more expense, than you do in any other part of the realm. Surely, by that token, Khan Bhatu represents the greatest threat to our peace; and surely, by that token, it is against him you should move before diverting your attention to the north-east?”

“Bold words, my lad,” replied the Khalifah. “Many a commander has come to grief against the might of the Mongols. Defending Syria is one thing, where he must cross the desert and attack the hills. But how would you defeat him in his own lands, where the choice of terrain is his own?”

“It is no simple thing,” the prince conceded, “but it might be done. Stout infantry would be needed, to hold the line against is heavy horse. Arbalests and guns enough to make him rue the exchange of fire, and force him to the attack should he prove unwilling. And swift horsemen to challenge his mounted archers.” Idris set out the toy soldiers in demonstration of his plan. “Timing would be everything – to attack too soon would be to lose everything.”

The Khalifah stroked his beard, proud that his son showed such appreciation of the arts of war.

“For some years,” he mused, “I have been raising companies in the mountains of Switzerland. They are hardy mountain men, experts in the use of the halberd. It has long been in my mind that they might be a match for the Golden Horde.”

Idris shrugged his shoulders: “Any men well led might fulfil my plan. I do not trust these Swiss. Their governor is a rogue that you should hang, as you have hanged many for lesser crimes these last years. Shall I go to fight Khan Bhatu, father?”

Umar laughed: “Soon enough, my son, soon enough.”

Idris was yet a boy. Preparations were made for war, but it was Ibn Tashufin, Governor of Constantinople, who was sent the next year to attack Bhatu in Georgia with the new Swiss regiments and troops of Levantine arquebusiers. Faced with this might the Mongols quailed – at the first exchange of gunfire they turned at quit the field. The following year, 1326, Bhatu returned with the whole strength of the Golden Horde, but now Ibn Tashufin held a defensive position. The initial assault was broken and the Khan himself slain early on. During a protracted fight, the defenders weathered a deadly hail of arrows from the Mongol horse archers, sheltering behind mounds of dead horses as their own arrows and bullets were spent upon the horde. Sally after sally was launched by Armenian and Cyrenaican horsemen, who fought until exhausted and too often paid the price. But the victory was spectacular. Barely a third of the Mongol army returned to Armenia where Khobibag II, Bhatu’s son, was declared Khan of a much-diminished Golden Horde. The victor, Ibn Tashufin, was richly rewarded for his efforts, and rightly so. He had not shied from danger and fully half his bodyguards had been slain in the fight with Bhatu.

In 1327 the Almohad army closed in on Khobibag. This time it was the plan’s architect, the 17 year old Prince Idris, who led them, and his army was not made up of Swiss halberdiers or gunners but of Syrian veterans. Sensing that he would need to match the mobility of the Mongols, Idris based his infantry force around Nubian and Muwahid spearmen. He was backed by swift Saharan horsemen, desert bowmen and arbalesters rather than slow-firing arquebusiers. But for the serpentine and demi-cannon pieces he brought to the battle, his troops were little different from those with which Amir Buluggin had first challenged the horde a century earlier

Khobibag had prepared his ground with a deep ravine separating the two armies. This was clearly set as a trap for Idris, but it was in fact Khobibag himself who was lured in by the bait of a small light cavalry force approaching his guns (two mortars). On the far slope, the Mongols faltered, at one point ambushed by a company of Almohad Militia hidden in woods. As the Mongol nobility began to break, and Almohad horsemen streamed to attack Khobibag’s footsoldiers as they struggled across the gap, the Khan himself took up the sword and rode into the fray. A company of Almohad Faris bore the brunt of this assault and were driven off. This was too much for the young prince to bear. Leading his own household Ghulams, he descended the slope like a thunderbolt, sweeping Khobibag’s standard to the ground with one stroke. One by one the Mongol guards were cut down, and the Khan turned to fly back to his own lines, where reinforcements were starting to arrive. Undaunted, Idris followed him to right under the bows of his warriors and delivered the final coup de grace before turning back in haste. Whether or not it was Idris himself who struck the fatal blow may be disputed, but there is no doubt the young prince was there when the last Khan fell.

The Mongols sent wave after wave of mounted archers to avenge their lord, but Idris used the terrain to confound them. He would draw them across the ravine, where his own archers decimated them, and then counter attack with his swift Saharan cavalrymen. In the woods on the far side of the ravine he concealed two units of Muwahid spearmen who dealt severely with any foe who attempted to make the crossing under cover. Exhausted by charge and counter-charge, the Saharans suffered heavy losses, but at last they put the enemy to flight. The Golden Horde was broken utterly. Its last survivors paused only to set fire to their own stronghold before flying back to the steppe, never to return.

News of this great victory reached the Khalifah through his faithful general Ibn Tashufin, who had returned to Pamplona to refit his personal guard. Not a detail of the battle was spared, the veteran warrior adding in awed tones: “Was ever a king blessed with such a fine son?”

“A good question, old friend,” replied the Khalifah, lost in thought. For a moment he was silent, and then he added: “My son is a fine warrior. The spirit of his forefathers lives on through him. But he is born to lead, not to serve, and he has already tasted the blood of kings.”

The Khalifah paused again and watched the younger princes playing in the courtyard below. Already they seemed to have grown into young men.

“I have two sons before Idris,” he continued, “and it cannot be long before the conqueror of Armenia measures his worth against his elders. How then will that fall out for our people.” He sighed. “May Allah forgive me for what I must now do...”

Martok

06-01-2007, 21:14

Brilliant, Bregil! Surely you have a bard's touch. :bow:

Da Doom Guy

06-04-2007, 02:28

Ok, here goes my Empire and "story".

I was playing as England becaiuse I realised it's important strategic value when it comes to world domination, anyway, I started by reunifying England and conquering local countries(France/Ireland) and then I moved east to wipe out the hostile Germans, later on I carved and Empire in Spain(all of it) and I then went on t Africa with my SOD's I had just created, lol.

I was in Africa and later on, guess what happened? a Civil War broke out! just as my Empire had reached it's Highest rank as a world power a Civil War Broke out, I choase to remain loyal to the loyalists and I ALMOST beat back the civil war, my SOD's were broken in half cause of the civil war so my crusading immedietally stopped, later on a battle at my "Capital" saw my forces head back and let Egypt take lands from me, in the midst of the battle, my Emperor was killed and my family line ceased to exist, the game ended with me owning most of the world, but losing it to Vile Heretics and Traitors, and to add to all that, the Pope Execommunicated me WHILE I was at Civil War, lol.

Ironically, my Story is almost like 40K(The Horus Heresy) lol.

Martok

06-04-2007, 20:15

Nice story, Da Doom Guy! A pity your empire collapsed, but at least you did so in a spectacular fashion. :thumbsup:

Bregil the Bowman

06-05-2007, 01:38

Part Ten of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

The Sons of Umar III

The time had come for the Almohads to finally settle all scores with their Orthodox foes. The demise of the Golden Horde freed up thousands of men for this new campaign. Many were desert warriors, unsuited to the harsh conditions to be expected upon the steppe, and these were withdrawn to Syria, but the rest took ship from Trebizond, the greatest armada the world had ever seen. They landed in Novgorod whence Prince Chort, hopelessly outnumbered, declined the chance of battle and fled. Under the command of Prince Idris – “the Thunderbolt” – the great army gave pursuit, to Smolensk where the army of Novgorod must either triumph or be destroyed.

Meanwhile the two elder Princes – Yusuf and Ali – were given the less honourable task of routing the burghers of Livonia, who had but recently freed themselves of the Byzantine yoke. This was achieved, though the citadel of Livonia held out and seemed unlikely to fall to siege. Reinforced by troops serving under the Amir Abu Badis, the brothers turned south to Lithuania where a substantial Byzantine force awaited them.

The younger princes, Ibrahim and Muhammed, were of an age now to prepare to join their brothers. The Khalifah Umar marked well how these two had developed over the last few years. Ibrahim, known as “the Black” both for his coloration and the dark nature of his soul, seemed likely to prove as doughty a fighter as Yusuf “the Dane” and as able a commander as Idris “the Thunderbolt.” Muhammed, the youngest, was a materialist like Ali, but his materialism ran to an understanding of the workings of armies and empires, not merely his own purse. Umar, so well served by his bold uncles in the early part of his reign, felt confident that whichever of his sons inherited his throne, they would have strong kinsmen to support them if need be. But the question entered his mind, which of them was most fit to rule?

Idris staked his claim in battle outside Smolensk. Expecting Chort as his opponent, he was surprised instead to meet an army led by the Russian hero Kuritsina Zhiznobudov, reputedly the greatest warrior of the age. Undaunted by the size of the Almohad army, this veteran rallied the boyars to pit their firepower and manoeuvrability against the Muslim invaders. Idris was hard pressed to keep his battle line facing the army of Novgorod as they sought to outflank him, first to his left and then on the right. But at a crucial stage of those early moves, Zhiznobudov was struck through the gorget by a longbow arrow. The hero’s death dismayed his followers, and though they rallied to launch an attack on the Almohad line, they were easily repulsed. Idris’s archers and arquebusiers easily got the better of each exchange of fire, and his cavalrymen gained the upper hand when they managed to close with the boyars. Before long the Russians were in full flight, a troop of Turcoman mercenaries chasing them from the field while Idris searched among the dead for Zhiznobudov, whose body he treated with all honour.

But where was Prince Chort? Scouts soon reported that he had led an invasion of Lithuania. Abu Badis and the princes would therefore have to fight in a three sided battle, and the ageing general decided his aim would be allow Chort to fall on the Byzantine flank while he feinted to engage the army from the other side. Then, holding back, he would allow the two enemies to destroy one another before committing his men against the weary victors.

Good as this plan was, it stood no chance in practice. As winter fell the Byzantine commander led Abu Badis a merry dance through the dense forest. With thick snow falling all around, the Almohad force struggled to keep in touch with their foes. Pausing to get his bearings, Abu Badis suddenly realised that as well as the army before them, a second army had gathered behind them. This was Chort and his boyars, and had not the Almohad cavalry been able to turn back in the nick of time, they would have been overrun. As it was, a desperate fight in the snow ensued, the boyars fighting well and with some element of surprise behind them. More than once they seemed to be getting the upper hand. But the princes acquitted themselves well in a bloody struggle, and finally it was Chort’s men who broke and ran, sealing his fate and that of his empire.

The Almohads then turned back to face a strong Byzantine army that had emerged out of the forest. Though cold and weary, depleted by the fierce fight they had just won, they fought again with vigour and vim. At first the Byzantine line gave way, and many units were put to flight. But in the driving snow, the Almohads found themselves outflanked by Byzantine reinforcements, while some of the pursued rallied and started to counter-attack against the scattered and confused pursuers. Unable to co-ordinate his forces in the blizzard, Abu Badis grimly sort to break his enemies' resolve with a sudden charge – but his horses would hardly respond to the command, and he was quickly overwhelmed and made prisoner.

Without the wily commander to guide them, the Princes Yusuf and Ali were next to helpless. As the common soldiers and mercenaries gave way and routed, the princes rallied Ghulams to their own banner and fought on, though hope soon deserted them. Yusuf vowed to bring down the enemy general and set out in pursuit – but that captain of horse-archers managed to keep on the move and evade an encounter. Meanwhile Ali and his squire – all that remained of his regiment – were last seen charging against a regiment of handgunners through the snow. The materialist at last found his mettle, though too late. On learning of his brother’s fate, Yusuf vowed to avenge him, though he groaned and swooned in the saddle for grief and shame. But his men and horses had no more stomach for fighting. As enemy regiments gathered around the Crown Prince from every side, his Ghulams seized his reins and dragged him away from the battle while he wailed his protest, and somehow their stumbling horses made good their escape.

Abu Badis was treated with honour by the Byzantines and ransomed. The body of Prince Ali was also given to a local mosque for burial according to the proper rites. Not such was the fate of Prince Chort. Seeking shelter in a woodsman’s hut, he was slain in his sleep by the perfidious host, who then sold his head to the Byzantines for a rich reward.

The next year (1331) settled the campaign. Idris led his thousands against Andronicus in Muscovy, where that Prince surrendered without blow being struck or arrow fired. Al-Hakam, Master of the Khalifah’s Horses, led a force of cavalrymen against the Byzantine garrison of Ryazan, killing 333 men and capturing 739 for the loss of only 17 men. Amir Ibn Mahsin, King of Scotland, gained vengeance for Ali against the defenders of Lithuania. The Amir had fallen into disgrace because of his heavy gambling, but his victory was sufficiently decisive to earn his lord’s favour once more.

Not so Yusuf. The Crown Prince was met in Livonia by his father’s confidant, Amir Ibn Tashufin, and warned in uncertain terms that he must do penance for the death of his brother.

“Tell my father I would die a thousand deaths to have my brother back again,” pleaded the prince.

“A thousand deaths would not return your brother,” replied the Amir coldly, “but only one would assuage your father’s rage.”

Soon the citadel of Livonia would fall to the relentless Amir, who battered its walls with cannon and sent men to brave the arrows, bolts and gun-stones that poured from its walls in order to slaughter the last defenders. In such a battle Yusuf might well have redeemed himself with brave acts, or else met a glorious end. But such was not his fate. He met his end in a tavern brawl three days before the siege was ended, bleeding to death from a knife wound behind the knee. How this had come to pass was not clear. One rumour had it he was seeking an agent to unlock the citadel gates for the army, and that they had argued over the fee. Another said that he had been engaging in carnal pleasures with the innkeeper’s son and was murdered either by the angry father or a jealous lover. A third suggested that he had tried to bribe a Syrian assassin to kill his father before his younger brothers could rise too far above him in the Khalifah’s eyes, but that the loyal agent had punished such treason with summary execution.

The Khalifah received the news tearfully, and gave himself up to mourning. “Yusuf, my son,” he was heard to whisper to the breeze. “Forgive me. I loved thee dearly, as I loved thy mother. And yet... either one of you might have destroyed everything I have sought to build. For the sake of the Empire, I have done what had to be done. Rest in peace, my son.”

Peace. With Chort and Andronicus dead, and the succession of Idris more or less assured, one might have dreamt of peace.

But the Khalifah’s mourning was soon to be disturbed by the alarums and clarions of war. Urged on by Papal decree, Konrad of Poland crossed the border into Bohemia, and once more the Cross and the Crescent were at odds...

Deus ret.

06-05-2007, 10:10

Wow, a nice account, Bregil! You really should think about putting the whole of the story in a kind of fantasy war book. It's very well written and contains a high degree of suspense.

Martok

06-05-2007, 23:11

I concur. That was a superb update on your Almo campaign, Bregil. :bow:

Kaidonni

06-08-2007, 15:31

I should probably write the history of my campaign here too...playing as Sicily/Hard/Early/GA/XL, and it's been a very interesting campaign. Currently in the year 1143. Let's see, I'll 'summarise' the campaign so far (by 'summarise', I mean write a lengthy account that will bore everyone to death so I can claim myself Master of Earth without any contenders :laugh4:).

To start off with, under King Roger I, I decided that having naval superiority was integral to my campaign, so I began with a mix of ships and an army to invade Naples, snatching it from the Byzantine Empire. This all went according to plan, and I managed to get a ceasefire with the Byzantines too (by making sure I didn't have any ships or borders bordering Byzantine lands). I managed to get an alliance with the Papal States early on, but for the most part my alliance policy went down the drain. During all of this, the Holy Roman Empire became dinner for the Bohemians and French, and made mistakes by attacking Milan, eventually leading to a civil war. This is where I developed my bribery policy...Prince Ludwig rebelled against the HRE, taking a large army and Provence with him, only to find trust in King Roger I soon afterwards. I also sought further expansion, looking first to the Almoravids in Northern Africa, and then changing my mind and focusing on the Serbians in Serbia and Croatia. King Roger I never lived to see the invasion, although he did live to the ripe old age of 70, perhaps give or take a year.

King Roger II was responsible for the invasion of the Balkans and the purging of the Serbians, beginning in 1129. The fleet suffered loses and also celebrated wins against the Serbian fleet. Only one rogue ship caused problems, and it was dealt with swiftly enough. King Roger II really liked consolidating power over the seas, and made sure only Dromons were used to maintain trade routes while the rest of the fleet was moored close to port. King Roger II passed away at the end of 1139, giving way to the short, but nevertheless important, rule of King William I.

King William I passed away at the end of 1142, but his impact on history is not to be misjudged. He saw the opportunities to be gained from a civil war the English had suffered at the end of 1139 when, in an attack by the Almoravids against Anjou, the English lost a Chapter House which had launched a crusade against Tripoli. The rebels in Mercia looked ripe and juicy for the bribe, and Don Marino Caetani, the prime emissary of Sicily, was tasked with bringing the rebels into the rule of a more fitting Norman kingship. The English didn't deserve to own England! And so, a new chapter begins with King Tancred I and a new line of younger heirs to the throne who will superseed the current original, aged heirs when they come of age. Mercia is under Sicilian control, and if intel is correct...the English have only their leader, King Michael, in Wales, and no heirs. A push could be made to eliminate these so-called 'allies' once and for all, leaving the whole of England, save the north where the Scots have re-emerged until King Malcom V, ripe for conquest by the Sicilian Norman colonials.

1143...Sicily has control of Sicily, Malta, Naples, Provence, Serbia, Croatia and Mercia, and has further plans for expansion.

Currently, the superpowers are the Almoravids, the Fatimids, the Byzantines have fair strength, and the French. Kiev is rather large, as is Volga Bulgaria, but it is the Almos and Eggies who pose the greatest threat.

The Seljuks reappeared in 1140 on the Isle of Cyprus...

Currently, Castile-Leon, Aragon, Portugal, Serbia, Armenia and Lithuania are no more, with the HRE not far behind, nor the Polish. The French have been excommed...

Plotting goes on behind closed doors, the fate of England sealed, the Sicilian Normans intent on carrying forth their rule to the deprived lands of England. A new Norman race has been born, as such, which is not nearly as weak as the Vikings whose twilight is upon them, nor as weak as the English Normans who had not the heart nor ability to rule over their lands like a true full blood Norman...one could say the Sicilian Normans believe in a Norman master-race. Not just content with bringing this new Norman breed to England's shores, Sicily intends to one day knock on the doors of the Almoravids and ask them what they think...before killing them all and taking Iberia and Northern Africa for themselves...

'Kill them all and let God sort them out' is Sicily's motto.

Also Sicily's motto: 'HAHA! Look at all those boring fools who have provinces all clumped together! We Sicilians have been creative with our empire! Cower as we create a crazy shape to our borders, far superior to the bland borders of, say...France??? What a silly name for a kingdom! They should have called themselves Blue Man Group! Maybe then they wouldn't have gotten excommed. MUWAHAHAHAH! What's that? This motto is too long? Er...MUWAHAHAHAH! Communication over!' :verycool:

Bregil the Bowman

06-18-2007, 01:06

Part Eleven of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

The Polish Campaign

Pope Gregory VIII, like his predecessors, preached on a regular basis against the Almohad dominance of Europe. Like his predecessors, he was also content to wear silk and jewels brought to him by Muslim traders, to fill his cup with wine of Gascony and dine on dishes flavoured with spices and sugar from the Levantine ports. The Almohad expansion had never threatened his position in central Italy – in truth it had protected him from the Imperial ambitions of his co-religionists in Sicily and Germany – and the collapse of Eastern Orthodoxy flowing the campaigns of Umar III left Pope Gregory as the undisputed master of the Christian world. Nonetheless, he considered it his duty to condemn the infidel at every opportunity, and in 1331 he found a champion in Konrad I, King of Poland.

Konrad’s attack on Bohemia caught the Almohads unawares. Though strong garrisons had been maintained on every frontier, the armies facing Poland were neither as modern nor as experienced as those waging war in the East. Their leader was the ageing Count of Flanders, Amir Ibn Badis, who had been a young man when war was last waged on these frontiers. The Polish forces ranged against him were based upon the Knights of the Royal Household, elite warriors clad from head to foot in steel plate and mounted on huge warhorses. It was hardly an even match. Nonetheless, the Count disposed of his forces carefully and fought valiantly to stave off the invasion. When Konrad’s horsemen broke through his lines, he entered the fray himself at great personal risk, most of his own guards falling under the swords of the Polish knights as he rallied the Almohad infantry to throw them back. It was an awful, bloody day for the defenders, who lost 547 men; but it was a worse day for the Poles. 813 men were killed, many of them prisoners slaughtered when the battle seemed about to turn in the Poles’ favour, and another 157 prisoners found their way to the slave markets of the south. Those losses included the cream of Polish chivalry. Konrad escaped with his life, as did his heir and eldest son Leszek, but he left two other sons and two brothers on the battlefield as well as most of their knights. The surprise attack had been a disastrous failure.

The Almohad armies which had so recently won victories against the Byzantines and People of Novgorod now converged on Poland. Ibrahim, the Black Prince, crossed into Volnyhia unopposed. His brother Muhammed landed a strong force in Pomerania via the Baltic fleets, while the veteran Ibn Tashufin, Governor of Constantinople and Hammer of the Mongols, landed a similar force in Prussia. Each army was equipped with sufficient artillery to assault the Polish forts in those provinces in short order, but Prince Ibrahim was not prepared to wait. At the head of a huge army he crossed the Vistula and drove Konrad out of the Duchy of Poland, penning what was left of the Polish army in Brandenburg where it would prepare to make its last stand...

Umar III re-established his court at Dresden Castle in Saxony, from which vantage he could supervise the war. He had ruled his empire for more than thirty years and in all those years he had been at war with one or other of the great powers – and yet, like the Pope whose double-standard he so despised, he had never fought a battle himself. He spent many months on his estate near Wolfsburg, gazing across the Elbe and willing the Polish forces in Brandenburg to launch an invasion which he could meet in person.

Saxony, the birthplace of his eldest sons, held mixed memories for Umar. Not far from the palace was the shrine to St Margrethe, the Danish princess martyred by the Syrian assassins during the great Jihad; but the shrine was deserted and neglected already, for Saxony (like most of northern Europe) was by now firmly converted to Islam. It was here he had watched his eldest sons, Yusuf and Ali, growing up - the princes he had allowed to die in his eastern campaign. It was here he had watched his dreams of peace and a new world order cast down by the envy and distrust of his neighbours – mostly dead men now. More recently, it was here that he had learned of the death of Ibn Badis, the faithful old Count of Flanders, who had not long survived his victory over King Konrad. The rigours of a day spent fighting on horseback had clearly done the old fellow no good, though some considered that the shame of having killed so many prisoners when he had feared the battle lost was what had sapped his will to live.

Rather than brood endlessly, Umar set about expanding and improving the palace and court. He also waited anxiously for news of the campaign and, as coincidence would have it, was blessed by yet another son, born to a wife of his now extensive harem. Of all the sons he had been blessed with, only one, Muhammed, been born elsewhere, and that was the prince who was now charged with the destruction of Konrad’s Poland.

That catholic Royal knights formed the core of the Polish army was ably demonstrated in 1322 when Abdullah abn Buluggin led a small skirmishing force against Silesia. The Polish knight Swietopelk Rzeyetha had watched his infantry be routed and almost half his knights killed by the arrows of the fast moving invaders, but he still managed to engage his tormentors in hand to hand combat. That nearly changed the course of the battle as the Polish commander, reckless for his own safety, rode through and cut down his opposite number, immediately routing the Almohad horsemen. It was only the courage and tenacity of two companies of mounted crossbowmen that saved the day – counter-charging against the knights, they refused to allow them to escape the melee and re-group. Sheer numbers told and Sir Swietopelk was the last to fall, though not before he had taken a heavy toll of the invaders.

The battles in Silesia and Bohemia had been close-run, costly victories for the Almohads, but against the veteran armies arriving from the East, Konrad showed himself unwilling to risk more pitched battles. Only in Brandenburg, where defeat would mean utter destruction, did the Polish king turn at bay and fight a defensive battle. He had gathered an army of 2764 to prevent the crossing of the Oder, a substantial and well-equipped force. His opponent, Prince Muhammed, led an army of 5349 men, including some of the elite regiments who had defeated the Golden Horde, the Byzantines and the People of Novgorod. In the open field the advantage clearly lay with the invaders. Konrad’s hope must be to prevent the crossing, using his catapults to rake the troops gathered on the far bank.

But Muhammed had laid his plans for the crossing with great skill. Firstly, he had positioned a demi-cannon and a battery of three serpentines above the bridge, and with these he hoped to be able to drive the defenders far enough back to allow his infantry to cross. In his vanguard he had Nubian and Muwahid spearmen whose valour and experience far outweighed their lack of armour. Against these neither the mounted knights nor the-less able Polish infantry could prevail. This crossing could be supported by the pavise arbalesters he was positioning on the riverbank. He also kept in his second rank one company of mounted crossbows and one of English longbowmen, each a useful counter-measure against Royal Knights, as well as a large number of Almohad urban militiamen. All he needed was a chance to get across the river...

Konrad had positioned his forces well, but the initial exchange of artillery fire clearly favoured the Almohads. Cannonballs ripped through the defenders’ ranks, causing heavy losses and a significant drop in Polish morale. Moving forward to rally his troops, Konrad was himself struck by a flying splinter. Mortally wounded, he was borne from the field by his loyal knights, and as they turned to go the rest of the army followed.

Chanting religious slogans, the Almohad spearmen advanced across the bridge unopposed. They quickly set about destroying the Polish artillery, all the while wary of a counter-attack, but the leaderless Poles seemed unable to co-ordinate any resistance. Each unit that encountered an advancing Almohad unit was broken after the first exchange of blows, so that it was easy for Muhammed to bring his army across the bridge and set out his battle line.

The arrival of Prince Leszek with reinforcements promised to make a battle of the encounter, but to engage with the Almohads first they had to ensure the withering firepower of the arbalesters and longbowmen, and then break through the spearwall. The elite Royal Knights made no more headway than the militia sergeants and Slav levies against their opponents. Muhammed, resplendent in silvered-mail and bright blue silks, led the final charge in person, but in truth the battle had been over the moment he crossed the river. Leszek salvaged what forces he could from the battle and escaped towards Berlin, but he left 542 men dead and 568 captured. By the time Muhammed laid siege to the city, the total number of prisoners had risen to 1817. It had been a decisive victory. Despite the challenge of crossing a defended bridge, the young Prince had lost only 50 men.

Nothing now could save the Poles. Krakow’s defenders succumbed to starvation and opened its gates to the invaders. The walls of Wroclaw in Silesia might have been held for longer, but the Almohad artillery made a breach through which the invaders poured, easily overcoming the tiny garrison. Only an intervention from his Catholic allies could have saved Leszek, and that was not to be. Neither the Doge nor the Pope had either the strength or the will to challenge the Almohads. Recognising the futility of the situation, the garrison of Berlin-Kolln surrendered their Prince to the invaders in April 1335 in order to spare the civilian population. For this act of mercy, the city leaders were themselves spared; but Leszek and a number of nobles were executed for their part in the treacherous invasion of Bohemia.

With the fall of Poland, three hundred years of unbroken warfare came to an end for the Khalifate. Europe at last knew peace. The Mongol invaders, the quarrelsome Orthodox factions and now the last great Catholic power has all been laid low under Umar’s reign. North eastern and central Italy remained under Catholic rule, but since these states had never made trouble for him Umar was more than happy to let them be. Would their leaders do the same? Perhaps, thought Umar with grim satisfaction, for as long as they cared to dress in silk, drink the wine of Gascony and flavour their food with eastern spices. And when they no longer cared for these things, he had the strongest armies in the world, a fleet that ruled the waves unopposed from the Baltic to the Black Sea, and the three finest princes in Europe to lead them...

bamff

06-18-2007, 01:50

Magnificent work Bregil!

I do fear that my Aragonese campaign will pale into insignificance beside such an epic, but for what it is worth, here is chapter 7....

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 7 – An End to The Turks (1205 – 1210)
By the end of 1205, the Turks had been driven from both Edessa and Mesopotamia, although isolated pockets of resistance continued to hold out. The garrisons of these besieged castles had little hope of rescue. The Turkish Sultan’s forces had been so sorely depleted in the fighting between 1203 and 1205, that he is unable to send any troops south to attempt the recovery of either province – certainly not with the Russian bear sitting on his northern borders, licking its lips hungrily. It appeared to be only a matter of time before the Russians sought to take advantage of the Turk’s precarious situation.

Murad al-Abbas was the Turkish commander of Edessa castle. He and his men had fought at Mardin the previous April, and he knew only too well that the Aragonese infidels, though barbarians and savages, could fight, and fight well. Soon after his ragtag band of men had arrived at Edessa Castle, he had taken his son Mustafa aside.

“Musti, my son. I wish you to take this message to the Sultan in Armenia.” He handed a scroll to the young man before him.

“I will father, and then I will ride back with all haste, with as many men as I can gather.”

“No my son. Even before you reach the Sultan, I fear that all here will be dead. The Aragonese already march upon us, and they will come in such numbers that we cannot resist them.”

The younger man was confused.

“Then surely you must withdraw, father. Take these men back to Armenia to rebuild our strength…” Mustafa’s voice trailed away as his father raised his hand.

The old general smiled wryly at his son. “I am a soldier, Musti, as are you. I am bound to follow the orders of my commanders, and the Sultan himself has decreed that this castle must be held. So it is simple. Here we stand, and here we die. Now go, my boy, ride fast, and ride carefully. The infidels are already to our north.”

As Mustafa climbed into his saddle, Murad al-Abbas stepped forward and grabbed his sleeve.

“You will be the head of the household now. You must take care of your mother and your brothers.”

“I will father. May Allah be with you.” Mustafa spurred his horse and raced out of the gate. He had no desire to let his father see the tears that welled in his eyes.

“And also with you, my son.” Replied the old general. He paused to dab at his eyes before turning back into the fortress and signalling for the gates to be drawn shut.

That conversation had occurred almost two days ago now, and yet every moment was still so fresh in the mind of Murad al-Abbas as he once again surveyed the defences of Edessa Castle. It was but a wooden fortification. The Aragonese siege engines would quickly reduce these great wooden palisades to little more than kindling, he reflected, running his hand across one great beam. His gaze shifted to the camp fires that glowed all around the castle. The Aragonese had arrived during the day, several great columns of men. Far more than were housed inside the walls of this fortification. Murad al-Abbas looked up at the stars.

“One last night of sleep, and tomorrow we die as martyrs,” he thought grimly as he walked back towards the keep.

Meanwhile, outside the castle walls, Don Pedro de la Cerda was far more optimistic about the coming battle – and with good reason. He had just over 700 men under his command, including some 420 archers and 3 catapults. The locals that had been questioned throughout the afternoon had all indicated that the fortress contained no more than 100 Turks, and the walls that his artillery would be hurling their projectiles against were constructed of wood rather than stone. Clearly God himself smiled down upon the pious, he reasoned – and it was the duty of the pious to repay the Lord with as many Saracen deaths as possible. Don Pedro was often referred to as “fervent”, a true zealot, and this had fuelled his desire to join the crusades in the first place. He meant to do more than take the fortress. He was going to teach the Turks a lesson. The death of all of the defenders would serve as a warning to the local populace of the might of the Aragonese forces.

The Assault on Edessa Castle
As the first rays of dawn sunlight spread their fingers across the hillock on which Edessa Castle stood, the occupants of the fortress had already been awake for some time. Two of the urban militiamen under the command of Qalawan Arslan had been caught attempting to desert during the night. They had been summarily executed by al-Abbas’ second in command, Orhan al Mahmudi, and the resultant noise had served to awaken the whole garrison.
Murad al-Abbas knew that his men were on the knife edge as it was, and that an event such as this could spark a mutiny. He had no intention of allowing the fortress to fall without a fight. He addressed his troops. “The infidels will very soon be attacking these walls, my sons. Many, possibly even all of us, will die this day. There is no escape – the infidels surround us. You all have a choice to make. Would you choose the ignominious end that this pair chose? Sweating with fear, pleading for your life. Or would you choose the glorious end of a holy warrior? That is our only hope, my sons. We must fight as we have never fought before. Fight for Allah, for Turkey, for the Sultan. Death to the infidels!”

A rousing cheer erupted from the ranks. Murad al-Abbas turned to look out over the Aragonese positions. He knew that his men would die, but at least they would die like men. The first missile crashed into the top of the wall far to his right, sending a shower of splinters and fragments of rock over the Desert Archers. One man screamed, and recoiled back from the point of impact, a large shard of shattered timber protruding grotesquely from his shoulder. Al-Abbas signalled for his troops to move well back from the wall.
“And so it begins,” muttered Murad al-Abbas as the second and third missiles struck home.

Don Pedro de la Cerda watched from his saddle as the catapults unleashed their missiles against the fortress. For each one that struck home, a loud cheer would go up from the Aragonese ranks. A great chunk of the easternmost wall collapsed inwards. Soon after, a second section of wall was smashed away.

“Bring down the tower,” de la Cerda ordered the commander of the nearest catapult.

“Should we advance now my Lord?” queried Don Martin Diaz de Haro, commander of a unit of Militia Sergeants.

“No. Let the catapults finish their work. Then, as I explained last evening, when they are done I will send the archers forward”, responded de la Cerda curtly, clearly losing patience with the Militia Sergeant.

Orhan al Mahmudi called his surviving men to order. Through the choking dust that now blanketed the courtyard, he saw his commander approaching him. Above the screams and moans of the injured and dying, the Aragonese trumpets could be heard, and then the beat of marching feet.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/edessacastleassault3.jpg
420 marching feet as the Aragonese archers advance

“They are come for us old friend,” said Murad al-Abbas to al Mahmudi.

“Then let us greet them,” responded al Mahmudi. He waved his archers forward to the place where the wall once stood. Many of them never even saw their foes through the blinding dust. A hail of 200 or more arrows fell from the heavens. A dozen of al Mahmudi’s men died, many more were wounded.

Even as the survivors raised their bows, a second volley of Aragonese arrows came from the opposite flank, tearing great gaps in the desert archers’ lines. A similar fate was befalling al-Abbas’ Turcoman foot, who had similarly moved forward to guard a breach.

The Turkish archers gamely held their ground, returning fire when they were able, but simple mathematics dictated that they were progressively more and more outgunned by their Aragonese counterparts. Al-Abbas and al-Mahmudi perished side by side, without even having the chance to raise a sword against their antagonists. Still the Aragonese arrows rained down.
Don Pedro de la Cerda watched as the Turks were efficiently despatched by his archers.

“Enough!” he ordered. “Those arrows cost good money. The Saracen archers are no longer a threat.” He turned to Don Hernando de Escobedo.

“Don Hernando, I promised your knights some sport. Perhaps they would enjoy riding down the last of these Saracen rabble?”

Don Hernando smiled, nodded, and raised his lance. His royal knights followed. All that was left to face their charge were a handful of Urban Militia and Desert Archers. As the charging knights closed, they tried in vain to flee. De la Cerda’s orders were clear, however, and the knights did not spare a single Turkish life. And so it was that the entire garrison of Edessa Castle were slain, for the loss of just 17 Aragonese lives.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/edessacastleassault4.jpg
Victory!

The Drive North
Barely two years later, the last Turkish province of Armenia is overrun by the Russians. The huge Russian army sweeps all before them, avenging their own embarrassing defeat in the same province in 1206. This conquest results in the great kingdoms of Russia and Aragon sharing a border, with Armenia in Russian hands, and Mesopotamia part of the Kingdom of Aragon.
Whilst Russia and Aragon are allies, they are of different faiths, and it is fair to say that some measure of mutual distrust lingers between the two kingdoms. Both maintain significant military forces along their new shared borders in the east.

By 1208, King Fernando’s forces are strong enough that the Aragonese monarch deems it time to sweep the Jacquerie from Aragon’s northern borders. The Frenchmen decline to give battle in the face of the large Aragonese armies that march into Brittany and Anjou, and both provinces are quickly subdued.

News of these latest Aragonese conquests spread quickly, and alliances are soon negotiated by both King Erik of Denmark, and King Madog III of Ireland. King Samuel of Hungary follows suit in 1209.

As 1210 dawns on Europe, the elderly King Fernando reigns over an impressively expansive empire indeed. The Kingdom of Aragon now stretched from the Iberian peninsula to Brittany and Anjou in the north. All of northern Africa was part of the realm, as were Malta and Cyprus. Antioch, Edessa, Mesopotamia, Tripoli, Syria, Palestine, and Arabia all flew the Aragonese flag. Many Catholic factions have allied themselves with the Aragonese, as have the two Orthodox factions of Russia and Byzantium. In the west, Aragon’s borders were shared with their allies the Genoese, and with the Normans. In the east, Aragon shared borders with their Russian allies, and with the Armenians. King Fernando was indeed pleased with the state of the realm. He felt secure in the knowledge that he would live out his days with his beloved kingdom of Aragon basking in peace and prosperity.

Author's notes:
Okay so it seems a bit odd that in my recounting of the assault of Edessa castle I have appeared to side with the Turkish defender. Don't ask me why, that was just the way it came out - perhaps I felt sorry for the guy, trapped in a pretty ordinary position.

As for the deserters being slain prior to the battle, that was inspired by a curious twist in the game itself. Pre-battle the Turkish army was listed as 99 men including al-Abbas. At the end of the battle there were 97 dead, no prisoners....so what happened to the other two? I didn't see anyone running away (and in any case the fortress was entirely surrounded, so they couldn't go anywhere without bumping into part of the attacking army).

As for the state of the world, the Byzantines have pushed as far west as Venice, and the Russians hold pretty much all of the north east and have made a couple of raids on Flanders and Normandy (with little success so far, but they keep trying). The Danes are doing quite well in northern Europe. The Hungarians look to have strong armies (at least in terms of numbers) and should offer the Russians or Byzantines a fair fight if either invades. The Poles and Bohemians are involved in a protracted war in central Europe.

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 6 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1101
Chapter 5 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1061
Chapter 4 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1039
Chapter 3 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1033
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1000

Agent Miles

06-19-2007, 18:50

Here’s my go at the Turks (MTW/VI, GA, Early, Expert, no mods). I used Katank’s guide and crushed the Egyptians first and then beat the Byz down. The Golden Horde was absolutely no problem. I then built up and took out the other factions one at a time. By 1299, I left the Byz on Cyprus-Rhodes-Crete, the Sicilians on Malta and the Italians on Corsica-Sardenia. I did not incur any auto-mass-rebellion after I chose to conquer everything, although I had spies everywhere and strong garrisons. Every few turns, I crushed an upstart Pope. My trade kept things going. I switched all the taxation levels from very high to very low as an experiment. No matter what the tax rate was, my gov’s still got bad vices. I think this is because I had about 2 million florins in excess.
The first 9 slides show my expansion. The next slide shows my final GA score (394) and then the usual final screens. I then did an alternate ending where I conquered everyone. The last two slides are two shots of my economy at 1299 (very high tax) and 1452 (very low).They also show a typical army stack of each period.
https://s132.photobucket.com/albums/q36/AgentMiles/Turkish%20Game/

Martok

06-20-2007, 00:31

Magnificent, guys! I can't think of any further praise without being overly verbose. :medievalcheers:

bamff

06-20-2007, 00:54

Well done Agent Miles! That is an impressive end result alright!:2thumbsup:

Agent Miles

06-20-2007, 16:40

Thanks! I think that the Turks are the easiest faction. A simple blitz opening that gives them a rich corner of the map, great units to choose from, and then you get to skull drag the Golden Horde.

dknight

06-21-2007, 04:46

Can't praise your works enough, Bregil the Bowman, bamff, and others. I'm starting to read these as alternative to fantasy/sci-fi novels, and have to admit that many are actually better than some publishing books. Your writings are unbelievable good.

:book:
Keep it up guys, and thanks for the hours of entertaining.

Innocentius

06-25-2007, 18:24

Truly excellent accounts, everyone~:cheers: Thanks for the good reads!

I'm sorry I haven't posted anything in quite a while now and the truth is I haven't played for about a month or so (summertime, a lot of things to do). My current situation is this (as far as I remember it): I own everything east of the Baltic now except Livonia and Estonia which belong to the Swedish (Catholics which means it's risky to attack them) and Georgia makes up for my southern border.
My king is in his fifties or sixties and will die any year now and I'm planning to take advantage of this han grab the rest of the eastern Baltic coast while he is still alive, giving him the excommunication. Unfortunately his sons are all crap so I'll have to rely on my good generals for a while until my royal line has recovered from the loop-effect. Also I've definitely reached the bloat-effect now, but that shouldn't be a problem as I'm already stinking rich and can mass-produce my armies (I think I have 10 or more provinces capable of training silver-armoured, +2 morale halberds now).

Anyway, we'll see when the next episode appears in this thread.

knutis

06-25-2007, 23:32

So I’ve been lurking around here for a while and I thought I’d try to write a little about my own empire. I’m going for Spanish-early-exp-GA with some extra rules to make it tougher
(I got vanilla MTW btw)
Self imposed rules:
Max. 500 soldiers per province (Doesn’t include mercenaries or foreign troops in a crusade.)
Mercenary troops must be disbanded 5 turns after they are hired.
Only one Grand Inquisitor allowed
The popes word is law! If he ask me to stop bothering someone, I must.
No declarations of war the first 10 years
Titles go to the noblest men, not necessarily the ones with the greatest acumen
We are Christian fanatics and can’t ally with Muslims or Pagans

And so here we go...

1086

In Leon Don Garc Mendoza is granted the title Duke of Leon, and he starts training of another troop of Jinetes like the one he commands.

In Castile the King orders the building of watchtowers along the borders in order to gain valuable information of his neighbours. The title Duke of Castile he gives to the able commander (3) Don Enrique de Luna, who also receives the title Lord Chamberlain. His first act was to begin the training of a company of spearmen

1087

Our Lord’s year 1187 saw the birth of Prince Fernando, Alfonso’s third son.
More happy news came from Don Alfonsoo Mendoza, an emissary, who had succeeded in getting King Sancho I of Aragon as an ally to the Spanish Kingdom.

Less happy news was the mobilization of Almohad troops in Cordoba, 660 in total. King Alfonso became worried that more might come and threaten his borders if not worse and so he sent his emissary Alfonso Mendoza to persuade Lord Cid of Valencia to join the Spanish.

1088

Unfortunately Lord Cid had no intensions of giving up his sovereignty, but Alfonso has ordered his emissary to try again when once there’s enough gold in the treasury. After all, he wants a peaceful outcome of this
Good news was however, that Prince Garc had been born.

1089

Prince Ferdinand is born.

1090

This year the Almohads sent a small army to invade Portugal. The army seems to have been to small since less than half the men returned.
Prince Alfonso matures and is put in charge of the army in Leon.

1091

The Almohads sent a larger army this year and took Portugal. They have 412 men in Portugal and only 37 in Cordova.

1092

There is news of unrest amongst Christians in Portugal. 180 Christian rebel archers stand up against the Almohad tyrants.
Traders report that The Byzantines are the richest of the earthly powers. The Kings emissary again found Lord Cid unvilling to join our cause. At the same time another emissary brings an offer of alliance from the Italian Doge, an alliance which King Alfonso accepts.

1193

The uprising in Portugal is crushed but another soon follows. The King accepts an offer of alliance from King William II of England.
To strengthen his kingdom’s economy King Alfonso orders the improvement of the Spanish farmlands. At the same time he prepares for the invasion of Valencia, which he will lead personally. The Spanish army now consists of 300 spearmen, 240 jinetes, 180 urban militiamen, 60 archers and 40 royal knights. Spain can feed 280 more.

1094

The second Portuguese rebellion is crushed, but a third follows, consisting of 80 feudal knights and 60 feudal men-at-arms. 750 Almohads are now stationed in Cordoba.
At home Prince Pedro is born and Prince Sancho comes to age.

1195

In the service of God and Mother Church, the Pope grants Spain 1000 florins. The King of Aragon declines a marriage proposal between Princess Beatriz and Prince Sancho.

1096

The Pope grants Spain another 1000 florins. The King accepts offers of alliance from the King of Denmark, the King of Hungary and the Prince of Novgorod.
King Alfonso sends Prince Sancho to invade Valencia together with 80 jinetes, 200 spearmen, 60 urban militiamen and his personal bodyguard.
At the same time he sends his son Prince Alfonso into Portugal, which is again ruled by the Portuguese. Prince Alfonso is assisted by 80 jinetes, 100 spearmen together with his bodyguard. King Alfonso knows this is a risky move as his forces will be stretched out and in Cordoba Prince Idris (6 stars) sits in charge of 780 men. He hopes the Prince wont attack right away, but give him time to build an army strong enough to push the Almohads out of Europe.

In Portugal the outnumbered defenders decided to stand and fight. Their army consisted of 44 feudal knights and 42 feudal men at arms.
Prince Alfonso decided to proceed with caution, as his enemy, although fewer, were not unfamiliar to combat.
The enemy general emediately positioned himself on a hilltop. Alfonso and the spearmen positioned themselves on the flat field below while the jinets rode towards the enemy in order to draw them down.
The jinetes first finished of a small group of 4 knights, then the rest of the Portuguese knights charged towards the Prince who had left his spearmen and ridden towards the enemy. He turned back and called for the spear company to assist him. The enemy knight reached him first however and 12 bodyguards in the rear quickly fell. Then the 100 spearmen reached them and engaged the enemy knights so that the Prince could get away. Alfonso then rode away a bit to start a charge into the rear of the enemy with his 7 remaining men. At the same time the two units of jinetes had managed to souround the enemy general and his feudal men at arms. When he had lost half his men to the jinete’s javelins, the horsemen charged and the swordmen panicked and tried to flee. None managed however. When the knights pinned between the Prince and his spearmen saw how their general fared, they also gave up and was captured.

In Valencia, the Almohads had sent a force slightly larger than the Spanish. Prince Sancho realized that a war with the Almohads at this point would be unwise, and so he called off the attack. His men however did not like it. The Almohads defeated the foolish Lord Cid and now had 400 men under Prince Idris in Valencia. In Cordoba Prince Ali (4 stars) sat with 600 men.

The King also accepted an offer of alliance from the king of Poland this year.

1097

This year more troops were sent to Portugal as there was a slight chance of rebellion.
At the same time Prince Sancho invaded Navarre with 120 militiamen, 100 spearmen, 40 jinetes and his bodyguard. 100 spearmen and 200 peasants were expected to meet them.

And they did..
Although slightly more numerous than the Prince’s army they were poorly trained and had poor leadership. This resulted in 8 dead Spanish spearmen, while of the enemy 31 was killed and the rest was taken prisoner.

And Princess What’s Her Name marries a Byzantine prince.

1098

Prince Garc is 10 yrs and has a party. :balloon2:

1099

Prince Sancho is 20 yrs and has an even bigger party! :balloon2: :clown:

1100

The Germans are now the richest. No one else has such a large income. Good for them!
An English princess marries Prince Sancho! Now Prince Alfonso must find someone before his younger brother Prince Fernando comes of age. (They always seem to prefer the youngest)
We get some GA points.

1101

Chapter house done in Castile and I start on the crusade marker. I’ll send King Alfonso on his way across Europe to Jerusalem with some men and hope he picks up some more on his way.

1102

The King of France sends an emissary with an offer of alliance. He is however at war with the Aragonese, our neighbours, so we decline.
Prince Fernando matures. He’s a great general (7 stars) and a good runner :/

1103

Prince Garc matures and gets a French princess for his birthday. He’s btw also a great general (7) and a great leader! He’s going to the holy land!

1104

Someone tries to kill my emissary!
And Prince Ferdinand comes of age. He is a 6 star general and is nervous and dead drunk
(-25health) hehe…

1105

The Germans are now my allies. Olala!
I continue to build my army for the invasion of Cordoba.

1106

The Germans are considered to have the strongest military might. Wow!!

1107

build, build, build

1108

Prince Pedro matures. He is btw a 7 star general 
Prince Garc has become strange 

1109

Our King dies from an illness! Crap! Just to make my year, the town watch in Navarre is destroyed in an earthquake.
Prince Alfonso is crowned King Alfonso VII. Long live the king!
He got 6 in influence btw (one less than his father).
When I’ve been busy at home, King Sancho of Aragon seems to have invaded Toulouse. Funny.

1110

Oops! It seems like I have 320 to many men if I am to follow my rules (which I am). So I disband a little and say WAR!!!!

Prince Garc marches with 1318 men, including 240 brave crusaders, into Cordoba, where the inbred Prince Ali sits with 1020 soldiers. Castile is guarded by the young Prince Pedro and 600 men in case dangerous Prince Idris in Valencia makes a move with his 353 men(mainly almo UM).

On his way into Cordoba, Garc gets reports of Almohad reinforcements numbering 1000, believed to include Prince Idris (6 stars). This is bad news for Garc, who now stands against an army numbering 2085 men. But Cordoba is a key province and with it the Almohads can attack a thinly defended Spain. The Moorish army must be beatened or at least weakened by the death of their general.
And so, Garc and his men marches on.

To be continued….

I was a little uncertain how to write this but it seems to have developed into a Captain’s log style. Think I’ll stick to that…
I also haven't found out how to get screenshots. I'm a noob on that area. Any hint?

bamff

06-26-2007, 04:28

Nice work, knutis!

For screenshots, just press F2 - the shot will be saved to a directory called "TGAs".

Okay, time for me to saddle up once again....

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 8 – War with Byzantium (1210 – 1220)
Disturbing news had reached King Ferdinand in the spring of 1210. A papal inquisitor was reported to have arrived in the newly conquered Aragonese province of Brittany. As further reports were received in Zaragoza, it became clear that this man was not just any Inquisitor. The man in question is the much feared Don Peter of Verona, a man reputed to have burned more suspects of heresy than all other papal inquisitors combined. Worse still, he is rumoured to be targeting “a number of Aragonese generals”. Try as they might, Fernando’s spies and informants in the region have been unable to secure any more specific information in relation to his targets.

Whilst Fernando would happily bid farewell to some of his less than effective commanders in the region, the uncertainty about Don Peter’s targets is unsettling to the Aragonese king. There is also the issue that the mere presence of an Inquisitor in this newly conquered principality may have an unfortunate impact on the happiness and loyalty of the local populace. There is no option, Fernando decides – Don Peter must be stopped. He directs his Chamberlain to make the necessary arrangements, and soon after, the shadowy Don Arias de Agreda is riding north to Aquitaine.

Just as Don Peter has been responsible for many deaths, so too has Don Arias de Agreda . He is known by the chilling sobriquet “el aguja” (“the needle”) due to his weapon of choice, the narrow stiletto blade.

Some days later the body of Don Peter of Verona is found by a roadside in southern Anjou. King Fernando sends his condolences to the Pope, noting that that the province is only recently conquered and that “there is still some bandit activity and general unrest” in the province. He reassures the Pope that these will soon be quelled. The Pope is moved by Fernando’s communication, and in light of Aragonese efforts in the spreading of Christianity throughout Europe and the Middle East, he sends a gift of 1,000 florins, much to King Fernando’s amusement.

The following year, King Stephen I of England offers an alliance with Aragon. Fernando accepts the offer. The aging King is pleased with the world. His Kingdom remains at peace, his treasury continues to grow, his armies are strong, and his alliances secure. Unfortunately, the King has precious little time to enjoy his achievements. In the winter of 1212, at the venerable age of 66 years, Fernando passes peacefully in his sleep. Aragon mourns the passing of a beloved king, before celebrating the coronation of King Pedro I.

The first year of Pedro’s reign proves to be a tumultuous one. The Byzantines declare war on the Papacy in the spring of 1213. For Pedro, there is no option, and he immediately declares that Aragon, as a faithful Catholic kingdom, would remain loyal to the Papacy. The truth of the matter is that King Pedro has seen a perfect opportunity to secure the islands of Rhodes and Crete for his kingdom. Both islands are currently in Byzantine hands, and will be vulnerable to Aragonese attack due to their isolation from mainland Byzantium. Pedro sends an emissary to Rome to petition the Pope for the blessing of a crusade against Crete.

The Papal blessing is duly received, and in 1214, King Pedro I announces that Aragon is once again at war. The King calls all Christian soldiers to join the Aragonese crusade against Crete, and a mighty army begins to gather in Leon.

Before any ships set sail, however, the seas must be cleared of the Byzantine navy, and the sailors of Aragon set about this task with great gusto. The first of a series of fierce naval engagements takes place in the Gulf of Lions in late 1214, when a solitary barque under the command of Don Martin Ramirez surprises a pair of Byzantine dromons at anchor. In a short, sharp engagement, Ramirez’ crew board the dromons. The sleeping Byzantine sailors have no chance, and quickly surrender. Ramirez and his crew sail the captured vessels and their prisoners into the harbour town of Port Vendres to the rapturous cheers of the local inhabitants.

King Pedro immediately appreciates the chance to bask in some reflected glory from this action, and orders a great feast for the man that he christens the “Lion of the Gulf”, Don Martin Ramirez. Whilst many nobles cringe inwardly at this appallingly obvious play on words, it does strike a chord with the common folk, and offers a hint that King Pedro’s descendants may many years later find employment with a tabloid newspaper as copywriters.

Ramirez is successful in a further engagement in the Gulf of Lions, sinking a third dromon in early 1215. This year proves a most difficult one for the Byzantine fleet. The combination of the increasing number of more formidable Caravels being launched by Aragon, and the superior seamanship of the Aragonese sailors sees the Byzantines suffer an embarrassing series of defeats. The battles of the Tyrrhenian Sea, Malta Channel, Gulf of Gabes, Ionian Sea, and the African Coast all see the Aragonese navy victorious without the loss of a single vessel. Even with the loss of a barque in the battle of the Straits of Sicily, the Aragonese are victorious. It is only in the Adriatic Sea that the Byzantines are successful, capturing one barque and sinking another. In the course of one year of naval warfare, the Byzantines have lost 13 ships and the Aragonese only 3 barques, and the Byzantine navy is ill prepared for a war of attrition, with few dockyards capable of building any ships more powerful than a dromon. Their sole remaining fleet is penned in the Adriatic Ocean, not daring to sail south due to the Aragonese fleet that lies in waiting in the Ionian Sea.

1215 had proven to be a year of heavy fighting on the high seas, and the following year was to be a year of heavy fighting on land.

The year long war at sea has presented some problems to the Kingdom of Aragon. The uncertainty of isolation had provided fertile ground for Maltese nationalist Don Enrico Macchiavelli to inspire his countrymen to rise up against the Aragonese garrison on the island. Fortunately, Aragonese spies on the island had advised King Pedro of the impending uprising in sufficient time to allow for the despatch of reinforcements. The King’s younger brother, Prince Enrique was to command this force. He and his troops disembarked in Malta in 1216.

The Battle of Mdina
Prince Enrique had left little to chance when planning his Maltese expedition. While it was certainly true that the army that he commanded was by no means the largest fielded by Aragon, it was certainly superior to anything that the Maltese would be able to field against them. His troops were well equipped, well trained, and highly motivated. News of their arrival to support the local Aragonese garrison spread quickly throughout Malta, and Macchiavelli’s rebel forces suffered an immediate drop in troop numbers. Many among his ragtag band of farmers, labourers, and tradesmen knew all too well that they were not soldiers. Whilst the desire for freedom and independence still burned bright for these men, they were all too aware that it was one thing to march into battle against a handful of garrison troops, but quite another to have to meet a professional army and hope to live to tell the tale. They were not cowards, just pragmatists.

Despite the desertion of some of his troops, Macchiavelli pressed on doggedly, and the two armies came face to face near the township of Mdina.

The disparity between the two forces in terms of skill at arms, training, discipline, equipment, and leadership becomes quickly apparent. With Prince Enrique’s Aragonese forces occupying the high ground, Macchiavelli gives the order to advance. As they move across the valley floor, they find themselves under fire from Don Felipe Gonzalo’s Turcopoles from their rear, and from the Dejma of Don Pedro Mendoza and Don Gonzalo D’Antequera, and the archers of Don Gonzalo Gonzalo to their front.

The rain of arrows soon breaks the spirit of most of the Maltese, and as the Maltese archers and urban militia drop their weapons to run, they find Gonzalo’s Turcopoles and Prince Enrique’s knights bearing down on them. The Maltese militia sergeants hold for long enough to meet the charge of Don Alfonso Lerma’s feudal men at arms, but only just. As their compatriots flee the field all around them, this unit is soon also routing, with the desire for survival quickly overcoming any remaining desire for victory.

Macchiavelli and his troop of mounted crossbowmen soon find themselves caught between the charging Aragonese knights and Don Ferdinand Mendoza’s jinetes.

It is not long before the battle is over. 121 Maltese lie dead, their bodies strewn across the field mirroring their attempted flight. 76 more sit forlornly awaiting their fate after surrendering. The victory has been so complete and so decisive that only 7 Aragonese lives have been lost.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/Maltavictory-1.jpg

The Battle of the White Mountains
Further to the east, on the Byzantine held islands of Crete, the Aragonese crusaders waded ashore. This army had started its holy mission two years earlier in Leon. The crusade was led by Don Pedro Ansurez. Whilst he was indeed a devout man, Don Pedro Ansurez was far from the most able of field commanders, and sadly he did nothing to further enhance his reputation in this engagement.

In his eagerness to engage the enemy, Don Pedro Ansurez inadvertently gave the order to autocalc whilst attempting to take a screenshot of the respective dispositions of the two armies!
Whilst undoubtedly clumsy, Don Pedro Ansurez is most certainly a lucky man, and good fortune once again smiles upon him. In the ensuing battle, the Byzantine forces are crushed, suffering 403 casualties for the loss of only 99 crusaders.

The Battle of the White Mountains, whilst certainly the most unusual battle fought by the Aragonese in 1216, is not destined to be the last for the year. In September, Don Enrique Gonzalo and a substantial army land on Rhodes, intending to wrest control of the island from its Byzantine overlords.

The Battle of Lindos
The Byzantine general charged with the defence of Rhodes is Nicephorus Diogenes. He is acutely aware of how ill prepared his garrison is for battle, but isolated as he is from the rest of the Byzantine Empire, he has no option but to meet the Aragonese. The Byzantine garrison is outnumbered by almost 2 to 1, and Diogenes notes that most of his force have either seen too many, or too few summers…..but he is determined that he will not be known as the general who meekly surrendered Rhodes.

The subsequent action does indeed ensure that Diogenes will not be remembered as the general who surrendered. Instead he will be remembered as the general who led his men into a battle they could not win, and who was slaughtered pointlessly alongside many Byzantine soldiers who died in vain.

263 Byzantines are killed in the battle, and 55 are captured for the loss of but 31 Aragonese troops. Another victory is won for Aragon.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/rhodesinvasionvictory.jpg

The naval war is renewed in 1217, as the Aragonese fleet sails north into the Adriatic. The second battle of the Adriatic Ocean has a far different outcome than the first. The Byzantine fleet is destroyed for the loss of a single barque. With the opening of passage across the Adriatic, the soft underbelly of the westernmost provinces of the Byzantine Empire lay exposed and vulnerable to an Aragonese assault. The Byzantine Emperor, John I, realises this danger immediately, and despatches emissaries to Aragon, seeking an ending to the “unfortunate hostilities” which had broken out between the two nations. He is a cunning and devious strategist, however. At the same time that he is extending the hand of friendship, his left hand is moving to caress the handle of his dagger. Even as the emissaries arrive in Aragon and Rome, great numbers of Byzantine troops rush westwards to reinforce the provinces of Milan, Venice, and Croatia. No matter what diplomatic overtures are made, it is clear to Aragonese agents in the region that the Byzantine Emperor will not surrender his western provinces easily….

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/12202.jpg

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 7 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1115
Chapter 6 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1101
Chapter 5 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1061
Chapter 4 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1039
Chapter 3 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1033
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1478018&postcount=1000

Martok

06-26-2007, 22:27

Welcome to the Org, knutis! Your Spanish campaign is a worthy entry, and I look forward to more. :medievalcheers:

To bamff, I can only say "well done" as always! :2thumbsup:

King Pedro immediately appreciates the chance to bask in some reflected glory from this action, and orders a great feast for the man that he christens the “Lion of the Gulf”, Don Martin Ramirez. Whilst many nobles cringe inwardly at this appallingly obvious play on words, it does strike a chord with the common folk, and offers a hint that King Pedro’s descendants may many years later find employment with a tabloid newspaper as copywriters.
:laugh4: :laugh4:

King Kurt

06-28-2007, 11:01

knutis

06-28-2007, 16:59

Here's a little more from my Spanish campaign

A report of the Battle of Cordoba:

Prince Garc walked onto the field of battle with 500 spearmen, 200 order foot soldiers, 40 dismounted Knight of Santiago, 60 urban militiamen, 240 jinetes and his bodyguard of 19 royal knights. The enemy with its 150 archers, 120 almo um, 160 milita sergants, 100 nubian spearmen, 120 um, 100 peasants and 40 ghulam bodyguards positioned themselves halfway up a steep hill. Tricky tricky tricky..

Garc then sent 120 jinets to poke the almohad urban militamen with their javelins, while the rest of the army walked towards a small walley below the enemy. Unfortunately one of the jinete commanders did not get his troops away when the enemy milita charged and half the jinete troop was cut down in mere seconds before the rest fled. A bad start for the Spanish this was. Even worse when 2 more jinete troops were almost annihilated. Things got better for a while when jinetes managed to brake the enemy by drawing them out from the main army and charging their backs when the turned around. Then the crusaders engaged the Almohads pursuing the jinets and the whole Almohad army started towards them. The rest of the Spansih infantry was then forced to fight an uphill battle to protect the order foot soldiers and the Santiago foot knights. In the middle of all this Prince Garc personally charged upon the enemy prince who was battering the rear of a crusader foot soldier company. The two bodyguards seemed to be equal in valour, for for each Spanish that fell, a Ghulam also fell to the ground. The Spanish however did not wish to risk their general, and a troop of militiamen charged into the Prince and his men while Garc some bodyguards pulled Garc away from the fray.
He did not stay out for long though, for without his presence the Almohads were able to rout some of the lesser Spanish men, and so he charged toward the enemy again. Because of this they say, the enemy’s advance was halted and the enemy forces present on the battle-scene were overwhelmed. This included their general who refused to surrender and was slain.
Without the guidance of their general the remaining enemy reinforcements were unorganized and with poor morale, and so easily routed by the remainder of the Spanish army.
After the bodies had been counted, they found that that 2/3 of the Spanish army had been lost. Also 2/3 of the Almohad army were lost to them, half captured, half dead. The captured prisoners were however put to the sword, since Spain could not afford to meet them again.

After the battle 1475 florins are pillaged and 252 Almohads is trapped inside Cordoba castle, which will hold for 1 year.
The King of Hungary, the King of Aragon, the King of Poland and the Holy Roman Emperor all cancel their alliances with the Almohads.
King Alfonso VII finds himself a bride amongst the Spanish aristocrazy.

1111

Troops are sent to Cordoba to defend against a possible counter attack,
a counter attack that turns into reality when an Almohad army of 1207 men marches into Cordoba to lift the siege of Cordoba castle. Prince Garc and his 833 men turn to face them.

A report of the 2nd Battle of Cordoba:

Prince Garc set up most of his infantry halfway up a hill. Some he told to hide in the woods in case a flanking opportunity should present itself. The jinetes he orders to go fourth and confront the enemy.
They did and on the left flank the jinetes had a standoff with some of the enemy’s berber camels while the jinetes on the right were chased back by Almohad urban militia. The militiamen were however divided, surrounded and crushed by the fast jinete riders. The jinetes on the left did not do so well after a while and was routed by the enemy general and his men. The enemy general who did not have a bodyguard became a little to much exited from this and rode at full speed and more after the fleeing Spanish horsemen and straight into a Spanish wall of spears. Ouch!
After this the Almohad army was no match for the Spanish.

1112

Prince Pedro marches into Valencia with 354 men, where he meets 100 poor peasants. Some of them leave the field as prisoners. Some don’t.

A proposal of ceasefire is rejected.

1113

An offer of alliance from the King of France is declined, as it would mean breaking the alliance with the English. Khalifah Yusuf II accepts an offer of ceasefire! YES!

1115

Prince Garc gathers men for a crusade to the holy land.
The Italians cancel their alliance with the Egyptians.

1119

Prince Garc marches into Morocco with 1600 men. The Almohads don’t really like crusades so they won’t let us pass and declares war. They don’t dare to meet us in Morocco however. The clash with the Almohads will be in Cyrenacia where the kalifah waits with 1600 men of his own.
Princess Jimena is born.

1120

We starve the garrison a little

1121

Marching on…

1122

Marching on…

1123

Prince Felipe is born and….
We meet 1641 Almohads in Cyrenaeia. The crusading army now numbers 1567 men.
It seems that somewhere along the way, Our beloved Prince Garc has DEFECTED!!! Cowardly dog!! :furious3:
Now Don Alfonso Berenguer (2 stars) is in command of the army. Oh well. There’s no turning back now.

The clash in Cyrenaeia

Don Alfonso marched his army towards the enemy with his cavalry in front, followed by his archers and other infantry.
When he came over a hilltop, he saw the Almohad army positioned 150 meters below him, and their desert archers moved to start firing at the horsemen. A troop of Spanish jinet charged against a lone archer troop on the flank, but was unable to brake them and was itself beaten back with heavy losses. Then the Spanish infantry to came over the hilltop and charged down on the Almos. The meele was long and hard and both sides suffered significant losses. This was espessially bad for the crusaders as they could not afford to loose too many men if they were to take Jerusalem. After a while the Spansih were able to surround and kill the kalifah and the enemy army routed. The Spanish pursued them until they met reinforcement. This was a mistake, as the reinforcements were able to beat back the unorganized and tired Spanish. A troop of Saharan cavalry did esspesially much damage until Don Alfonso with his 6 remaining bodyguards beat them back. The battle ended with a Spanish victory when their reinforcements came onto the field, but it was a costy one. 554 Spanish men lay dead on the field. While twice as many of the enemy had fallen, that was of little comfort to Don Alfonso, who now had only 1095 men, including 277 useless peasants, to finish his quest for the holy city. And then there was the issue of holding it.
After the battle, Don Alfonso was promoted.

bamff

06-29-2007, 04:04

Bampf

Great work on the narrative - up to your usual standard. Looking at your screenie provoked a couple of questions:
1) It looks like every province has at least 1 assasin - in fact most have 2 - is that some form of cunning plan you have hatched? You seem to have a lot of agents about - do you make a wide use of them - I often think that side of the game is the one I could do with improving.
2) 1220 and you have over 200,000 florins!! As a person who rarely has more than about 30,000 florins in the bank I am impressed - do I detect a closet turtler here!! - Personally I like to spend it as fast as I can get it and enjoy living on the cusp of an economic crisis (in MTW that is - I am very boring with my own finances!!). So how about sharing some of your thoughts with us?:book:

Thanks King Kurt!

In answer to your questions , I advise as follows:

1) As far as agents are concerned, I try to position 1 (or 2) assassins in each of my provinces so that they are on hand and ready to deal with any agents from rival factions that may be attempting to cause disturbances. I also like to have a priest in each of my provinces to help keep the good local folk happy. Priests are also handy in foreign provinces - my experience is that they enjoy a far greater longevity than either emissaries or spies. You will note that most of my provinces are also home to 1 spy, just to keep an eye on things. Inquisitors are probably the unit that I under-utilise. Like some others have mentioned, I sort of felt that they were agents of the church rather than the state, so it just "doesn't feel right"...I do have a couple wandering around, but often I wind up using them as "target practice" for assassins when II decide that I shouldn't really have them...

2) Yes, the economy is going nicely, and with all taxes currently set on "normal" (sorry - a correction - Arabia is "low", but it produces 2/5 of bugger-all anyway, so no loss). I will confess that I have a tendency to concentrate on "economic issues" in the early game. Once I have sufficient troops for my defence, ships get a preference over all other units until such time as I have my trade networks covered. In the very early stages, I am often plagued with the "insufficient funds" message (ships are expensive), but it pays off later. As far as taxes are concerned, I never shrink back from socking it to some of my wealthier provinces early, but as soon as the treasury is under control, I ease them all back to "normal" or "low".

Knutis - going well mate! I trust that your agents will deal with Prince Garc when they catch up with him! Given that your troops have marched as far as Cyrenaica, does this mean that the Almohads are finished, and that the Egyptians await on the other side of the border?

Bregil the Bowman

07-03-2007, 23:52

Part Twelve of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

Peace, Piety and Papal Plots

Umar III did not live long to enjoy the peace his sword had bought. With his realm at peace, he made preparations to complete the Haj. First he visited the Grand Mosque at Jerusalem, and conferred with the Grand Mufti. While there, he made arrangements for certain lords of the realm to join him, some to have honours bestowed, others to have their conduct reviewed – for the great wealth of the empire had encouraged a tendency to graft and corruption. But after long years spent in the North, the desert climate did not suit the Khalifah’s constitution. In 1338 he died, aged only 54, and was buried on the Mount of Olives, within sight of Ismail the Magnificent’s mosque.

Idris I ascended the throne aged 30, and set about continuing his father’s reforms. The court was established at Jerusalem, and the Amirs were summoned to pay homage. Those who had proved unsuited to their posts were removed; the worst offenders were assassinated. Idris had inherited a treasury of over a million florins, but was determined to increase the wealth of his realm still further.

In 1342 Pope Gregory died, and the Papal See passed to John XXI. Idris might have hoped that this would lead to better relations between the Cross and Crescent, but almost the first decree of the new Pope was to call for a crusade against the Muslim world. Fortunately, the only leader who might have answered this call was the ailing Doge of the Italians, who possessed neither the will nor the strength to make war. He was the next of the great lords to pass on. By 1345 Idris Ibn Tashufin, Governor of Constantinople, was also dead. The old order was passing. A great pestilence swept through Europe, and in its wake no-one would have any thought of war for many years to come. Besides the occasional peasant uprising, easily suppressed by his veteran armies, Idris reigned in peace.

***

Tarkhan Sansam was not the sort of man upon whom one expects the history of nations to depend. A Turk by birth, he had spent his adult life in the service of the Khalifah, and had risen by dint of unimaginative discipline to the rank of Captain of Horse Archers. His ambition was to serve out his captaincy seeing as little action as possible, so as to retire with a little wealth and all his limbs intact. Though the arid plains of Anatolia were his spiritual home, he had in recent years developed a great fondness for the green hills of Italy, and he had it in mind to spend his latter years here raising sheep and making cheese. The command of the Milanese garrison, offered to him upon the withdrawal of the main Almohad army in 1352, might have afforded him some respite from the scrutiny of his military superiors, but it brought its own burdens – even the Tarkhan was happy to confess that it was an appointment beyond his talents.

It was with some concern, therefore, that he rode out in the Spring of 1354 to investigate rumours of banditry on the Genoan border, and discovered that a party of Italian knights were responsible for the pillaging and burning of several villages. The banners of the knights indicated that they were led by one Don Bernadino Piccolomini, a leading member of the Doge’s court. And this was no mere border raid. Don Bernadino, clearly aware that the garrison was below strength, was marching on Milan itself. Forty royal knights against forty unarmoured, lightly armed horse archers… Tarkhan Sansam harboured no illusions about his chances in close combat.

He pulled back towards Milan where the rest of the garrison was quartered – a company of goddams, the ubiquitous English mercenaries. Their corporal responded to the news of the incursion with a stream of expletives in his native tongue, followed by a mixture of Italian and bad Arabic from which Sansam managed to identify the phrase “Dead horses” spoken with great enthusiasm. Even early in the morning, the Englishmen were drunk on a strong ale they brewed themselves, and the smell of bacon broiling on their campfires pervaded the camp – after so many years, the English remained half-hearted converts to Islam. Having issued his instructions, the Tarkhan left as quickly as he could. The notion of dead horses appealed less to a Turkish horse archer than to an English longbowmen.

Don Bernadino’s knights approached boldly, well aware of the weakness of the force ahead of them. Their commander felt certain that even such a small force– two conroi of twenty knights each - would quickly overwhelm the archers ranged against them. For a party of knights armed and armoured in the modern style, this might have been true. But the raiders were mostly drawn from the poorer families Italy, wearing outdated mail hauberks and riding unbarded horses. The flights of arrows with which the horse archers greeted them brought down riders and horses in greater numbers than the Don had expected, before the swift Turkish ponies bore their riders quickly away across the plain. The knights gave chase, but every so often the horse archers would turn and unleash another deadly volley. As the knights closed in on their prey, they saw men lined along the top of a ridge – a jeering, raucous crowd armed with the unmistakable longbow of the English. Even the Italians knew of this weapon, and what it was capable of doing. They drew back, unwilling to lose more men than they had already. The Turks followed them cautiously, all the way to the frontier. Sansam had turned back the invasion without losing a man. Don Bernadino returned in shame, leaving 12 dead behind him.

The consequences for Italy went beyond shame. Idris the Thunderbolt shook off the years of peace and unleashed the Almohad war machine. The first blows of vengeance were struck by stealth. The assassin’s dagger claimed Don Bernadino as its first victim, revenge for the ravaged homesteads of the frontier. Nor was his master spared. The Doge Pietro X was cut down by his own guards in the corridors of the Sea Palace – the Syrian assassins had long perfected the art of infiltration and bribery. Recognising the role of the Papacy in these new hostilities, Idris also ordered the death of Lord Scotti, commander of the Papal States. Faced with the Holy Father’s protests, the Chief Imam in Lazio, Ibrahum Ibn Yaqub, conveyed to the Papal legate the Khalifah’s terms for a lasting peace. Generous terms had been rejected so many times, the Imam was now authorised to try another approach.

“The right of Christians to worship according to the dictates of conscience is recognised,” announced the Imam. “So, too, is the right of the Holy Father to rule as the head of his church, with absolute authority in all matters of religion, in all realms and among all peoples. But we cannot allow the Pope to disrupt the peace of the Khalifah’s people, or to rule unjustly over the followers of Islam.

“We therefore propose that to secure the peace, the Pope must withdraw from all secular power. He shall not impose taxes save those tithes rendered him voluntarily by the devotees of his religion. As befits a man of religion, he shall neither bear arms nor command those who bear arms, save only a small bodyguard allotted for his personal safety. He shall not preach crusade against the people of Islam, nor in any other way encourage strife among people of different faiths.”

“Is that all the Khalifah demands?” asked the Legate dryly. “Let me know your terms in full before I deliver them to His Holiness.”

“Not all,” replied the Imam. “The lands of the Papacy shall also be forfeit. Churches, Cathedrals and other places of worship shall remain intact, as shall the houses of the priests and the monasteries, and such fields and pastures as are tended by the lay brothers themselves. The remainder of the Church’s estate shall be dispersed to support the poor.”

“Anything else?” asked the Legate, his face reddening.

“Two more items. Firstly, the Pope shall swear fealty to the Khalifah, and pledge obedience in all worldly matters. Secondly, he shall quit Rome and render his palaces to the Khalifah’s men. I understand there is a fine palace at Ravenna, once the home of the Roman Emperors. That shall be the Pope’s new home.”

“And can you truly believe that His Holiness will accept such terms? That all Europe will not erupt in protest against such an insult to Christ’s Vicar on Earth? No, never! Thank whatever horned fiend you worship that we respect the rules of diplomacy and do not order you put to death at once – as your master has put to death so many martyrs in our cause!”

Ibrahum Ibn Yaqub shrugged his shoulders: “What one Pope does not accept, another may do so willingly, and there are priests aplenty who would step into your shoes. As for all Europe, if your master could challenge the armies of the Khalifah in earnest he would have done so by now.”

“We shall see,” replied the Legate, a secret smile playing on his lips. “Meanwhile, return your master’s message with scorn. A Pope bows only to God.”

So ended the diplomatic phase. From Milan and Provence, from Venice and Naples, by land and by sea, the army of the faithful poured into Italy and the Papal Lands. The Almohads outnumbered and outclassed their opponents many times over. The results could hardly be in doubt. In Genoa, Doge Jacopo’s elite royal knights (including his brothers Marino and Enrico) attempted flight and then surrendered without offering battle or attempting to secure the city itself. The Doge himself was in Tuscany, preparing to meet a Papal envoy; his force of 383 men would have to withstand assault by more than 5000 invaders. In the Papal States Lord Scotti’s men also refused battle when Ibrahim, the Black Prince, led his armies across the Po from Venice. Some escaped behind the walls of Perugia, hundreds surrendered without a fight. At a stroke, the Pope’s army was reduced to a fraction of its former strength, with which he had to resist the hordes led by the Grand Vizier, Amir Al-Qasim.

The Almohad victory was inevitable. In Tuscany, Doge Jacopo I manoeuvred his troops with skill, ensuring Prince Muhammed’s men would have to attack up a steep slope while keeping beyond the range of the Almohad guns. Muhammed responded by sending forward Faris and horse archers to harass and distract the Italians while he moved his battle lines up to the ridge. The flight of the Almohad skirmishers, pursued by Jacopo’s royal knights, threatened the left flank of the advancing infantry, and only Muhammed’s personal intervention prevented a calamity. But Poland’s conqueror had lost nothing of the valour and martial spirit of his youth. His Ghulam warriors beside him, he attacked and repulsed Jacopo’s personal guard, so that the young Doge was forced to flee for his life. That was the signal for a general rout, which the Almohads were ill placed to exploit, and the Italians managed to reach the safety of Florence with more than a hundred survivors. Muhammed had lost 63 killed, mostly horse archers of various types. (Tarkhan Sansam survived a bruising encounter with more Italian knights and even managed to take some prisoners. His goddams, now under the command of the main army, were able to report a goodly number of dead horses by the end of the day.)

Pope John’s forces put up a poor show – his knights were clearly discomfited by the Almohad’s mounted skirmishers, and his army buckled from the first contact. The Grand Vizier used all his experience to mount a devastating pursuit, from which Pope John himself barely escaped. For the loss of only 19 men, the Amir killed or captured 133 enemies. The Pope’s defences now consisted of three bodyguards, four archers and the walls of the Roman citadel.

But not all Papal plots had dried up. While the Almohad armies streamed southward, trouble was brewing in central Europe, where the Catholic nobility gathered all their strength for one last throw of the dice…

seireikhaan

07-04-2007, 04:13

Well, I think I'll give this a whirl. I can only hope that my campaign can even pale in comparison to the works we've seen so far. And a little OOC: I didn't really think of writing a history of this campaign until I was a littl bit into it, so the first part is probably going to be pretty lame, especially compared to the works Bregil, Bamff, and others. Oh, and for those wondering, this was done with the XL mod.

Carving An Empire

Khan Ogadei observed the empire he held from his base Khazar. He saw that many of his provinces lacked proper infrastructure, and thus was vulnerable, with only a few provinces capable of mass production. He detirmined that it was time for him to expand into other territories so that he would not be so vulnerable should he lose only a few choice provinces. His first target would be the Grand Duke of Lithuania. The Khan marshaled a small force of roughly 340 of his best horse archers and sent them to invade Lithuania. There orders read this: do not come to blows with the Lithuanians. Fire all of your arrows, and once all are gone, withraw. The troops were not excited by this, as they wished to take Lithuania right away. However Khan Ogadei had foresight. The troops did exactly as ordered. While they did not vanqish the Lithuanian army, they did come close: of the near 500 in the Grand Duke's army, nearly 350 perished, as opposed to the meger 23 casualties suffered by Mongol forces. In addition, the Lithuanians lost nearly all of their ranged forces in the battle, with a few crossbowman and some slavic javelinmen for ranged purposes. Now, Lithuania was ready to be vanquished. Ogadai sent the same troops back the next year, with nearly the same orders. There was one exception, however. If Lithuanian troops began scattering, they were to run down all fleeing the battlefield and execute them. The Lithuanian forces ultimately crumbled under the severe arrow fire of the Mongol horse archers. The Grand Duke himself was struck down by arrow fire, resulting in his army scattering without his leadership. Once again, Mongol riders did exactly as ordered, running down nearly all the Lithuanian troops.

After obtaining Lithuania, there was a brief period of peace, until the armies of the Tuetonic Order decided that the Pagan Mongols could no longer be permitted to own Lithuania. They sent a large army, far larger than the Mongol force guarding Lithuania could withstand. So 200 troops stayed behind in the province within the great Citadel, while the rest retreated to Kiev. Ogadei was furious that any would dare to backstab his great empire. He marshaled forces from all of the Steppes, gathering an army numbering over 1,000 to deal with the Tuetons. The Tuetons, however, fell back to Prussia in the face of this army. Ogadei would not be satisfied with just this, he sent the army into Prussia, on the offensive to deal with them. Once again, his foe could not withstand great Mongol archery, and Prussia fell to Mongol hands. However, the Grand Master still resided in Livonia, and could not be spared. Marshaling more forces, Ogadei sent another army to destroy the Teutonic Order once and for all. And it would be in Livonia that the Mongols destroyed the Order. However, the Order would not be the only ones envious of Mongol power. In fact, they would only be the first of many to come to Mongol borders, screaming for blood...

Bregil the Bowman

07-05-2007, 00:08

Part Thirteen of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Almohads

The Final Strokes

In 1331 Konrad I of Poland had led a disastrous invasion of Bohemia, where his army had been defeated and the cream of his royal knights, including his brothers and two of his sons, had been killed in the battle. Shortly before this battle Mieszko, the King’s youngest brother, had placed his own son in the care of a local priest, and in the chaos of the Almohad counter-attack the lad had remained in hiding, unable to rejoin his uncle’s court and therefore spared the eventual fate of the Polish royal house.

Growing to manhood, the young Mieszko’s identity was kept a secret, though as time passed he became the focus for the rebellious hopes of the few remaining Catholics in central Europe. The core of a small army began to gather around him, though plans were laid cautiously – it was clear that if he moved too quickly the young prince’s forces would be quickly crushed.

For the common man, life under Almohad rule was certainly no worse than it had been under the Polish king or the Holy Roman Emperor. Taxes were high, but much of this wealth was reinvested into the economy, with agriculture, trade and industry constantly developed and improved. The practice of slavery, true, had flourished under Almohad rule, but in consequence the condition of hereditary serfdom had largely been abolished. The huge armies maintained by the state ensured that there was little unemployment. The appointment of army commanders as Amirs over the conquered territories had by necessity led to the abandonment of a feudal bureaucracy, supported by the institutions of the Church, and the establishment of a secular system of education and machinery of government founded on meritocracy. In short, the only people who had not benefited from Almohad rule were the Church and the Catholic nobility, whose privileges had been curbed for the common good.

The invasion of Italy in 1356 threatened to drive the final nail into the coffin of the Old Elite. Mieszko’s rebellion, therefore, represented the last throw of the dice, and men and resources were gathered under the banner of Poland from many sources – the last scions of the Holy Roman Emperors, the Capetians and the Plantagenets, all ready to fight in what was to be effectively the last crusade against Islam. Mieszko was able to field an army of more than 4000 men, most of them footsoldiers of the Chivalric class (sergeants and men-at-arms). His original hope might have been to seize his ancestral seat of Krakow, but the positioning of the Almohad garrisons suggested an easier road led to Prague. Therefore King Mieszko, like his ill-fated uncle, found himself crossing the border into Bohemia.

With all the Khalifah’s attention focused on Italy (and all his best generals located there) it would be down to local commanders to save the day. Calls for aid were sent to every neighbouring province, and their garrisons made forced marches from each point of the compass to meet the threat of Mieszko’s rebels. In the absence of any superior general, the Earl of Denmark, Amir Ibn Omar took command of an army that eventually totalled 5000 men (some veteran troops but some levies of questionable battlefield value).

Adopting the tactics that had served the Count of Flanders twenty five years earlier, Ibn Omar lined his men upon a slope with his right flank covered by a wood and his left turned back slightly as a precaution against encirclement. One advantage that he had was the presence of three formidable guns – a demi-cannon, a serpentine and an organ gun – to defend his position. Mieszko, by contrast, fielded three catapults which were sited just out of range of the Almohad position, though they were able to threaten Ibn Omar’s skirmishers during the opening moves.

Two squadrons of Faris from the Western provinces and a squadron of steppe heavy cavalry drew first blood as they quickly advanced upon the Polish position. In response, the lines of Chivalric sergeants advanced rapidly forcing the Faris back, while the catapult crews quickly judged to range and sent stone after stone spinning after the retreating horsemen. Concentrating on this advance, Mieszko failed to take note of the steppe cavalry who rode into an isolated position well behind enemy lines. This precarious position was to have an influence on the outcome of the battle.

Rather than risk an all-out assault on the Almohad centre, Mieszko sent his troops to the left where they could use the woods to cover their advance, thus reducing the effectiveness of Ibn Omar’s cannon. The gambit almost paid off - Ibn Omar had concealed a squadron of horsemen in the trees but realised these would be at a disadvantage against spearmen. As the attack pressed home, he had to re-order his whole battle line to allow a company of Almohad urban militiamen to cover his right flank. This left a gap in the line which would have been exploited by another company of Chivalric sergeants but for the devastating firepower of the organ gun – in a moment, a tightly ordered phalanx of advancing warriors was turned into a rabble of fleeing men. In the meantime, the fight in the woods was clearly tipped in favour of the sword-armed defenders. The organ gun did deadly work to fend off any further frontal attacks against the Almohad right, and soon the attack was driven back.

On the left, Ibn Omar’s re-ordering had exposed his English longbowmen to the advance of two isolated companies of sergeants and men-at-arms. He rushed a troop of Muwahid spears to their defence, and followed this up by charging in with mounted crossbowmen and his own troop of Ghulam cavalry. To his dismay, the sergeants were able to intercept his attack before he could ride down the men-at-arms, and a bitter melee ensued. But here as well, the Almohad forces triumphed, and the Poles were sent flying back down the hill. The mercenary crossbowmen rode after them, and then turned right to attack the lines of arbalesters now engaged in an exchange of shots with the defenders on the hill. This proved reckless, for Mieszko had just despaired of being able to break through the defences on the Almohad right, and was bringing his royal knights back down the hill. Unable to extract themselves in time, the lightly armed crossbowmen were ridden down by the knights and fled. Mieszko pursued them eagerly, glad to have at last broken an enemy unit, but in his absence from the main battlefield the Almohad infantry launched a fierce counter-attack against the Polish pavise arbalesters. Mieszko turned back too late to prevent a massacre, and after his knights had taken heavy losses from enemy arrows they ran into the Muwahid spearmen and a company of English billmen. The knights made little headway, the bills of the Englishmen struck home, and suddenly they were flying for their lives. Mieszko broke free, a handful of knights followed, and the rest went down in a tangle of armour and screaming horses.

Meanwhile the steppe heavy cavalry had crept up on the blind-side of the Polish catapults and scattered their crews, then picked off any routers and stragglers from the main battlefield. These doughty warriors now spotted the fleeing knights and gave chase, and for a moment Mieszko’s life was in the balance. Then the second Polish wave appeared, and the Almohads scrambled back to their positions on the hill, the mounted skirmishers making sure each yard advanced was paid for in blood.

Each successive attack fared worse than the next. The pattern would be the same – the Poles would advance through a hail of fire, taking heavy casualties, and the break upon the wall of Almohad defenders. As soon as the attack faltered, the Almohads would sweep down from the ridge and scatter the retreating Poles and their unprotected missile troops. One determined party of men-at-arms made it as far as the woods on the Almohad flank and engaged Ibn Omar’s squadron in a desperate fight in which the Muslim commander almost lost his life among the piled corpses. But for the most part, the experience and superior positioning of the Almohads paid off. In one instance, a weary and depleted company of Almohad militia caught in the open by a squadron of mounted sergeants fought with such determination that the sergeants were beaten back and routed.

Wave after wave came on, but each one weaker than the last. By the time the last fell back, the defenders were too weary to offer pursuit, but that hardly mattered. The last Catholic army had met with disaster – 1864 killed and 1028 captured in a single day. Over the next few days the stragglers gave themselves up, for there was nowhere left to run. Of Ibn Omar’s command, 421 were dead, light casualties given the intensity of the fighting.

After this battle, the conclusion of the war was a formality. The Doge was besieged in Florence. Prince Muhammed’s guns were able to make a breach in the walls and after heavy fighting the defenders were overwhelmed and killed to a man. In Perugia, Prince Ibrahim obtained an easy win over the Papal defenders.

That left Rome. The Grand Vizier’s task was perhaps the hardest of all, a strong citadel with more than enough supplies to withstand a prolonged siege. In any case, his orders were to crush the Papal armies at once, removing any hope that another rebel force would come to the Holy Father’s aid. Al Qasim concentrated his guns to achieve breaches in the inner and outer walls of the citadel, and then unleashed his men against the Pope’s meagre bodyguard. They were met with a hail of missiles from the walls and turrets, most of the Almohad casualties being incurred long before they closed with the defenders (cynically, Al Qasim chose his foreign mercenaries for this perilous assault rather than let Almohad soldiers die). More were killed when one of the great siege cannon exploded, a fault that had cost lives in a number of sieges and battles. Finally the Pope and his three knights – the Horatii as the people of Rome had dubbed them, in memory of the heroes who saved the city from the Etruscans– came out to fight. It was a hopeless cause. The mercenary spearmen surrounded the three knights and one by one they died. John XXI, the last warrior Pope, also died fighting for the cause on which he had expended so many lives.

And so it ended. Idris the Thunderbolt was acknowledged sole master of the known world, and re-established peace in his European realm. It was a diverse realm, encompassing the desert peoples of North Africa and Arabia, the Scandinavians and Balts of the North, and all the peoples of Western, Eastern and Central Europe amd Asia Minor, united under one faith and one leader.

Where next? To the East, Persia and India remained in thralldom to the Mongols. To the South, Islam was penetrating the gold-rich kingdoms of sub-Saharan Africa. Even to the West, shipmen brought rumours of a rich land beyond the ocean.

Was it possible that Idris and his descendants could extend their influence further, to establish a world empire such as Alexander had dreamed of? It seems unlikely. A succession of strong rulers, backed by capable administrators and formidable generals, had ensured that the vast Almohad realm stayed together. The presence of a common foe had also united the Al-Mutamid princes, stifling whatever rivalries might have otherwise threatened to set them against one another. Just as the empires of Alexander and Ghenghis Khan had collapsed under the rule of lesser men, it seemed likely that the Almohad dynasty would likewise succumb to the changes of time.

But this tale can say no more of that.

(Author’s note: this campaign was played on Golden Achievements setting, and I had made a point of never being the first to declare war. Nonetheless, circumstances dictated a war of conquest against each of the major powers in turn. Only in the penultimate turn did I break this rule by making war on the Pope, and even then the attack was hardly “unprovoked.” In any case, the game was won and the conquest of Rome seemed a fitting end to the story. MTW provided some dramatic twists and turns to inspire this account – the precarious succession of Umar III, the capture of the Holy Roman Emperor, the disastrous battle in the Lithuanian snowfields and the re-emergence of the Poles to provide an Armageddon with which to end matters. I’m looking forward to my next campaign…)

bamff

07-05-2007, 03:32

A magnificent ending to a magnificent recount Bregil!

Bravo!

GreaterKhaan, I look forward to your next instalment to see how the Khan deals with the rest of Europe.

For what it is worth, here is my latest instalment....I will add the screenshots later if that is okay!

Bamff’s Aragonese Escapade

Chapter 9 – Rulers of the Mediterranean (1221 – 1235)
Late in the year 1220, Emissaries from the Byzantine Emperor, John II, arrive at the courts of Aragon, Genoa, and the Papacy respectively. Their mission is to negotiate an end to the hostilities that have broken out between the Byzantine Empire and each of these three nations. King Pedro, like his counterparts in Genoa and Rome, accepts the Byzantine offer, and an uneasy peace settles over the lands that will one day be known as Italy. While all parties have agreed to the ceasefire, none of the allied kingdoms regards Emperor John II as a man to be trusted.

The peace, however tenuous and uneasy, does afford King Pedro the breathing space to attend to “other issues” of border security. For many years now, raiding parties from the rogue state of Normandy have plagued villages in the Aragonese provinces of Brittany and Anjou. The Norman army is strong, and Pedro is well aware that bringing them to heel will be no easy task. The armies of Russia and Norway have both tried and failed during the past decade. The Normans are commanded by the redoubtable Arthur Touchet. Touchet had been the principle architect of the stunning Norman victory over the combined armies of Russia and Norway at Arromanches in the Spring of 1219. He had also been at the head of the Norman army that destroyed the Russian forces at Etretat in 1217.

King Pedro had decided that he should lead the Aragonese army himself. He was eager to test his own strategic skills against a general such as Touchet. In late June 1221, the Aragonese army with King Pedro at its head joined forces with their Genoese allies near the small township of Sille, and marched north to Couterne.

It was here, in the sparsely wooded plains west of Couterne, that Touchet chose to make his stand against the invaders.

The Battle of Couterne
Touchet had positioned most of his troops in a small thicket, so as to conceal his true strength. As the allied armies approached, all that was visible were two ballistas, two catapults, and a screen of two troops of horsemen.
“Mounted Sergeants.” noted Pedro to his Genoese counterpart, Sir Giovanni Odescalchi.
The Genoese general snorted contemptuously “They should be no match for our knights. We will drive them from the field!”
King Pedro continued, ignoring the statement out of hand “Touchet is no fool. A thousand Russian and Nowegian corpses in the graveyards of Arromanches and Etretat will attest to that, my friend. No, he shows us only what he wishes us to see. A wood such as that could conceal a sizeable army. It would be wise to approach with some caution, I think. My army will approach from the right flank. Yours from the left. I will send my turcopoles ahead of our forces to draw the attention of the enemy artillery, and to determine where the rest of the Normans are disposed. While they distract the siege engine crews, your mounted crossbows should be able to destroy the artillery before our advance.”

Odescalchi protested “Those Normans will withdraw before we can close on them! There is no need to waste time with such a small enemy force opposing us. I say we attack directly and now.”

“Need I remind you, Sir Giovanni, that your consul has placed your forces under my leadership? The attack will be conducted as I direct. We advance from the flanks when I order it and not before.”

As the Genoese general rode back to his troops, King Pedro turned to his adjutant. “Why did the Genoese send us this fool, instead of da Romano?” Sir Ezzelino da Romano had been the general responsible for many Genoese victories in their march northwards through western Europe, and had shown himself to be a military leader of great skill time and again.

Pedro continued “Odescalchi’s foolishness will cost many a Genoese life this day. Sadly, we can not prevent that, but we may stand to profit by it. I want our army positioned along this small rise, so that we are ready to strike when the Normans expose their flank.”

Sure enough, as King Pedro had anticipated, Odescalchi led the Genoese army straight at the enemy position, marching steadily across the open plain. The Aragonese were still arriving at their positions and currently unable to support the Genoese.
As the Genoese drew nearer the Noman positions, ranks of Norman archers stepped forwards from the woods to fire. Their opening volleys tore great holes in the Genoese ranks. Still the Genoese light infantry marched doggedly on. A second, and then a third volley of arrows fell on the Genoese. Still the light infantry moved forwards. Two units of Genoese urban militia broke and fled.

By now the Aragonese were in position, and King Pedro ordered his arbalests forward. A dozen mounted sergeants toppled from their saddles, 3 horses whinnied in pain and threw their riders, and numerous Norman archers collapsed. A second volley yielded a similar result, and now the Norman archers were attempting to return fire on the Aragonese. They did not have the range of the arbalests, however, and the Aragonese continued their grim work undaunted. The surviving light infantry had by now reached the Norman siege engines. The crews retreated, their places taken by Norman footknights and feudal men at arms, that charged from the wood screaming their battle cries. The Genoese line buckled, then regrouped. The Norman charge had driven a wedge through the centre of their line, however, and the Genoese force was now divided.

Touchet’s feudal sergeants had surrounded Odescalchi’s knights. Unable to manoeuvre, the knights were one by one hacked from their saddles by the Norman spearmen. King Pedro was now satisfied that the time was right to strike, and the Aragonese force advanced, with the chivalric footknigts and Knights of Santiago in the van. They crashed into the Norman flank, wreaking carnage on their foes. To their credit, the Normans fought bravely, but they could not withstand this assault. Touchet managed to rally his men for two further counterattacks, but it was in vain. The battle ended in a decisive victory for the allies, and Touchet, like 884 of his countrymen lay dead. 613 Normans surrendered to the Aragonese forces. 240 sons of Aragon had paid the ultimate price for victory. The battle cemented King Pedro’s reputation as a skilled attacker, and had secured the northern border of the kingdom.

The Byzantine Serpent Strikes
In late 1224, the forces of Emperor John II of Byzantium were again unleashed. A large Byzantine army struck south from Milan at the Genoese province of Tuscany, whilst an even larger force marched on the Papal States from Venice. The Byzantine navy was also active, mounting an unsuccessful attack on the Aragonese fleet in the Adriatic. The battle of the Gulf of Venice would prove to be an ill conceived idea by the Byzantines, as the engagement cost them both of their remaining galleys.

The Genoese forces in Tuscany were similarly victorious, forcing the Byzantines to retreat to Milan. The Papal armies were not so fortunate, however, and after a bloody battle, the survivors were forced to withdraw to Perugia Castle.

As spring’s warmth bathed the Italian peninsula in 1225, the armies of Genoa and Aragon struck back at the Byzantines. The Genoese army invades Milan, and sweeps the Byzantine force garrisoning that province aside. The Byzantines are still licking their wounds from their unsuccessful Tuscan campaign, and are in no fit state to mount a defence against the Genoese.

Meanwhile, further to the east, Don Felipe Cisneros leads an Aragonese army into The Papal States to relieve the besieged garrison of Perugia. This army is supported by a large Papal force which drives north from Rome. Emperor John II, faced with this enormous allied army, elects that discretion is the better part of valour, and retreats north to Venice. The siege is raised, The Papal States are returned to the Papacy, and the Pope himself conveys his deepest thanks to Aragon.

The bad news of 1225 for Emperor John is not ended however. Even as his army begins its arduous march back to Venice, news arrives of the successful Aragonese invasion of the provinces of Croatia and Serbia. Emperor John is now isolated from the rest of his empire, trapped in Venice.

But one light shines on the Byzantine horizon in 1225 – an attempted Russian invasion of Greece proves unsuccessful, with the Byzantine garrison inflicting many casualties on the invaders.

Clearly Emperor John must establish a link with the remainder of the Byzantine Empire. He has no option – he must gamble. He gathers almost his entire Venetian garrison and marches south to Croatia in 1226. With an army of just over 3,000 men, he believes that he should be able to best Prince Enrique’s Aragonese force of similar size.
The two armies come together in the hills at the foot of the Dinaric Alps, near the township of Otocac.

The Battle of the Ridge at Otocac
Prince Enrique surveyed his troop dispositions again. He was confident of victory, even though the reputation of the force that now faced him was legendary. The Byzantines had swept all before them in their drive west, and their training and discipline was well known throughout Europe.
Enrique had set his lines such that his enemy would be forced to climb the ridge to meet the Aragonese army, and all the while under a hail of Arbalest bolts and arrows. He watched their advance across the valley floor, noting that the units on their flank were already coming under fire from the turcopoles that he had positioned atop the neighbouring ridge as advance scouts. Enrique rubbed stroked his moustache as he considered his enemy. Even though he could see some of them fall to the turcoples arrows, they did not deviate from their course, nor did they break formation. “What discipline!” he thought to himself.

Emperor John, whilst expecting such discipline from his men, was nonetheless also impressed with the stoicism under fire of the Katphraktoi on the left flank.

“You will soon have your chance for revenge!” he called to his men “Onwards!”

At a pre-determined signal, the Byzantine force split into two. One half of the force, comprising mostly Byzantine infantry marched on up the valley. The second part of the force, largely consisting of Kataphraktoi, marched into the woods that cloaked the lower slopes on the Byzantine right flank. The burst from the trees, charging into the teeth of the Aragonese arbalests and dejma. A wall of spears wielded by chivalric sergeants greeted them to the Aragonese line, but it was clear that the spearmen alone could not contain this force. Enrique ordered his halberdiers to assist the chivalric sergeants. Meanwhile the Aragonese men at arms were fighting tooth and nail to hold the Byzantine infantry on the other flank.

The Aragonese line was indeed hard pressed, and in severe danger of breaking. Enrique knew this was not the time to hold anything back. He raised his sword and spurred his steed forwards, with his knights of his royal bodyguard at his shoulder. Their charge carried them into the centre of the whirling melee – a tangled mess of fighting men, screaming in fear, agony, exultation, or any combination of the three. A young knight called Don Pedro Mendez drove his lance deep into the shoulder of the mount of one of the Kataphraktoi. The lance shattered as Mendez wheeled his steed about and drew his sword. The Byzantine horseman had scrambled to his feet, and was attempting to draw his own sword to meet the second charge of the young Aragonese knight. Mendez spurred his charger forwards, slashing down across the Byzantine’s shoulder as he passed. He felt the heavy blade strike, and heard the man scream. It was only as he turned for a third charge that he noticed the gold band that adorned the man’s helmet. As the last breaths gurgled from Emperor John’s lips, his men lost their desire for battle. As the first units began to waver, casualties began to mount, and there began a vicious circle for the Byzantine force.

They withdrew in disarray from the blood soaked ridge, leaving 1,134 of their countrymen lying alongside 761 Aragonese. 610 Byzantine prisoners sat in dazed disbelief. Their Emperor was dead, the battle was lost.

The Byzantine Empire is further shaken in 1226 by the loss of the province of Greece to the Russians. These are dark days indeed for the Byzantines – but there is worse to come.

The Battle of Padua
The shattered survivors of the Battle of the Ridge at Otocac have precious little time to nurse their wounds. In 1227, Don Sancho de la Cerda leads an Aragonese army into Venice, supported by smaller armies from Russia and the Papacy.

The Byzantines are hopelessly outnumbered, but once again acquit themselves admirably. The same, sadly, cannot be said of the armies of Rome. The Papal army is poorly led, and consequently of low morale. When their commanding general is slain during a clumsy frontal assault, it is not long before much of this force flees the field in disarray. Fortunately the Russian forces prove more steadfast, and the allies prevail. 359 Byzantines are killed, and 44 captured, but victory is bought at a truly horrendous price. 306 Aragonese soldiers have died, and many more that fought under the banners of Russia and the Papacy.

The End of Two Kingdoms
The Russians launch invasions of Constantinople and Bulgaria that same year, and after a series of bloody battles both provinces are subdued. A sole Byzantine garrison remains defiant in Constantinople, but they lack sufficient supplies to resist for long. By the end of 1228, all resistance is crushed, and Byzantium is no more. 1,000 florins arrives at Zaragoza, with a message of thanks from the Pope to King Pedro for the Aragonese part in bringing the Byzantines to heel.

Europe is stunned the following year, as news reaches all nations that Sicily has launched an attack on Naples, and that the Sicilian navy has commenced a series of attacks on Papal shipping.

“Has King Geoffrey taken leave of his senses?” is the question on many lips, for all know that not only has Geoffrey committed himself to a war that he cannot win, he has also condemned himself and his kingdom to eternal damnation, for as sure as night follows day, war with the Papacy will lead to excommunication.

In 1231 this view is confirmed, as a decree from the Pope declares the excommunication of the Sicilians to all of catholic Europe. King Pedro aligns Aragon with the Papacy, and declares war on the heretic Sicilians. A series of naval battles ensues. The Sicilian fleet is a formidable fighting force, and it is victorious in the Battle of Skaggerak and the Gulf of Lions. The Aragonese fleet also boasts some redoubtable mariners, and a great many caravels, and they emerge triumphant after the battle of the Balearic Islands, North Sea, Sea of Crete, and, most importantly, the battle of the Straits of Sicily. The way is now open for the Aragonese army to land an invasion force on Sicily itself.

Against this backdrop of furious naval action, it is understandable, perhaps that several messages from the east are not paid greater attention. Through 1231 and 1232, there are increasing reports of the appearance of a great army of fierce warriors. Khazar and Georgia are reported to have fallen, and other Russian protectorates in the east are coming under increasing threat.

In 1233, Don Ferdinand de Padilla lands in Sicily, and marches on Palermo. King Geoffrey’s Sicilian army stands to meet this threat to the south of the town of Alcamo. It is a region of gently rolling hills, punctuated by small forest thickets.

The Battle of Alcamo
King Geoffrey positions most of his force atop the highest of the hills in the immediate vicinity of Alcamo, and a small advance force in a small wood in order to take the Aragonese by surprise as they approach his main force. It proves to be a forlorn hope. Don Ferdinand de Padilla is too experienced a general to advance without first carefully surveying the terrain. Two troops of turcopoles scout ahead of the Aragonese army, and the Sicilian ambush force is soon discovered.

De Padilla surrounds this force, and orders his arbalests and dejma to fire. The Sicilian force is comprised of no more than archers, spearmen, and feudal sergeants, and the few that survive the Aragonese volleys are rapidly dealt with by the Aragonese chivalric foot knights and feudal men at arms.

King Geoffrey watches in impotent fury as his battle plan torn apart before his very eyes. He orders his knights and mounted sergeants to charge the enemy. As they near their target, it is clear that the Aragonese have had more than ample time to reset their line. A hail of arbalest bolts and arrows sweep the Sicilian cavalry, emptying many a saddle. The survivors gamely charge on, only to impale themselves on a wall of spears carried by the supremely disciplined Aragonese order foot and chivalric sergeants. The final blow is dealt as the Aragonese foot knights close in from the right flank, and the Aragonese royal knights charge into the exposed rear of the Sicilians.

King Geoffrey is one of the Sicilian knights who did not reach the wall of spears. The accident prone monarch had developed a most unfortunate reputation during his reign, stumbling from one disaster to another, and so it was also with his demise. As he led the Sicilian charge down the slope towards the Aragonese, his faithful charger caught its foreleg in a rabbit burrow, and fell, its leg broken. King Geoffrey was thrown from the saddle, and landed head first in front of the beast, which then fell on his prostrate form. Surgeons who examined his body after the battle declared that the king would have died instantly upon hitting the ground, as his neck was badly broken.

As the dust of battle clears, 624 Sicilian and 178 Aragonese corpses litter the field. 231 Sicilians have surrendered, the rest of the army has fled, seeking sanctuary in Palermo. Their freedom is to be short-lived, as Palermo falls in 1234, and the kingdom of Sicily ends. The island of Sicily is now a part of the Aragonese empire, a mighty kingdom which now controls all of the Iberian Peninsula, all of northern Africa, and most of the island provinces of the Mediterranean.

A Storm in the East
Truly Aragon is indeed a great kingdom, but King Pedro is troubled. The reports of the eastern invaders, the so-called “Golden Horde” have not abated over the past 3 years. If anything, the frequency of these reports have increased, and each one bears more worrying content than that which preceded it. He turned to face the rush of wind that roared across the battlements, heralding the arrival of a thunderstorm. As he gazed at the dark pendulous clouds that swirled above him, a rumble of thunder followed the flashes of lightning across the horizon.

“Oh yes,” he thought, “There is indeed a storm brewing…but it will be nothing compared to that which even now seems to be engulfing the easternmost provinces of Europe….”

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 8 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1123
Chapter 7 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1115
Chapter 6 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1101
Chapter 5 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1061
Chapter 4 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1039
Chapter 3 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1033
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1014
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpo...postcount=1000

MJF

07-10-2007, 06:38

Innocentius

07-11-2007, 00:03

So, after more than two months of silence, here you go. A lenghty post considering that it only covers four years. Anyway, I hope you'll enjoy it as much as I enjoy your stories:yes:

Part one of the Reign of King Casimir I, Hammer of the East: 1275 - 1279 A.D.

Some say that King Casimir I of Poland was not a very great king, neglecting his homelands in favour of conquest and warfare far to the east. Maybe they are right, but few - if any - can deny that under King Casimir the Kingdom of Poland grew into what must be considered an empire, covering the mighty Eurasian steppes. But before we discuss the achievements of Casimir (and they are many) it might a good idea to first take a deeper look at what kind of a man Casimir really was and what drove him.
Casimir was undoubtedly the product of an expanding superpower. By the time he was born (the mid 13th century) Poland was already the mightiest kingdom in central and eastern Europe, and it's only real rival in terms of splendour was the Crown of Castille and Leon to the south and west. His father and forefathers had been great warriors and power hungry despots, with few exceptions. His father in particular had a certain lust for war that was seldom seen. This of course affected Casimir has grew up, and it is only fair to judge his actions if one understands that he was a product of his time.
Yet something separated Casimir from his ancestors: He was not a man of war, he was a man of curiosity (although he no doubt shared the same thirst for power as his forefathers). Most of Casimir's conquests were motivated by the mere will to see and explore (and of course control). He was particularly interested in the east, especially since he had been raised with a certain way to view the world: To the west were the friendly Spaniards and their mighty kingdom. This people had much in common with the Polish - same religion, same fashion etc - and thus the west never interested him very much. It was basically the same as at home, just warmer.
Now the east on the other hand. Here lived strange steppe people with many religions, some were even followers of Islam. These men lived on the harsh steppes, always on horseback, or in the deep dark woods further north. The woodsmen - who actually were very similar to what the average Pole had been like two or three centuries ago - had great beards and drank their mead in great quantities. Curiously, these men were mostly Christian, although they followed the way that the Patriarch of Constantinople had once preached, before the city fell to the Moslems. The people of the steppes had their own ways, and although the Kingdom of Poland had been in contact with such cultures for decades, centuries even, they were still treated as exotic.
The wide steppes and the strange people inhabiting them always interested - and puzzled - Casimir, and this might be what always drove him eastwards. Of course, as king of one of the world's mightiest kingdoms, he could not just fraternize with the people of the east, and many of these horsemen treated the Polish as their worst enemies anyway. Thus, in the mind of a medieval king like Casimir, conquest was the best way to get to know these lands.
What must further be noted about Casimir is his knightly and chivalrous manner. He was born and raised a prince and knight, and was always expected to act like one. Thus, despite his many seemingly cruel decisions on a larger, political, scale, we often find anecdotes or tales of the chivalry of Casimir in personal life. Some of them are written later on to glorify the king of course, but it is not at all unlikely to assume that the king was indeed a very good person at heart, he was just born with a responsibility to live up to the greatness of his ancestors.

Already in 1272 A.D, when his father was still alive, had Casimir begun his wars in the east. He had, as have been described in previous episodes of this chronicle, wrestled Turku and Novgorod from the Golden Khanate. As he became king in 1275, Poland entered a time of great expansion and glory.
He let the war rest for about two years while making the necessary preparations for a continued war, but in the summer of 1277 the full might of Poland was unleashed on the trembling Mongols. In a single, huge, operation the lands of Lesser Khazar, Pereyaslavl, Chernigov and Smolensk were invaded. Nowhere dared the Mongols stay and fight, but it must be said that the Khanate had much trouble in organizing its forces as a civil war had recently swept through the lands and the Khan himself, Chagatai, who was commonly regarded as a coward after the battle of Kupiskis and had a limp from the same battle, was not a very powerful figure.
Casimir himself had commanded the army that marched into Smolensk, and he now ordered a quick assimilation process of the newly conquered lands. Churches and castles were built and the population converted to Christianity. This might seem to contradict with Casimir's interest and respect for the east, but what sort of Catholic king would wish his subjects to go to hell as they died? No, rather convert them to the true faith at the expense of their old ways. Besides, this might catch the eye of the Pope down in Rome. Anyway, Casimir did invite the most respected "scientists" and explorers from Poland to come and see this new land. They were all ordered to depict and document everything they saw and learnt during their voyages, and it is much thanks to these documents we know so much about medieval eastern Europe today (but to tell the truth, these documents are a better source for folklore and Polish superstition than for the everyday life of the common Russian or Mongol).
Down on the south-eastern border however, the Polish didn't have time to celebrate these great successes to the north - as was done across the kingdom - as things took a highly unpleasant turn when the Seljuk Turks finally broke the uneasy peace and marched into Bulgaria with full force in the summer of 1277. This marked the beginning of a dark, yet brief, episode in Turkish history.
The Balkans had been a troubled area all since the Byzantines had been driven away back in the 12th century. Kings and Khalifs came and went with the seasons, and the diversity of faith among the inhabitants meant that the situation was never truly peaceful, even if there was no war. The Polish had expanded southwards in the late 12th century, but had made little progress since the now historic Tatar Rüstem, Voivode of Bulgaria, had incorporated his lands into the Kingdom of Poland in 1225. Since then, the Balkans had been split between the Polish to the north, the Sicilians along the southern coast and the Turks in Thrace and Constantinople.
Lord Wos, the high commander of the Polish army in Bulgaria at the time - and a man who was to become one of the most famous and beloved generals in the kingdom - knew what to do, being experienced after his participation in the Crimean campaign. Wos was a man in his forties and had spent his entire life in the army, being the youngest son of a Moldovian noble. He was a man of few words, but of swift action.
Wos was of about average length and had black hair and brown eyes, but was unusually pale. In his youth, he had been known for his beauty, but his nose had been broken during the Crimean campaign and a nasty scar gained at Cembalo had distorted his upper lip.
Anyway, rather than having his enemies pillaging their way through Bulgaria (for it was a huge army) he decided to meet them early on and save the inhabitants a lot of suffering, and at Elkhovo to the armies met.
Now, we know very little about the battle. It has probably been very well documented once, particularly by the Poles who were keen on documenting battles in which they were victorious. But time has passed and much of the sources have been destroyed or lost. What we know is mostly based on a rhyming chronicle, written by a monk in a monastery not too far from the battlefield (although the exact location of the battle remains unknown). What we can tell is that the Turks marched through a dense wood, and when they came out in the open they were shocked to see Lord Wos and the Polish army positioned on a hilltop right before them. Without much hesitation the Turks attacked the Poles, but were driven back with heavy casualties. The anonymous chronicler states that half the Turkish army was destroyed, which seems unlikely regarding the operations in the following years, but it is not unlikely that as much as 1/5 of the Turks perished at Elkhovo.

The Battle of Elkhovo
https://img403.imageshack.us/img403/2025/battle1jg7.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The survivors now retreated home in good order, but certainly angered and disappointed with the outcome of the war. The Seljuk Turks, embittered by their defeat and foiled plans quickly sent another army of similar size into Bulgaria already early in 1278. What followed was

The Fiasco at Khaskovo

Lord Wos, who still remained with his army on the southern border, fearing another invasion knowing that the Turks were all but defeated was not overly surprised when news reached him of the approaching Seljuk army. He decided to intercept the Turks (whose leader remains unnamed in the chronicles although later chroniclers claims him to be a prince of the blood) and met them in the hills outside Khaskovo.
Again, the Turks were caught by surprise as they had not expected their enemy to still remain so near the border, but they took a more careful approach to the situation this time as they knew that the Polish wall of halberds was nearly impenetrable. Instead, the Turkish commander (whoever he truly was) decided to attempt to trick the Polish into attacking him. Often had the light cavalry of the Turks outpaced heavy armoured infantry, and if their arrows could not pierce their armour (as they often did not in these days) they could always tire the enemy until they finally broke and collapsed.
This was what the Turkish commander had hoped, but all he achieved was the death of his precious horses as Lord Wos understood what his enemy was doing. Knowing that he had the height advantage and that his arbalests outranged the Turkish bows anyway the ordered his men to target the horses rather than the men upon them. A cruel decision considering the love the Turks had for their horses, but an effective one. Soon, as casualties mounted and the Polish remained steady on their hilltop, the Turks realised they could do nothing and retreated.
Less than 200 Turks died that day, which is remarkably little considering the size of the two armies, but approximately 500 horses were lost in the battle. Melee was not joined at all. The Turks retreated without achieving anything whatsoever.

https://img485.imageshack.us/img485/9412/battle2tb5.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The consequent defeats to the north had certainly angered the Seljuk Sultan a lot. It is not clear why he declared war on the mighty Polish in the first place, but after the embarrassment at Khaskovo this had to be settled in blood. On August 12 1278, a Jihad was declared upon the lands of Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Poland.
The Jihad was announced in Constantinople, and quickly gained many followers and much support. Amir al-Suud, the greatest military commander in the Sultanate, was decided by the Sultan himself as the man who would command this army.
al-Suud was an experienced warrior as Lord Wos. He was in his late fifties and in terms of physical abilities he had seen his best days come and go, but he had once been a powerful figure and although not very muscular anymore, he still stood an impressive six foot and ten inches. A giant, in other words, although a skinny one.
It was not body strength who had gained al-Suud his reputation and status however, but it was his brilliant strategic mind. Now, what is to note about al-Suud is that the was of Egyptian descent and had mostly - if not entirely - been fighting against the Sicilians down south, where the climate was much different from in Bulgaria. Armies were always dependant on water, which was sparse in the deserts of the south, and al-Suud was known to use this to his advantage when dealing with the Sicilians who had no experience of being in the desert. This, the difference between Bulgaria and the theatres in which al-Suud was used to fight, rather than his age as some historians have put it, might explain his utter defeat in

The Battle of Hávsa

Amir al-Suud knew very well that he could not hope to take his enemy by surprise. Lord Wos had an extensive intelligence network and besides, the words of the Jihad had spread across all Europe. As far away as in London was this the topic of many discussions among the more educated. Instead, he would try to outmanoeuvre his enemy in the way that he was used to.
Wos however did not wait for his enemy to move and decided to take the offence. He marched southwards quickly and suddenly found himself south of the Turks. al-Suud now triumphed as he thought he had the Polish trapped between himself and his army and Constantinople. Making sure the Polish could not reach the Tundzha or any other major rivers he hoped he could "starve" them out. This failed however as Wos instead adopted a brutal pillaging of the area, and the presence of water made sure that his troops never "went dry". Water was certainly not this common down south, and the pleas of local population ultimately forced to al-Suud to meet the Poles were they wanted to fight. Outside Hávsa Lord Wos made his stand.
Those who have followed this chronicle of the Kingdom of Poland might find the account of this battle very tiring as it is very similar to so many other battles, so I'll be very brief in my description of the events that fateful day, June 3 1279:
Lord Wos positioned his men in a traditional manner atop a slight ridge with a valley below. al-Suud soon found this position impossible to outflank and thus had to rely on a full-frontal assault. He was confident however, as his army was quite simply huge, and the ground shook as it marched.
For an entire day the battle raged on. The Turks came in wave after wave, but each was mercilessly driven back. In the midst of the battle, al-Suud and his bodyguard suddenly found themselves flanked by the knights of Wos himself and within seconds, the greatest of all Turkish military commanders was dead, his heat split in two by the battle axe of an anonymous Polish knight.
As the dust ultimately settled, reflecting the settling sun, 1/5 of the Seljuk army had perished without being able to push the Polish back. Countless laid to rot in the fields and the horrible screams of agony and pain of those who had not been granted with the mercy to die directly echoed through the now silent valley. No one came to put them out of their misery though.
The Poles had fought against hopeless numbers, 3:1 at least, but had still won the day, against all odds.
Leaderless and disorientated the surviving Turks fled, and soon after the Jihad was disbanded on nobody’s orders. This was indeed a great triumph for Lord Wos and a disastrous defeat for the Turks. Many wondered why Allah had abandoned them on their holy quest, and the Sultan, even more furious with rage, saw to that many of the officials behind the Jihad lost their heads.

https://img177.imageshack.us/img177/4213/battle3ft2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

With the defeat at Hávsa, things became quiet and the war went into a stalemate. The prisoners taken during the battle were executed on the orders of Lord Wos who, tired from three years of constant warfare, wished to signal to the Turks that no mercy was to be shown to those who carried arms against the Kingdom of Poland. After this, he marched back north, but he did not rest and the armies along the Polish-Turkish border were always big and ready to react, but for now things settled.
The Turks did not lack the manpower to continue the war, quite the opposite, their armies were seemingly endlessly huge, but the destruction and unauthorized disbanding of the Jihad, as well as the shocking executions of so many important Seljuk officials had caused a theological and political crisis throughout the Sultanate, and domestic matters had to be dealt with before the wars with the infidel could be continued.

Here, with the glorious victory at Hávsa, this chronicler finds it suitable to take a pause, and we shall return to the further exploits of King Casimir I within short. Then, we shall talk more about the personal experiences of Casimir himself and his mighty conquests to the east.

Bregil the Bowman

07-11-2007, 00:14

what also amazes me is that during all these battles, i have seen kill ratios of 50 men lost for 800-1000 killed plus hundreds more captured. how do you guys do this? i can almost never achieve this and certainly not against an army that is half decent.

I have tried in my account to strike a balance between telling a story and setting out the game mechanics at each stage. It should be possible to read through the detailed accounts :book: and get an idea :idea2: of how these battles were won.

Strategically, I have endeavoured to fight only those battles I thought I would win, where I felt I had an advantage in terms of the quality or quantity of troops, the terrain or all three. For larger battles I have always tried to be the defender :knight: as this brings considerable tactical advantages.

Developing a strong navy enabled me to move troops quickly to anywhere they were needed, following General Forrest's maxim - "Get there the fastest with the mostest." I can't stress this enough. In the early stages I was dragging the different troop types I needed from Cyrenaica to Cordoba and vice versa with painful slowness:turtle: . (Yes, my berber camels were green). Owning the Med by the end of Early changed all that and by the end I was shipping troops from Lithuania to Rome in a single bound.

On the battlefield itself, once again "Get there the fastest :charge: with :knight: :knight: :knight: :knight: :knight:the mostest." If you're defending, you can set up in the most advantageous terrain and let the opponent come at you. Your reinforcements will be close at hand, his will have to cross the battlefield.

Prepare a killing zone:smg: :ahh: :hmg: with your archers and artillery so that any enemies that reach your lines do so well and truly mauled.

Most casualties will occur after an army is broken, but it is sometimes necessary to curb :ballchain: the instinct to chase a beaten foe. In a big defensive battle it is often safer to return to your starting position, replace your tired and depeleted units, and let the enemy rally for another go. Rallied troops are often fragile and break just as nicely second time around.

High valour troops and high star generals are invaluable. Look after your generals, losing them is usually disastrous :skull: . At the same time, if you get a chance to take down the enemy general, do it by any means you can.

I generally play campaign games so the strategic choices are what lies behind most big wins. I'm sure there are MP experts out there who could give better advice on winning the "equal sides" scenarios. I'm usually looking for casualty exchanges to be at least 3:1 in my favour, ideally 10:1 or better. It doesn't always work that way. Sometimes you end up in a real meat-grinder battle with more or less equal casualties, usually really heavy for both sides. But you shouldn't lose too often, because those are the battles where a sensible general decides he isn't going to fight.

bamff

07-12-2007, 04:13

i have to say, these accounts are bloody brilliant (bregil the bowman, bamff but many others). i stand in sheer awe (and possibly a little envy) at the literary skills involved.

what also amazes me is that during all these battles, i have seen kill ratios of 50 men lost for 800-1000 killed plus hundreds more captured. how do you guys do this? i can almost never achieve this and certainly not against an army that is half decent.

Thanks for that MJF - always nice to get feedback.

In response to your query, I will echo Bregil's sentiments. The key to victory, particularly the big ones, largely comes down to carefully picking your battles, and in engineering situations where your troops enjoyed either a numerical or technical superiority (or both).

My guys have copped a couple of maulings when forced to face Byzantine Kataphraktoi, but have handled most other opposition pretty well thus far.

I try to keep my front line forces as upgraded as possible, with any units no longer able to be upgraded (for example spearmen) eventually rotated back to garrison duty in provinces unlikely to come under attack.

In most of my offensive battles, my army is at least on par with the enemy in terms of size, if not larger. If not, the composition of my army is more balanced, or my troops are better equipped. The latter is certaily true in defensive battles (in which I am almost invariably outnumbered).

I have also devoted considerable time and effort to establishing my trade routes, not just for economic reasons. You need to be ready and able to get troops from one place to another as quickly as possible.

Now that my kingdom is established, I have the luxury of being able to fight predominantly defensive battles, which means that I get to choose my ground (or whether to give ground - on occasions, discretion is indeed the better part of valour).

Often on a defensive bridge or hill battle, the casualty toll on one's enemies can be horrendous.

A long winded response - apologies for that, but I thought that just saying "Yeah, what Bregil said" may have seemed a touch trite!

Innocentius - bravo mate, fabulous stuff - I look forward to reading more of the exploits of King Casimir. In all honesty I have never really looked to closely at the unit roster of Poland - does the heavy leaning towards halberdiers and arbalests indicate a paucity of choices or purely a personal preference (I know that I myself tend to use the combination of arbs, halberds/cfk's, and turcopoles/mtd x-bows wherever possible)?

Innocentius

07-12-2007, 11:55

bamff - First of all, thanks:bow: Second, no: the Polish unit roster is nothing special I'm afraid. It's the same as with any other Catholic just with the nice addition of Polish Retainers (really useful early on) and with the benefits of a more eastern faction (mounted crossbowmen and the Slav units, that make excellent garrison stuff).
This leads me onto the subject raised by MJF. For yes, my armies are designed as they are mostly out of personal preferance. I think I've written it before, but it's worth mentioning again: the combination halberds and arbalesters is, IMHO, probably the best way to deal with any enemy. They pack a good punch, especially when there is a few units of CK around, and can stand a lot of poundering. These armies are cheap and simple to produce and retrain or replace. I can't help the feeling I'm just mass-producing soldiers.
My tactic is - in a way - the opposite of what Bregil and bamff said. My enemies always almost outnumber me, and with good margin. I often find myself in 3:1 battles, which particularly good since this will lure the enemy to attack me, regarding it's superior numbers to be enough (which is precisely what happened in my wars against the Turks above, they had about 5 full stacks in Constantinople before the Jihad).
Anyway, so my tactics are basically to either just let my arbalests (protected by my halberds) mow the enemy down (defensive battles) or to force the enemy into attacking me by sending my arbs up first with my halbs right behind. If the enemy still wont attack, I'll just wear them down and when my arbs are out of bolts, I'll send my infantry in for a huge slugfest (preferably with a few units, ideally cavalry, flanking). To date, I've never seen this tactic backfire. Only drawback would be the low morale of the units, which forces me to have a good commander.

But in short, I'll join the chorus and praise the words of Bregil.

seireikhaan

07-13-2007, 21:37

Here is the next chapter on Khan Ogadai's reign over the Golden Horde.

An Empire at War

Having vanquished the Teutonic Order and their Grand Master, Ogadai was content with his empire. He was not one to senselessly attack others, only invading in the case of retribution. However, the Christians of Europe and Asia minor had a less lenient policy towards the Mongols. In 1329, in the south of his Kingdom, Leon V of Armenia coordinated with his Orthodox ally, Yuri III of Russia. While Yuri invaded the province of Ryazan, Leon led his army into the Mongolian province of Edessa. The forces in both provinces were merely small garrisons, and had to retreat to their respective strongholds. Ogadai was outraged at this insubordance. Just three years previous, Leon had sent a messenger claiming word of an alliance. Ogadai, believing him, had agreed to the alliance. Now it was clear that the whole thing was a ruse to lower his guard. Ogadai ordered the hiring of several mercenaries from Mesopotamia, and ordered them, in addition to 280 horse archers and 360 Mongol foot soldiers, to march into Edessa. Leon, in the face of this invasion, decided it would be the better part of valor to abandon the province and retreat to his home in Lesser Armenia. Meanwhile, Ogadai marched north himself, along with his personal guard and a small legion to merge with the troops in Volga Bulgaria and deal with Yuri himself. The next year, Ogadei launched an invasion of Muscovy, while the bulk of the Russian army was still attempting to lay siege to Ryazan. Yuri, who had led the invasion of Ryazan himself, was outraged when a messenger brought word that Muscovy was under seige of by Ogadai and set his army to fall back to Muscovy and retake it. Ogadai, meanwhile, was confident that the Russian army had no hope of defeating him in battle. However, the next year would bring many surprises for the Mongols.

It would seem that in the face of the Mongols, even the Christians and Muslims could unite. Down south, Leon appealed to his ally, Sultan Osman of the Ottoman Empire. Leon was furious that he had to retreat from Edessa, and wanted to recapture the province. Osman agreed to help, and the same year, Mongol forces were faced with a combined Turkish and Armenian army, nearly the full forces of both Kingdoms. With no other choice, the Mongol commander had to retreat from the invasion, with control of the province going to Leon. Meanwhile in the north, Yuri appealed to his Orthodox ally, Mstislav of Novgorod. Mstislav agreed to aid the Russians in recapturing Muscovy. Ogadai was no fool, and when he received word that Novgorod had sent nearly their whole force to aid the Russians, he abandoned the province and fell back to Ryazan, which had been recaptured upon the Russian evacuation. Four of his neighboring factions had declared war upon him in the last 3 years. This was unallowable. He devised a plan to neutralize this, however. In the north, he sent a small detatchment of Horse archers to Novgorod. They were, however, merely a diversion to distract Novgorod. Meanwhile, he would reinvade Muscovy. In the south, he sent another small detatchment of horse archers and Mongol foot soldiers into Rum, the Ottoman capital. Meanwhile, his army in Mesopotamia that had been forced from Edessa would recapture it.

In both the north and the south, the strategies worked even better than Ogadai had hoped. In Novgorod, the Mongol horse archers managed to inflict serious damage with their arrows, due to Mstislave's military mis-management. In Rum, the Mongol army managed to inflict casualties at a 240 to 115 ratio, due to their superior archery. Meanwhile, in Edessa, Leon once again fell back to his capital at Lesser Armenia. His troops were beginning to become disheartened that their leader was constantly retreating when attacked. And in Muscovy, the Russian army proved no match for the Mongols, and was trounced, with only a 84 soldiers making it to the citadel. Things were looking better for the Mongols. Novgorod had lost too many soldiers to pose a serious threat to the Mongols. Armenia had turned into a standoff, Russia was one seige battle from being finished, and a new army of freshly trained troops was being mobilized south to counter the Ottomans. However, Leon was not content being trapped in Lesser Armenia, and it seemed that in his last days, he had begun to lose his coherency. After three years of standoff between Edessa and Armenia, he lost patience and attacked Edessa, this time, however, without Ottoman aid.

The Mongols took position on a hill towards the southern end of the battlefied, forming a half, hexagon battle formation. The battle would prove to be Leon's last, as he himself was shot down by volleys of arrowfire while leading the Armenian charge himself. Disheatened by their king's death, the Armenian troops began to hesitate. It seemed as though they were unsure of what to do without their commander, and many came to a complete halt while still under Mongol arrow fire. They were then quickly routed from the battlefield, never even managing to come to blows with the Mongol defenders. In total, the Armenians lost 435 soldiers, to the Mongol's 23. The Armenians never recovered without their king. The next year, Ogadai ordered the invasion of Lesser Armenia, and the Armenian forces surrendered the province without a fight, handing over control to the Mongol forces.

While this was happening, in the north, Ogadai assaulted the citadel at Muscovy, and captured the province. He left a small garrisson of troops to pacify the population, and continued his armies march, this time to Novgorod. In addition, he met up with a small army from Cherginov, and combined the forces for battle. Mstislav, outnumbered, and faced against superior troops, fell back to his citadel. However, that would not save him, as his army would quickly consume all of their supplies. The siege lasted only two years, before the army of Novgorod starved out, and surrendered. Ogadai had finally obtained a degree of peace, and with the army that was currently in Armenia and lesser Armenia, he felt confident that he could pacify the Ottomans as well. However, in Ogadai's lifetime, peace was something he would never be able to achieve...

bamff

07-16-2007, 00:34

seireikhaan

07-16-2007, 11:52

Nice work and an even nicer recounting, greaterkhaan. The "teaser" ending indicates further clouds gathering on the mongol horizon, I suspect.

I had always been curious about the GH troop roster. seemed to me to be fairly limited in type, but all available units are rather useful ones (and it appears that you are making good use of them indeed!).

I'm looking forward to reading further episodes - keep them coming!

In my opinion, the Mongol troops are among the best in the game. I have had many a battle where I've gone in with no heavy infantry, and no heavy cavalry, and route the AI off the field, using almost entirely arrow fire. Mongol bows absolutely wreak havoc on armored units, especially when you concentrate fire on the heavily armored opponents. Although I must admit, I have fallen in love with using Korean skirmishers on the defence. I was most impressed when I routed an enemy general(a CMAA) with just the skirmisher's javelins. In addition, with good defence and heavy armor, they can hold on a for a while after they've used up the javelins, making them a decent "anvil" unit in the right circumstances.

Agent Miles

07-16-2007, 16:08

Byzantines-MTW/VI, Early, Expert, GA. The Byz are way too easy. I just started conquering and had 60% of the map in less than ninety turns. I even had a minor civil war when the Emperor died before his son had come of age. The slides show the map and a typical army of each period. I was going to conquer everything before the Golden Horde could show up, but I got bored.
https://s132.photobucket.com/albums/q36/AgentMiles/Byzantines/

Bregil the Bowman

07-18-2007, 23:39

My tactic is - in a way - the opposite of what Bregil and bamff said. My enemies always almost outnumber me, and with good margin. I often find myself in 3:1 battles, which particularly good since this will lure the enemy to attack me, regarding it's superior numbers to be enough

I don't think this is particularly different to the way I play - I like to have an advantage in quality or quality, but given the choice I'd take quality any time.

I've always taken Forrest's quote "Get there the fastest with the mostest" to mean with the most effective force, not necessarily the most men.

The ratios I referred to are casualty exchanges, and its true the best way to inflict lots of casualties is to convince the AI it can win a battle when it can't - e.g. a well-defended bridge battle.

I've never been a fan of halberds, probably because I'm impatient and like to get in and kill the enemy fast when I'm attacking. After reading your accounts I think I should give them more of a chance. In my last English campaign I used CKs and longbows as my troops of choice, not cheap to build but quite hard to beat, but I always kept a few mounted up to keep the battle flowing.

Agent Miles

07-19-2007, 14:30

BTW, General Nathan Bedford Forrest’s motto was “Git thar first with the most.”

Bregil the Bowman

07-20-2007, 00:37

BTW, General Nathan Bedford Forrest’s motto was “Git thar first with the most.”

Works for me - I was using the English translation.:laugh4:

knutis

07-20-2007, 17:51

Back from vacation and civ-playing with some more from the Spanish Kingdom and it's brave crusaders.
The Almohads are still alive, but not well. As I don't really want a war with them, but have no choice if I'm to send a crusade to the Holy Land without a large enough navy (yet), I've just passed and pillaged through their land.

Here some notes from a Spanish historian's office (or something like that)

1124

Don Alf starves out the garrison in Tripoli castle (Cyrenacia).
Bandits take over Granada!

1225

Don Alf marches into Egypt where he meets the Egyptian Sultan and 1296 other Egyptians. The Spanish now number 1031.

Battle of Egypt

Don Alf first watched as the Egyptian army positioned itself on a high point of the battlefield.
He then proceeded to move his army to the right of the enemy, while some jinetes put pressure on their left to keep some beduins occupied. He also sent a company of peasants right up the enemy’s middle in hope that some part of their army would pursue them whe they broke and fled, and not pay attention to the real threat. The jinetes were able to hold two troops of beduin warriors away from the main battle. One did turn around after a while, but it was then to late as it faced a wall of spears between itself and the Sultan who fled before the Spanish onslaught. The Sultan was after a short while captured, and this caused the Egyptian army to be more easily routed.
Although the battle was won, the Spanish was now 350 fewer men, and in Sinai sits a man named Al-Afdal Shahinshah, Egypt’s finest general (6).
The Almohads offer ceasefire, and we accept.

1226

Don Alf besieges Cairo Castle as he would have a better chance against Al-Afdal on the defense rather than offense. He also has ordered training of troops back in Cyrenacia, which is under Spanish control. These troops will be needed to take Jerusalem.

And Al-Afdal attacks. Don Alf has the choice of retreat, as he can turn back to Cyrenacia, but here in Egypt he has a golden opportunity to get at the feared general. He goes for it. After all, should he lose he has a safe province to retreat to for now. Al-Afdal’s army numbers 863 men and has a general with twice the experience as Alfie, who has 685 men behind him, including 250lowly peasants.

Defense of the Suez canal(to be)

The Egyptians came to the field with 7 troops of beduin camel warriors. One led by the general. In addition they had a troop of ghulams, spearmen and archers. Things did not look good for Don Alf.
4 jinets where sent around the enemy army to try to split it up.
The Almohads started to move to the right to get past the oases between the two armies. The Spanish did the same, keeping the oasis between them. This in hope that the Almos would try to go around on both sides.

But they did not and Don Alf realized they should have stayed where they were when the enemy general charged after a troop of “bait” peasants down by the oasis, pursuing them up towards the hills where the Spanish had first stood.

The enemy general and Alfie and his men reached the top at the same time and a company of spearmen and a company of order foot soldiers engaged the general, while the rest of the infantry would try to hold off the six other troops of camels plus the ghulams that would soon follow. The men did a good job in killing of the bodyguards of Al-Afdal, but not good enough, and when he had 4 men left, the Spanish where routed. Don Alf also tried to get at Al-Afdal, but when the last man in his guard fell, fear overtook him and he fled.

Of the 685 men who walked onto the field of battle that day, only 45 were not killed or captured. 397 captured soldiers were ransomed however and that gave Don Alf a tiny hope of surviving an Egyptian invasion of Cyrenacia if it came.

1127

Prince Pedro invades the rebel held Granada with 536 men.
And the Egyptians marches into Cyrenacia with 376. Our army there numbers 701, but consists of mostly lesser troops.

2nd battle of Cyrenacia

Don Alf placed his best men on a hilltop overlooking an oasis, while he placed companies of peasants down by the water hoping they could distract the enemy a bit.

The bigger part of the Egyptian army went past the oasis on the north side, while some beduin camel riders took to the south where they met and routed two peasant companies. On the north side a company of peasant engaged the enemy general and his two bodyguards and actually managed to kill one of them before they chased away by a troop of desert archers.
The Egyptians now gathered for a full frontal attack. They were at this point stronger than the Spanish, but then an arrow took down the last of Al-Afdal’s bodyguards and after a short while he was hacked apart by polearm-wielding militiamen. Without their general the rest or the Egyptian army made a hasty retreat.

Granada were easily conquered with the loss of 32 men.

1128

Prince Pedro storms and takes Granada Castle.

An Egyptian 2 stars general invades Cyrenacia with 594 men. The Spanish defenders number 521 men.

3rd battle of Cyrenacia

Don Alfie moved his men to higher ground when he could see the power of the army before him. The Egyptians followed unorganized and allowed for the opportunity to eliminate a company of Nubian spearmen and a couple of archer troops without to much loss of Spanish lives. But when the Egyptians started their full attack, the Spansih line were simply not strong enough and once the left flank was broken, the rest of the line soon fell apart. The crusade were lost and 174 men led by Don Martin de Trastàmara (2 star) were trapped inside Tripoli castle that will fall in 1130.

More later (Including siege and sallying from Tripoli castle)

Zathernon

07-23-2007, 01:28

Knutis, great detail and story telling. Thought i was reading about Mannstein at Stalingrad.
The Scottish awoke from their easy slumber when across the Scottish Channel could be seen the orange and black flag of the Almohads flying high above the horizon. Never before could they imagine their allies the French would not be close at hand. What trampie could have befallen them in this night that would allow the loss of the rich garden of Flanders.
Not wanting to steal the glorious victory from the French, The Scotts elected to to by-pass the coastal waters and do an Inchon landing for Leon. The Almohads are suspected of having a spy in camp for they had heavily re-inforced Flanders the year The Scotts launched the attack.

As the Iberian lands were lightly garrisoned, The Scotts knew they had to strike hard and fast. The impestous attack had caught the Almohads off guard and had made it obvious to the Scotts just how powerful their new found enemy was and could be. It was going to take the bravest and most creative general to counter the vast material advantage of the Almohads.

In the second seige of Castile, the #2 general, nobley decided to abandon Castile to relieve the Genoese Consul who was trapped and about to fall in Murcie, the province just south of Valencia. As it played out, the Almos sent a large force to re-take Castile , but had left Valencia almost ungaurded, by sending in detachment into Valencia, The #2 General was able to retire to Valencia after the Battle of Murcie.

Oh what joy of the Genoese Consul with his 17 Royal Knights. It almost seemed that the RKs' were bouncing as if by dance during the pre-battle formations. It was as if he went to speak to every unit in the Scottish army.
Let me tell you how much the Scotts had to hurry to keep up with the Consul as he led us into battle. His leadership did bring to a very decisive battle.
The war was not won on that day, but the defeat of the Almohads was.
:egypt:

Zathernon

07-23-2007, 01:58

Sorry , double post

bamff

07-24-2007, 03:26

WEll done, Knutis and Zathernon both! Long will the exploits of your Spanish and Scottish warriors be told and re-told....

Even now in Tripoli Castle, I can hear the beleagured Don Martin de Trastàmara crying out "What's it all about Don Alfie?" as he waits forlornly for rescue or reinforcement.

Okay sorry, I'll be sensible again. Zathernon's campaign also neatly highlights the importance of naval power in affording one some truly potent flexibility.

Nice work guys!

knutis

07-28-2007, 13:31

1129

Don Martin de Trastàmara and his men sally forth. The enemy outside the castle number 302.
During the battle the Egyptian general is killed, but this does not give the Spanish victory and they are beaten back into the fort and now just number 17 men.

1130

Help from GOD!!
From the sand of Cyrenacia rises 120 fedudal men-at-arms and 20 royal knights and attacks the besieging army. The attack is lead by Don Antonio Ramirez (2 stars).
The result is satisfying as 67 of the 172 defenders are no more and only 15 Spanish lay dead.
The French gets themselves excommunicated.

1131

Don Antonio Ramirez is now Lord Ramirez, Duke of Cyrenacia. He immediately starts the rebuilding of his province.
We accept an offer of alliance from the French as they are getting stronger. This cancels our alliances with the Germans and the English. We also have to chose between staying allied to the
Polish or to the Hungarians. The Hungarians are chosen. The King ponders upon the idea of sending another crusade towards Jerusalem. If so he will send two of his brothers in case one of them choses to leave halfway.
Our fleet now stretches to the North Sea.
We accept an offer of ceasefire from The Egyptian Sultan.

1132 – 1136
build up – build up – build up

1137.

Prince Felipe comes of age and the same year King Roger of Sicily proposes a marriage between Felipe and his daughter Princess Vittoria. Although this will cancel our alliance with Hungary, we accept, as we want a good relationship with Sicily when our trade-ships enter the Mediterranean.

1140

King Alfonso VII dies in his bed. It is decided that king’s brother Enrique is to take over the crown. He is crowned King Enrique I of Spain.

1144

The second crusade marches out of Castile on its way to Jerusalem. This causes the Egyptians to invade Cyrenacia with 1779 men. Our army there numbers 1450. The defence is no challenge for Lord Ramirez who beats back the invaders. He is promoted because of it.
The King of Sicily and the Prince of Novgorod cancel their alliances with the Egyptians.

1145

The crusade enters Morocco and we are at war with the Almohads again. They meet no resistance. The King of the Danes cancels his alliance with the Almohads.
The Egyptians invade Cyrenacia with 1099 men and is easily beaten back.
Prince Alfonso matures.

1146

Again the Egyptians send an army against Cyrenacia. Yawn!
In Algeria the Almohads wisely chose not to fight the passing crusade.

1147

The Egyptians march into Cyrenacia again. This time led by a young talented general
(6 stars). They number 825 men while we have 1143.

The battle ends I favour of the Almohads as Lord Ramirez gets himself unnecessarily surrounded and killed while chasing down a company of archers. 427 men are ransomed back from the Egyptians and sent to Tunisia where the crusading army now stands.

1148

This year 144 men die in the besieged keep in Cyrenacia.

1149

The crusaders lift the siege at Cyrenacia.

1150

The crusade marches on to Egypt. Some of the people of Cyrenacia join them, including 10 men from the first crusade still living. 443 men stay behind to defend Cyrenacia.

1151

The Egyptians retreat from Egypt and the crusade marches on. In the Sinai they meet an army of equal size which is easily defeated, but at the end of the battle Don Ferdinand Velázquez is hit by a thrown spear from a fleeing company of numidian spearmen. His brother were not supposed to have been in battle, but is nontheless nowhere to be seen, so the low-ranking (2) Don Ferdinand Lerma takes control of the army. :wall:

1152

The crusaders consider starving out the garrison in Sinai since it includes the high ranking general Nur al-Din. But they continue towards Palestine as they expect an attack from Egypt, which now contains about 1500 men. 642 men from Cyrenacia marches over the border to Egypt to distract the Egyptians stationed there.

The Eyptians gather a large army for a counter attack on Sinai, but Lerma eludes them.
Egypt, which was left empty, is now captured by the army from Cyrenacia led by Don Raimundo Mendoza. The same happens in Palestine and the crusaders marches unhindered into the holy city. Lord Lerma crowns himself King of Jerusalem.
At the same time, the Egyptians seem to have lost their last royal male, and so they are divided into several lesser groups. :laugh4:
1154

We are again allied to the Byzantines and a German princess marries Prince Alfonso.
The French has a crusade on its way towards Morocco. Fine by me.

Kaidonni

08-03-2007, 16:28

I've been having a blast as the Scottish/XL/Hard/Early/GA. By 1098 I'd kicked the English off of the British mainland. By 1119 I had all of Britain and Wales. In 1129 I invaded Norway - and to avoid excommunication sent 17 assassins to kill King Magnus IV after slaughtering the Norweigan (sp?) nobility in battle (all but 6 of the assassins died). Building up my navy to strike at Sweden now, in the year 1140.

I thought it was going to be terribly hard, but I kind of bum-rushed England in the beginning. I invaded Northumbria in 1087, fought a battle over it and won. Bribed Wales for the Longbowmen, abandoned Wales and took Mercia. Then one final push to take Wessex - the English ran for the hills! Or should I say Channel? :laugh4:

I retook Wales (which I deliberately let rebel beforehand), built up my forces, took out the Irish in 1111AD (which then ended me with a siege that lasted many, many years). Built up my forces more...Norway has fallen to me, like I said, and my army is on the border by Sweden and my navies moving into place, ready to cut the Swedish transport lines...

And I don't care if the Pope excommunicates me. He's rather old now, getting into his fifties...and I'm building up assassins again. If he disapproves of my invasion of Sweden...well, I heard he really likes collector's knives (like the collector's spoons, just knives). :yes: Perhaps he can have a look at his 'gifts' over a nice 'conversation' with my 'representatives'. :eyebrows:

Innocentius

08-04-2007, 17:33

Part two of the Reign of King Casimir I, Hammer of the East: 1279 - 1311 A.D.

With the great conquests to the east in 1277 and the subsequent victories against the Turks in the south during the following years King Casimir's position as a great king was already properly established. Many years were spent pacifying the conquered lands to the east, and their inhabitants were baptised and taught to pay an annual tax to the King of Poland, something they were unused to; the Khans and the Russian Princes had always forced them to pay them tribute, but never annual taxes.
There was no rest for Casimir however, and his attention was always drawn further east. In the year 1281 of our Lord, he considered the time ready and the armies of Poland marched into the deep woods of the lands of the Muscovites and the Rjasans. He left only small contingents of men in the recently conquered lands, confident in their ability to maintain law and order. These lands, Muscovy and Rjasan, were held by no khan or king at the time, as their previous ruler, the Mongol khan, had lost them in the civil war. The Muscovites and the Rjasans were not to keen to yet again fall subject to another ruler and set up a firm resistance however. Aided by their knowledge of the land and the deep, dark, woods they organized countless ambushes on the Polish armies as they struggled across the marshes and around the lakes of the lands. They were wise enough to refuse the Poles open battle, but despite all their efforts the Polish continued to push further into their lands. As winter came in late 1281 the Polish armies fared much better: with the lakes and marshes frozen the pace of their advance quickened and already in January 1282 the capitol of the Rjasans, Rjasan itself was besieged by King Casimir and his troops. The capitol was not very impressive by the standards of a Polish city; it was little more than a few farms encircled by a palisade. After a few weeks of siege the winter cold became too much for King Casimir and his men, who badly desired to sleep indoors rather than in a tent. Thus, Rjasan was stormed and fell after a brief struggle. With the fall of their capitol, the Rjasans submitted to king Casimir and recognized him as their leader. The vast lands or Rjasan had been incorporated into the kingdom at the loss of only a handful lives.
In the lands of the Muscovites, the Poles were much less successful. For years the campaigning went on, as the Muscovites had learnt to fortify themselves. The many wooden forts of the Russians combined with the difficult terrain and the constant ambushes slowed Polish progress to only a few kilometres a day. Not until the summer of 1284 did the Polish army finally reach Moscow, the capitol of the Muscovites. Moscow was a much greater city than Rjasan, and the Polish commander did not wish to waste his men on an overconfident assault. Instead, he decided to starve the city and in late July 1284 Moscow finally fell the Poles. As had happened in Rjasan two years prior, the Muscovites capitulated at the fall of their capitol and recognized Casimir as their ruler. The long work of inviting priests and bishops from Poland proper now followed, and the people of these conquered lands were pacified and taught the ways of God. Castles were raised to maintain control of the land and reinforcements were sent for.
Further south, in Lesser Khazar, Khan Batu of the Volga-Bulgars suddenly broke his alliance with the Polish and invaded the said province. He conducted a raid through the land, but as a Polish army marched out to meet him, he turned around and retreated. This turn of events threw the Eurasian steppes into utter chaos. The Volga-Bulgars had supported the Polish in their wars against their common enemy the Golden Khanate, but as the Polish grew too successful the Bulgars were frightened they too would be absorbed by the superpower to the west. Reasoning that attacking was his best defence, Khan Batu acted as he did, thus dooming his khanate to destruction. Now it was free for all here in the east and no longer were there any alliances. To make matters worse for the Volga-Bulgarians, their war with the Golden Khanate was soon renewed and now found themselves fighting two wars.
Lucky for them, Casimir was not yet ready to avenge this treachery. The lands of Muscovy and Rjasan still needed to be Christianised and assimilated into the kingdom. Not until reinforcements arrived from Levidia in 1287 was he finally ready to punish Khan Batu. In that year he invaded Volga-Bulgaria itself with a great army, and his enemies fled before him, abandoning their homeland.
For now, the war rested for a few years and Casimir was happy watching the Mongols and the Bulgars fight it out – only minor border raids were arranged by the Polish. In the year 1293, Casimir decided to finish the matter, and invaded Khazar, the last outpost of the Golden Khanate. Khan Chagatai, the man who had lost all the vast possessions of the Khanate now rode out with his last army to face the foe that had once, more than fifty years ago, stopped the rapid expansion of the Mongol Empire and had then pushed them back into the east. The morale within the Mongol army was all but high. Chagatai was not a man of great reputation and he only served to lower the morale of his men further. The Mongols knew the Poles couldn’t be defeated. No Mongol army had ever defeated a Polish one in battle, and this time it was the Poles who outnumbered them, different from what it had been oh so long ago.
The battle that followed was a disaster for the Mongols, and they were utterly defeated. To the credit of Chagatai must be said however that he died as a hero, fighting into the very last, but as he died, the remnants of the Mongols ultimately broke and ran.
With the death of Chagatai, the line of Khans was broken and the Golden Horde was no more. The mighty people who had seemed invincible to all, who had conquered the east and threatened Europe, reaching the Baltic sea, had been destroyed. They would live on in the east, but in the west, their power was forever gone.

https://img507.imageshack.us/img507/434/battle4wr3.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

With the Mongols vanquished, Casimir quickly turned his gaze to the Bulgars and their treacherous Khan Batu. Batu was now isolated in the predominantly Christian lands of Georgia. Even if the Christians in these lands were schismatics, they were still Christian and, in the eyes of a Catholic king like Casimir, had to be “liberated” from the Muslim tyranny. His final war against the Bulgars in 1294 and 1295 thus took on the shape of a holy war, even if a crusade was never called.
In the early summer of 1294, King Casimir I organized his “liberating” of the Georgians according to a simple plan: He would march with his army from Khazar south into Georgia, while Lord Brodaty would march with another great army from Lesser Khazar. Minor troops from Moldavia would land by sea. The plan went well, even better than expected, for Casimir, but Lord Brodaty met a shock as he approached the Caucasus Mountains.

The Battle at the foot of the Caucasus

As Lord Brodaty marched with his army, he was indeed surprised to see what he saw: Out of the mountains, through a mountain pass, the entire army of the Bulgars, with the personal banner of Khan Batu himself flying in the wind. Those foolish Bulgars had planned to invade Lesser Khazar themselves, leaving their homeland undefended!
Startled by the situation, Lord Brodaty was still able to act in a rational way, and deployed his men on a small hill overlooking the road coming out of the mountain pass. If the Bulgars wished to pass, they had to defeat him first.
Khan Batu however, did not handle the odd situation quite as well. He was surprised, angered and frightened to face a mighty Polish army so early on during his campaign and ordered the Poles to be dealt with as quickly as possible. As always when attacking the traditional wall of Polish halberds backed up by many arbalesters, he failed in his attempts. Lord Brodaty had formed almost a circular fort of men atop the little hill, and there was no way any enemy could outflank him, simply because he had no flanks.
Embittered by the result, realising the battle – and thus the war, for this was all the men he had, Khan Batu threw himself and his retinue into the fray with the ferocity of a madman. Within seconds, he was dragged of his horse and killed. Only a handful of Bulgars managed to retreat back into the safety of the mountains and Lord Brodaty won an astounding victory:

https://img50.imageshack.us/img50/6222/battle5mj9.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The few survivors of the disaster who returned to Georgia sent words to the only son of Batu, Subudai, in Tbilisi that his father was dead and that he was now Khan. He did not rule for long however and was never able to exercise any command as the population of Georgia soon rose against him in the favour of the Poles. Later in 1294, Lord Brodaty finally arrived in Georgia and joined forces with King Casimir. The campaigning was a great success and they met little resistance, in fact, the Poles never got to capture Tbilisi as the population of the city rose against its masters in early 1295 as news of the Polish armies standing only a few kilometres away reached the burghers. They slew Subudai and opened the city gates for Casimir when he arrived and gladly recognized him as their king. After centuries of Muslim rule, Georgia was yet again in Christian hands. The Khanate of the Bulgars ceased to be with the death of Khan Subudai. The east had been subdued.
As a recognition of his great achievements to the east and his great conquests for Christianity, Pope Nikolaus V signed an alliance with Casimir in 1296, and many years of peace followed. Casimir remained in Georgia, on the border with the Seljuk Turks. The Polish presence in Georgia now put further pressure or the Seljuk Sultan who now had to keep massive armies stationed in both Trebizond and Armenia, draining his treasure. To add to his troubles, a Sicilian crusade was launched upon his lands, and the Sicilians captured Nicaea and Iconium. If these conquests were to last was a matter of debate as the Sicilians did little to strengthen their position, but surely this didn’t add to the popularity of the Sultan.
During his years in Georgia, Casimir’s sons Henry, Konrad and Mieszko came of age. The sons of King Casimir didn’t come near him in terms of leadership and ability as military commanders, but they were all well-educated young men with a strong belief in God.

The descent into madness

More than a decade of peace followed after the Polish conquests in the east, and Casimir remained content in Georgia while his sons managed the economy at home. The Turks had great armies along their borders but were too weak to recommence the war, still remembering the bitter defeats in Bulgaria. But during this time, Casimir’s mental health seemed to decline and he became increasingly paranoid. As one century turned into another, Casimir had established a reign of terror and his (unofficial, of course) assassins plagued the lands, killing event innocent emissaries and even travelling princesses, making the life for all officials in Poland a dangerous matter. Even Poles who apparently displeased the king were killed in either way. In 1302, the old Lord Wos, who had almost acquired legendary status of his victories against the Turks, was found poisoned. The Turks were accused of the deed, but some suspected their own king to behind this murder as he had became worried with the popularity of Wos, fearing he would rebel, he had him killed before anything happened.

The climax of his reign of terror came in 1307 when the king’s oldest son, Henry, married Princess Ingeborg of Sweden. In the same year, a great influenza epidemic pained the lands of the Crimea. Casimir saw this a bad omen: surely the Swedes had exercised witchcraft against him and plotted to overthrow him. He ordered an immediate invasion of the lands of the Swedish king, and his surprised generals in Lithuania and Novgorod marched with their armies into Estonia and Livonia. Just why were they attacking a Catholic neighbour that had shared borders with the Polish for a century and more?
Anyway, the obeyed their king, of course fearing to displease him. The surprised Swedes stood no chance and were completely overwhelmed. In Livonia the outnumbered Swedes retreated to their castles, but in Estonia King Inge III rode out with his army to face the Poles. His army was small and seriously outdated, but he still made a brave stand. The Polish nobleman sir Niebor Pieritz easily defeated him in the Battle of Väikemaarja: Pieritz sent his arbalesters up first, outranging the Swedish archers they inflicted heavy casualties. To rid himself of the enemy arbalests King Inge ordered his cavalry forward. The arbalesters then retreated and the halberdiers rushed to face the cavalry. The Swedish knights were easily dealt with and the Poles then continued on to the main army of the Swedes, while Pieritz himself and his dismounted knights fell into the Swedish left flank. King Inge was slain and the Swedish driven off the field. The victory was complete:

https://img101.imageshack.us/img101/6230/battle6ql4.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

With the death of King Inge III ended the Swedish lines of kings, and the Kingdom of Sweden was no more. The leaderless troops in Livonia and Estonia soon surrendered to king Casimir and both Reval and Riga were captured before the end of 1308.
The swift successes in the Baltic resulted in the Pope never having time to condemn Casimir for his actions. By the time words reached him of the war, the Kingdom of Sweden had already ceased to exist.
Casimir now again turned his attention south and into foreign affairs as the Turks felt strong enough to launch a Jihad against Bulgaria in 1310, this had been provoked by a series of Polish naval victories in the Black Sea and the Aegean Sea during the previous year. In the spring of 1311 the Jihad marched into Bulgaria, while a massive Seljuk army marched into Georgia. The commander in Bulgaria had sent for reinforcements from Hungary however, and realising their situation was hopeless, the Turks in Bulgaria retreated.
The army sent into Georgia was impressive too, but so was the stature of King Casimir by this time. He was an old man and had grown a great white beard, although his posture was still as upright and noble as always, despite his age. As the Turks saw the mighty Polish army, clad in red and white, with the mighty King Casimir on a black horse, their lust for war vanished and they left the battlefield without dealing a single blow or firing a single arrow. The war had been a fiasco for the Turks.
Casimir would not live to appreciate this however, and by this time he had grown so bitter he saw no pleasure in life and actually longed for death. His wish was granted as he died soon after returning to Tbilisi. One of Poland’s greatest kings and its finest military commanders was dead, although his legacy would live forever. Casimir had been the one to accomplish what so many of his forefathers had strived for. The east had been subdued.

Soon after, in June 1311, King Henry was crowned in Krakow as King Henry I of Poland, at the age of 30. The fourteenth century of our Lord laid ahead of him.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1311:
https://img129.imageshack.us/img129/3880/campmap2nq4.png (https://imageshack.us)

King Henry I:
https://img519.imageshack.us/img519/4310/henry1fp9.th.png (https://img519.imageshack.us/my.php?image=henry1fp9.png)

I'm sorry if this episode is a bit dull, I guess you can tell I'm losing interest in this campaign by now. It's really only funny while you're still struggling, and once you reach the steamrolling-size which I've reached now it's not very challenging anymore. Anyway, I'll probably finish this, although in a pretty summarized way. I'll continue to 1400 at least.

PS. I decided to keep the unanglicanized spelling of Ryazan, hope you don't mind.

Tratorix

08-06-2007, 01:06

Great campaign Innocentius! Sorry to hear your getting bored with it. I usually can't finish my campaigns either. I have no interest with being one of two superpowers on the map and slugging it out with the other one.

seireikhaan

08-06-2007, 01:35

Hmm, something just occured to me, Innocentius. I've noticed that in most of your battles, you seem to go with the halberd/arbalester combo for your choice of troops. Out of curiosity, what do you do for troops in the early period, when neither are available? Obviously nothing in the early period can kill like arbalesters, and most of the spear units aren't very good for dealing with anything other than cavalry.

bamff

08-06-2007, 01:57

Great stuff Innocentius!

I know where you are coming from - I am struggling to get the enthusiasm to write up my latest Aragon chapter (which will take me up to 1265 I think), let alone to ride out into the campaign again...

seireikhaan

08-06-2007, 05:58

Violence Escalates

Ogadai had finally achieved what he felt was a peaceful situation. He had manageable borders in Eastern Europe, bording the Holy Roman Empire, Hungary, and Poland. In the south, he figured the long time enemies, the Ottomans and Byzantines, would soon redeclare war upon each other, helping ensure the peace in his southern provinces. However, this is not what was to be.

In Eastern Europe, in 1343, Poland, under their young and ambitous ruler, King Wladyslaw V, decided it was time to forge their own empire. Bringing forth their entire forces from both Greater and Lesser Poland, he outnumbered the Mongol defenders in Volhynia 4 to 1. The Mongol commander in charge of the defense of Volyhinia, Prince Batu, recognized that attempting to defend against such odds was not wise. Thus, he ordered a small contingent of men to stay behind in the stronghold, promising he would return with greater numbers. And Batu would fulfill that promise to his men, returning the next year with reinforcements from Prussia, Kiev, and Lithuania. He now outnumbered Wladyslaw just slightly. Wladyslaw, no fool himself, withdrew from the province, detirmined to not fight any battle he could not win for sure. With Volhynia recovered, Ogadai sent a messenger to Wladyslaw, requesting a peace treaty. Ogadai preferred the Volhynia to be a primary defensive position, and attempting to take Poland could result in casualties far too great for Ogadai's taste. Wladyslaw refused, however. And thus a standstill was born, neither side willing to attack the other. This standstill would last for many years.

In 1346, Mongol forces in the south had fought a terrible battle agains the forces of the Ottomans. In the battle of Ankara, the Ottoman force of 940 soldiers attempted to defend against a force of 860 Mongols. The battle began with an archery duel, the Turkish contingent of Turcomen foot soldiers and horse archers attempting to exchange arrows with the Mongol Horse archers and foot soldiers. Despite having a hill with which to fire from, the Ottoman forces lost the exchange, though they would managage to inflict heavy casualties upon the Mongol units. Once deprived of their ranged support, the Ottomans had no choice but to sally forth against the Mongols, lest they sit back and be torn apart by arrowfire. However, ultimately, none of the Ottoman foot soldiers had a prayer of catching the Mongol horse archers, were completely torn apart. Only once his entire force was nearly destroyed did the Ottoman Sultan, Suleyman, withdraw from the battle himself. With this battle, the Ottoman empire was shattered, with only a just over one hundred troops left, in addition to the loss of Rum.

However, a bizarre twist of fate would save the Ottomans. The Byzantines, with whom they were actually allied to, decided that with Mongol forces thinned from the battle, it was time to take action. The Byzantine emperor, Alexius, ordered a force of 1,000 to relieve the Ottomans trapped in the citadel in Rum. Meanwhile, another force of roughly 780, under the leadership of the prodigious commander, Lord Dalassena, who was regarded as one of the best generals of the age, invaded Armenia. In Rum, the Mongol troops, weary and in the face of a force 2 times their size, had no choice but to fall back to Lesser Armenia. Meanwhile, in Armenia, the Mongol general, Temujin, with only a force of 120 Mongol horse archers, decided to make a last stand against Lord Dalassena, in the hopes that if he could at least strike down Dalassena, he and his troops would be war heroes, and the Byzantines would be deprived of their great commander. Making matters favorable for Temujin was the fact that the Byzantines ranged forces had been sent to Rum, meaning that Dalassena only had cavalry and infantry. When the battle commenced, Temujin had his troops on a hill, as far away from the Byzantine troops as possible. As luck would have it for Temujin, Dalassena was a brave and arrogant man, confident in his own abilities. Dalassena led the attack against the Mongols, him and the rest of his Pronai Allagion several yards ahead of the rest of the troops. Temujin ordered every one of his soldiers to fire at will at Dalassena's regiment. Just a mere 15 yards away from the Mongol troops, Lord Dalassena, perhaps one of the greatest generals of the age, was struck down by arrow fire. Seeing his objective was accomplished, Temujin ordered his troops to withdraw from the battlefield back to the stronghold, knowing that despite Dalassena's death, there was no real hope for victory that day.

However, Ogadai, the great Khan of the Golden Horde, never recieved word of the Byzantines betrayal. He fell ill, at the age of 60. He would not recover, and in 1347, he passed on. In his place would be Prince Chagatai. Chagatai was not Ogadai's eldest son, but unfortunately, his elder brother, Subedei, died in combat against the People of Novgorod several years earlier. Chagatai was a promising commander, having led the campaigns agains the Tuetonic order at the mere age of 17. In fact, he was considered by many to be a better battlefield commander than Ogadai. However, the other kingdoms of the world saw the passing of Ogadai as a chance to take Mongol territory for their own.

The coronation of Chagatai as Khan would not be an elaborate ceremony. He knew that the time for celebration was not now. He himself, like his father would personally see to the defense of Novgorod against possible Swedish invasion from Finland. Meanwhile, in the south, he ordered the immediate recovery of Armenia, which was accomplished with little effort, as the Byzantines all but abandoned the province after the death of Lord Dalassena. And in the Black Sea, a Mongolian navy had just taken form, one of the last commands uttered by Ogadai. However, this navy would have to contend with the mighty Byzantine navy, with ships constructed from Constantinople itself. Lastly, in Eastern Europe, he continued to fortify Levida, Volhynia, and Prussia. Hungary, an ally of Poland was likely to make a visit soon to Levidia, and the Holy Roman Empire, which controlled Pomerania, must be kept in check as well, especially considering many of the Teutonic order, whom his father had vanquished, were originally paid by the Holy Roman Empire to maintain Christianity in the east. However, unlike his father, Chagatai welcomed the challenge. On the day of his coronation, Chagatai made a vow. Any who would dare to stand against him would someday perish.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/Mongolempirecirca1348-1.jpg

Innocentius

08-06-2007, 15:04

Thanks everyone:bow:

greaterkhaan: One of my greatest weakness as a players is that I'm pretty lousy at handling the Early units. I usually try to fight defensive battles with spear walls and archers, flanked with swordsmen and/or cavalry (as I've done earlier in my Polish campaign). If it have to attack I either temporarily recruit a lot of rubbish troops to scare the enemy off with my numbers and then disband them once I've conquered what I need (pretty lame I know, but not ahistorical at least). If I really must fight an attacking battle I usually just bring a lot of cavalry (and some mounted archers or crossbowmen). If I'm playing as a faction with a good cavalry roster (of all, I consider Serbia in High and Late to have the best) this usually means no problem.

And that's a great campaign you've got going there:2thumbsup:

seireikhaan

08-06-2007, 19:29

Thanks, Innocentius. I've got a feeling that this campaign is just going to be a string of knock out, drag down fights, since nearly all of my neighbors want to declare war on me. And to make things better, I'm starting to run out of cash as well. That's one of the reasons why I'm not using hardly any Mongol heavy cav, as they're just too darn expensive. The only thing that truly concerns me, though is Egypt. If they declared war on me, it would be very bad, very bad indeed.:no:

Martok

08-07-2007, 01:35

Some terrific campaigns, folks! I wish I could comment on all of them, but I just don't have that kind of time. ~;)

Kaidonni

08-07-2007, 13:40

The year 1161AD dawns, King Allan I ruling over a Scottish Empire that stretches across all of Britain and Ireland and over the North Sea into Norway, Sweden, Scania, Denmark and Saxony. King Malcolm III was the leader who united all of Britain - and Ireland - under a single flag. His son, King Malcolm IV, ruled during a time of relative peace, and realised the initial plans to expand into Europe and forge a powerful new empire. King Allan I's reign saw this true empire forged.

Scotland is now at peace again, the most advanced nation in the known world - and an economic powerhouse! Powerful armies will defend Saxony from any invaders as the Scottish slow their expansion to enjoy the fruits of their epic struggles. The Scottish navy also grows ever stronger - you can never have too many ships, what with those storms and - may God have mercy on those gallant Scottish crews - the navy of the Castile-Leonese. In fact, the Castile-Leonese recently invaded Flanders, and are now in the grip of war with France.

King Allan I recounts the true impact of the Scottish Empire on the world. His grandfather, King Malcolm III, booted the English from the British mainland - the French having recently annihilated the remaining English forces. The Irish came second, utterly crushed underfoot. Sadly, King Malcolm III did not live to see Ireland come under full Scottish control - but he lived to see enough and die proud. King Allan I's father, King Malcolm IV, was responsible for the annihilation of the Norweigans - and ordering countless assassins to eliminate King Magnus IV before the Pope could excommunicate Scotland. King Allan I saw the crippling of the Swedish who are now fighting the Polish for survival - and the elimination of the Danes as a power in Europe.

The Danes have suffered greatly from their losses - three provinces lost to the Scottish armies, then excommunicated and a crusade called against Switzerland by the Hungarians. This took it's toll, and a civil war has enveloped the Danes. The Venetians have even returned in Milan. King Allan I has expressed no interest in conquering any rebel provinces in this civil war. He believes the Scottish Empire would be over-extending.

War rages on in the Middle East - provinces bounce back and forth between Byzantine and Seljuk ownership (the latter having been mightily chastised by the Pope, who has called for a crusade against them) and the Fatimids struggle to break out against the Seljuks.

War is bound to break out on the steppes soon enough, for Novgorod and Kiev are the two vying powers there, and Scotland is no target for Novgorod's fleets.

Actual stats in my campaign - I have 11 provinces, over 8300 florins income per turn (WITHOUT Denmark and Scania trading), I have three almost-full-stack armies, I'm building up my fleets of ships and expanding my trade network where possible - and I'm slowing down my expansion now. I quite like the idea of building up a lot now. I plan to keep about four full stacks in Saxony to discourage any would-be invaders. I was going to stop my conquering at Denmark, but the salt trade from Saxony is too important to not exploit. Means I haven't got as minimal borders as I would have liked, but these large armies should offset any worries.

Curious...when I reach the High era, since as I own Wales, will I be able to gain access to Welsh Longbowmen, or can only the English do that? I'm hoping I can do it - if I can, I'm definitely going to be upgrading my Bowyer in Wales.

Here are some screenies...

King Allan I (I don't use him in battle - I have much better generals for that :2thumbsup:):
https://img472.imageshack.us/img472/4648/75136843sv0.jpg (https://imageshack.us)
https://img490.imageshack.us/img490/7339/16234650rc7.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

My Scottish Empire, circa 1161AD :smg: :hmg::
https://img403.imageshack.us/img403/2809/48916876fg1.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

My income :eyebrows::
https://img120.imageshack.us/img120/5717/84432819wu5.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

My diplomatic stance :campfire::
https://img267.imageshack.us/img267/4379/89951277ju9.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

My GA standing :sweatdrop::
https://img408.imageshack.us/img408/319/39341044qb3.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

bamff

08-08-2007, 00:57

Nice work Kaidonni, I do not believe that we have seen a Scottish campaign recounted here before!

Looks like you are wise to build your forces - there are some sizable neighbours there, any of whom could turn nasty....

Looking forward to the next instalment!

King Lucas

08-10-2007, 23:34

This is why I love this game so much, keep writing history boys! :egypt:

Agent Miles

08-14-2007, 18:36

Hungary-MTW/VI, Expert/Early/no mods
https://s132.photobucket.com/albums/q36/AgentMiles/Hungarian%20Game/

I had never played Hungary before, but I still decided to do something completely different from the guides. I would only conquer provinces that were rebel, unless the province was a GA goal. I immediately took Serbia and Walachia. I then built up my economy. I decided to specialize Hungary for Szekely, then Chiv Knights and Carpathia for armoured Spearmen and then Chiv Sergeants. The provinces provided enough income to support a strong defensive force.
Fortunately for me, the first Byz ruler died without an heir and I quickly took Greece and Bulgaria. Both of these provinces have trade items, so I began to pump out Barques. By 1192, I had added Ireland and Navarre to my realm. Sicily rebelled and I snapped it up. This really got my trade going.
The Egyptians had wiped out the Turks and taken most of the Byz provinces. When the Golden Horde arrived, all that changed. I allied with the GH and took Egypt when it rebelled. By 1280, I had added Malta, Castile and most of North Africa after they had rebelled.
My Inquisitor had been hammering the Spanish family tree. When this faction died out, I got most of the Iberian Peninsula. I only used the one Inquisitor (7 star) until I could get one Grand Inquisitor (6 star). Along with a lot of assassins, I was able to totally eliminate some factions. I also made it a point to marry each of my heirs as quickly as possible to foreign princesses. I found that this way when they ascended the throne, they already had several young children of their own.
By 1380, I had maxed out the number of GA points that I could get for conquest, so I decided to stop expanding. I was getting 42 points each period and ended up with a total of 399 points for the GA victory.
I had some great battles in this campaign. In one, my army was totally exhausted, i.e., no bars showing, but I still won. In another, the Egyptians outnumbered me by several thousands. After routing waves of Eggies, my entire force finally routed. Fortunately, I rallied them for a very satisfying victory. Knights get hot in the desert, but they can still win.

Kaidonni

08-18-2007, 22:37

Just a very quick update, a more detailed report should come soon. Basically, I spent many, many years building up and watching what was happening in the world. I've even managed to get above 20,000 florins per turn. Until, that is, what is either my bravest action ever or stupidest idea ever.

In the year of 1194...I ejected a French crusade which requested to move through Saxony, where a large amount of my forces were centered. War ensued. Although a more detailed write-up will come, let's simplify it this way: I handed them their butts on a gold platter.

Heh...I actually reloaded because I was annoyed at how many troops the crusade took out of my armies. It seems the battle was FAAAAAAAAAAAAR less damaging to my armies. I killed all the prisoners. I don't need anyone's charity. :laugh4:

King Aodh I is 59, so the excommunication shouldn't last for too long - either that or I send my 30+ 'representatives' to pay the Pope a 'visit' :eyebrows:.

Unfortunately, because there is a French ship (just one 2 command Barque) in the English Channel, my entire trade network into Europe is blockaded (gone down to 1300 florins income! LOL!). Hope that guy planned on facing a fleet of 16 ships under a 3 command general! :smash:

EDIT: I need to expand anyway, and all I trade with France is through Normandy and Flanders - they've no other ports, especially with the English re-emergence. Unfortunately, the crusade wasn't destroyed - fortunately, it's in Franconia, sapping the forces of Sicily. There's really been a cold war of sorts between me and Sicily, although I have never intended to attack them. I guess an invasion of France with two or three brand new full stacks (which I'm now in the process of constructing) isn't far off. Flanders and Normandy would both make excellent targets, although focusing on Flanders is best - tradeable goods for my trade fleets. I really only ejected the crusade because I was annoyed at how initially it sapped my army, so reloaded, like I said. It was more for fun. But not much else was happening. Maybe this conflict will be a good thing - eventually I'll be fighting the Castile Leonese, and I'll need access to cheap sea lanes beyond the British Isles and Scandinavia so my fleets can move in and take the Castile Leonese fleets to the cleaners. Having access to France will allow me to do that. Scotland will become a true empire!

NodachiSam

08-23-2007, 17:55

Its nice to see more stories since I stopped posting at these forums probably a year ago. Also that this thread is finally stickied is nice.:2thumbsup:

bamff

09-16-2007, 04:01

First up apologies - I know it may be "poor form", but I have temporarily discontinued my Aragonese campaign due to getting a little bored with its progress....and in the meantime I have started a new VI campaign, as the Picts (for no reason other than the fact that I had never tried my hand at them before).

So here we go...welcome to the first instalment of "The Chronicles of Bamff of the Picts".

Oh by the way - Level is "Hard"

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Picts

Chapter 1 – Terror from the North (793 - 835)

For many years now, turmoil and trouble have beset the kingdom of the Picts, as each of the provincial rulers sought to claim the overall throne. By 792, the number of contenders and pretenders to the title had been reduced to just two men – Conall of Athfotla, and Castantin, son of Uurguist of Monoth. After a series of smaller, indecisive battles, the two protagonists faced each other at full strength at Braemar Bridge. Several hours later Conall and a great many of his followers lay dead, as did a good number of Castantin’s men. Castantin’s army, however, had won the day, and Castantin was crowned Castantin I, king of the Picts.

Whilst a number of the nobility had rightly pointed out that Castantin’s claim to the throne was probably no more legitimate than many of his rival regal aspirants, it was certainly also true that his claim was no less legitimate. In Castantin’s favour, however, was that he was not only a leader of men, but that he was also a good reader of men. The ability to see behind the words of his nobles, and to ascertain those who truly supported him would be vital if he were to achieve his goal of finally unifying the Pictish kingdoms, and instilling a common purpose, such as had not been seen for many a year.

One man whom he knew he could count on was Ciniod, the Bishop of Monoth. Castantin’s father, Uurguist, had many years previously advised his son of the importance of cultivating a relationship with the church in order to maintain control over his people, and Castantin had heeded his words well. Ciniod had been a friend and confidant long before rising to the post of bishop.

Castantin was painfully aware that in this early period of his rule the support of his nobility and of his generals was tenuous at best. Support for his rule was particularly weak in the province of Athfotla. Castantin had anticipated this – Athfotla was, after all, the former home of the recently vanquished Conall. It stood to reason that the greatest disharmony should be felt here. As a consequence, Castantin had ridden west to the newly constructed warrior hold of Athfotla in 793, aiming to shore up support for his rule. The threat of rebellion was not his sole reason for travelling to Athfotla, however. To the west of this province lay the Scottish stronghold of Dal Riada. Whilst that Scots had not yet made any hostile moves, Castantin was wary of King Domnall’s intentions towards the Pictish lands.

Bishop Ciniod, meanwhile, had travelled south to Fib, and his presence in this, the richest of the Pictish provinces, served to further strengthen the loyalty of the local populace to King Castantin. Strictly speaking, this was not necessary, as Morleo of Orcades, the recently titled Thane of Fib, was one of Castantin’s most loyal generals, and he had already done much to instil a similar loyalty in the people of Fib.

As it transpired, the first few years of Castantin’s rule was to pass peacefully, and without incident. Castantin had ordered the construction of warrior holds in Fib, Athfotla, Cait, and Orcades, and port facilities had been commenced in Moray and Domon. A military presence in all provinces would demonstrate the strength of his rule.

Indeed, the only cloud on the horizon of Castantin’s early years of rule came in the form of repeated sightings of Danish ships off the coast of the Orcades. The frequency with which such sightings were reported had given Castantin some cause for concern. He knew full well that at this time he had not the troops to adequately protect all of his northern borders, and until such time as he could gather sufficient ships to allow for easy troop movements, the islands of Domon were virtually impossible to defend. Orcades was a different situation altogether. Castantin was able to send men and supplies north to reinforce the garrison there. Still, the prospect of having to defend his borders from the ravages of the Danes was not one that Castantin relished. He sent word to his old friend Ciniod, bishop of Monoth, and the holy man set sail to the Danes’ icy homeland to negotiate an alliance. Ciniod was indeed a skilful negotiator, and he was able to convince King Ragnar I of the benefits of forming an alliance with the Picts. With the threat from the east thereby nullified, Castantin now had a free hand to look westwards to Dal Riada and the Scots.

Castantin had more reason to celebrate over the next few years. In 797, his beloved eldest son Brude came of age, and there were great celebrations throughout the Pictish lands. In that same year came news that the Scots had lost the province of Cyil to rebellion. The men of Cyil did not care for King Domnell’s taxes. At the same time, King Offa I of Mercia sends an emissary north to request an alliance with the Picts. Castantin accepts, prompting some amusement at court when he asks with an impish smile “How could we refuse such an Offa?”

Two years later, Castantin’s second son came of age. Showing as little imagination as the rest of his subjects (in the year 799, Castantin had two generals named Morleo, two named Deocilunon, and two named Drust), Castantin had named his second son Castantin.

Further rejoicing came the following year when Caradoc I of Wales offered the hand of his daughter Princess Mary to the 19 year old Prince Brude. Bells tolled through the kingdom as the marriage and resulting union of two kingdoms was celebrated.

As the summer of 803 approached, Castantin was ready to unleash his armies. The Picts drove westward into Dal Riada to meet the Scottish army commanded by Prince Aedh.

The Battle of Ballachulish

Castantin was painfully aware that this was to be the first major action to be fought by his new Pictish army, but he was confident that his men were ready for battle. True, the highlanders of the Scots deserved their fearsome reputation, but he felt that the greater numbers of celtic warriors that the Picts brought to the field would be able to at least hold their own. Castantin also had a secret weapon ready to unleash upon the unsuspecting Scots. Included in his army were two units of beserkers, led by the redoubtable pair of Uist and Taran. These men, although operating in small units, attacked with such frenzy that they struck fear into their opponents. As it transpired, these units would indeed be pivotal in the battle that was to unfold.

Prince Aedh, feeling that his archers would decide the day against the unarmoured celtic warriors, made the first of a series of grave tactical errors as the Picts approached, by sending two units of archers forward to meet their enemies. The archers found themselves under fire from the Pictish crossbowmen before they were within range of the Pictish force. Their woes were compounded as Prince Brude’s royal bodyguard now charged from one flank, and the royal bodyguard of King Castantin from the other. They were slaughtered almost to a man. As the dreaded highland clansmen bore down, eager to avenge their fallen comrades, Castantin and Brude decided that discretion was the better part of valour, and withdrew to resume their positions on the Pictish flanks as the celtic warriors of Deocilunon and Lord Maelchon, and the spearmen of Lord Deocilunon moved forwards to counter the Scottish charge, with support from the crossbowmen and archers.

Inspired by the charge of the three regiments of clansmen, Prince Aedh’s entire army was now flooding downhill to meet the Picts. The celtic warriors of Drosten, Domelch, and Gest now raced to meet the Scots, as the beserkers ripped into the Scottish flanks. Prince Aedh tried in vain to rally his troops, but the charge of his gurad was ably checked by the charge of King Castantin’s own guard. Aedh himself was unhorsed and captured. The clansmen fought valiantly, but eventually, the Pictish berserks fought their way through the Scottish spearmen and peasants to slash into the rear ranks of the clansmen themselves. The men of Taran and Uist were by this time drenched in Scottish blood and screaming as though possessed. None could withstand such a charge, not even the fabled Scottish clansmen, and the day was won. As the last of the Scots fled the field, 287 Scots and 260 Picts lay dead. 304 Scots, including Prince Aedh, were captured. Domnell paid some 3,312 florins for the safe release of his son.

Charge Bonnie Pict, on a Warhorse you ride, O’er the Grampians to Sci

Following his victory in Dal Riada, King Castantin wheeled his entire force north to Sci, where the Scottish king Domnell was now trapped. He was reinforced by some additional troops from Athfotla and Moray, and the depleted unit of Deocilunon retired to Athfotla to re-equip. King Domnell had nowhere to run. He had to face the Picts, and he chose to do so at the foot of the Cuillin Hills.

The Battle of Cuillin Hills

The battle of Cuillin Hills proved to be as fiercely contested a fight as had the Battle of Ballachulish only the year before.

Domnell had positioned his troops poorly, at the foot of a shallow valley. As the Picts approached, he sought to rectify his error. His troops raced uphill to the cover of the forest. Prince Brude, with the impetuosity that comes hand in glove with youth, charged forwards to block the Scottish troops. His royal guards cut a swathe through two regiments of peasants. So engrossed was the young Prince that he did not see the Scottish spearmen and clansmen closing in on his royal guard until it was too late to withdraw safely. The celtic warriors of Domelch raced to the aid of their Prince, as the two armies clashed across the width of the field. The clash of sword on sword, and spear on shield mingled with battle cries and screams of pain and terror as men fought and died. Prince Brude’s men were still trying in vain to fight their way clear as the royal guard of Domnell bore down on them. Brude turned to face this new threat, but his rallying cry to his men was brutally cut short by Domnell’s blade slashing across his throat.

Castantin witnessed the spray of blood and saw his beloved son’s body slump from his saddle. With a guttural yell that was part battle cry, part cry of anguish, the Pictish King spurred his horse to charge across the field to where Domnell and his men were. With the fury of a flock of avenging angels, Castantin and his guardsmen cut down every Scotsman who dared to cross their path as they swept to meet Domnell. For his own part, Domnell had found himself under pressure from the spearmen of Allcallorred, and now pinned by this unit, they were suffering terribly at the hands of the Pictish crossbows. Their numbers were sorely depleted by the time that Castantin and his royal guardsmen smashed into their flank. Domnell had been unhorsed when Castantin fell upon him. The Pictish King slashed downwards with his sword, despatching his Scottish rival in a terrifying series of blows. Prince Aedh also perished in the charge of Castantin’s guard.

At least that was how the battle was to be recounted by Pictish bards for many years after it was fought. In truth, it was one of Domnell’s guards that slew Prince Brude, and Domnell in turn was actually slain by a Pictish royal guard named Beocca. As the bards noted, however, one should never let the facts get in the way of a good story, and what better tale than one where the good king nobly avenges his son's death at the hands of an evil foe?

However it actually transpired, the Scottish king was dead, and as the news of his demise spread, the Scots lost their taste for the fight and fled the field. As the day drew to a close, 381 Scots and 295 Picts lay dead, and 120 Scots were captured. The death of Domnell and Aedh left the Scots without a monarch, and the kingdom quickly dissolves into a pair of independent provinces – Cyil and Ulster.

Mopping Up at Annait

It mattered not to King Castantin that the men holding out in the fortified village of Annait under Girig Maknakill were now fighting under the flag of Sci rather than the banner of Scotland. Whether they were Scots or men of Sci, they still defy the crown of the Picts, and must be brought to heel. Girig Maknakill, for his part, misguidedly believes that he can stand against Castantin. As it transpires, Castantin’s assault on the village stronghold is both well planned and ruthlessly executed. Only 7 Picts die as Maknakill and 58 of his supporters perish. Only one of the holdouts survives to surrender.

As word of Castantin’s victories spread, offers of alliance come from far and wide. Donchad I of Ireland and Behrtric I of the Saxons offer alliances. Both are accepted. Aethelred I of Northumbria offers the hand of his daughter Princess Cynegth to Prince Castantin. This offer is also accepted by King Castantin, and once more bells toll throughout the kingdom of the Picts as the people rejoice in the wedding of the young Prince.

A brief period of peace ensues, during which time King Castantin is able to enjoy the celebratory feast as his third son, Drust, comes of age.

Across the Sea
With an ever increasing number of Pictish curraghs now plying the oceans, tales soon reach King Castantin of rich lands far to the west. More important, those rich lands are currently unclaimed by any rival kingdom. Castantin hurriedly assembles a force of some 553 men and sets sail for Connacht, there to face the army of Flann the Wise in 810.

The Battle of Sligo

Flann had assembled a force of some 658 men of Connacht to meet the Picts, and had chosen his ground to the north east of Sligo. Among his men were a significant number of kerns – men whose method of doing battle was quite unlike anything that the Picts had encountered before.

Whilst the Picts were outnumbered, their crossbows enjoyed a significant advantage of range over the javelins of the Irishmen. The Picts also had a significant edge in experience. A good many of these men had been with Castantin throughout his campaigns in Dal Riada and Sci.

As the Pictish King surveyed the field, he could scarcely believe his eyes. His enemy were deployed in three separate groups. Two units of kerns, including the general Flann stood far to the Irish left. Another group of spears, archers, and kerns stood well to the rear of the centre. Two units of kerns, two of spears, and one of archers formed the centre of the Connachtmen’s “line”.

“How ever did this buffoon earn the title Flann the wise?” queried Castantin incredulously.

The men of Connacht fought bravely throughout, but their dispositions allowed the Picts to fight each of the three smaller forces in turn to secure the victory. 453 men of Connacht paid the ultimate price that day, and 145 were captured. 160 Picts fell for their king.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/810-ConnachtVictory.jpg

The Battle of Loughguile

With Connacht subdued, King Castantin had sailed back to Monoth to share in the celebrations of his victory in Ireland, and the coming of age of his fourth son, Eoganan. Eoganan was a young man with great ambition. Like his father, he was a born leader, and he was most anxious to prove his mettle in the crucible of combat. He would not have long to wait. Barely two years had passed before Eoganan was sailing to Ulster with an army of 588 men.

Olav Makartane of Ulster could only raise some 477 Ulstermen for the defence of his homeland, but he was truly dogged in his determination to drive the invaders back into the sea. He positioned his army near a long narrow lake to meet the Picts.

As had been the case in Connacht in 810, the Ulstermen split their force into two smaller groups. They were already outnumbered, and this further weakened their position.

Eoganan turned in his saddle to address his field commanders “Perhaps this is a standard tactic of the Irishmen? I can see no method to such madness….but I do see our opportunity for victory.”

Eoganan followed the pattern adopted by his father in Connacht, and fought each of the two armies in turn. The Ulstermen had no answer, as pictish cavalry and royal guardsmen swarmed around their flanks to charge them from the rear while celtic warriors and beserkers, screaming like banshees, smashed into their front ranks and flanks in an orgy of violence that was terrifying to behold. Both of the armies of Ulster were quickly routed. 155 of their number lay dead. A further 303 threw down their weapons to surrender to the Picts. Barely 30 Picts perish in the battle, and Eoganan’s men are quick to cheer their Prince, whose skilful leadership and bravery in the saddle assured them of victory. Eoganan sends word back to Monoth of the bravery of the pictish cavalry of Uvan, and the beserkers of Lord Breth, both of whom were instrumental in the great Pictish victory.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/812-UlsterVictory.jpg

Northumbrian Treachery

The conquest of Ulster in 812 was followed by a relatively peaceful period for the Picts. King Conan I of Wales, sends word in 817 that he wishes to offer an alliance. Castantin graciously accepts this offer. The kingdom rejoices once again in 822, in celebration of the coming of age of Talorc, the youngest of Castantin’s five sons.

Treachery lurks in the south, however. The Northumbrian King, Eardwulf I, has long looked northwards to Fib with covetous eyes, and in 824, he strikes. Unfortunately for Eardwulf, his campaign is something of a disaster from start to finish. Not only is he unable to raise a substantial army to commence his march north, but upon reaching Fib, he discovers that the garrison of the province is much stronger than he had anticipated, and has recently been reinforced by troops from Athfotla en route to the new Irish provinces in the west. His small army receives this news even less favourably than does their king, and a number of Eardwulf’s woodsmen and archers simply melt away during the night. Eardwulf has no option but to turn his force about and march south back to Lothene.

Castantin is furious that Eardwulf has broken the 19-year alliance between the peoples of Northumbria and the Picts by invading Fib. He wastes no time in assembling an invasion force of his own, and marches on Lothene. As word reaches Eardwulf of the approach of a Pictish army keen on revenge, he is panic stricken, and flees south, abandoning Lothene to the Picts.

News of the latest Pictish victory spreads quickly, and in 826, word arrives from Wales that King Conan I is anxious to further cement the ties that bind the two nations. He offers the hand of his daughter, the princess Gwenllian to Prince Drust of the Picts. Castantin accepts on behalf of his son, and soon church bells throughout both kingdoms are chiming the news of the union. Further cause for celebration is provided in 826 bey the coming of age of Uurad, the 6th son of Castantin. Castantin is now known to the Picts as “Castantin the fertile”, and his queen as “Aoife the incredibly tired”.

The Battle of Lothene

In 827, The Northumbrian King Eardwulf I surrendered to the pressure that was mounting within his own kingdom to reclaim some lost Northumbrian dignity. He assembles a mighty army and marches north to Lothene. The Pictish garrison is sorely outnumbered, but they are led by King Castantin and Prince Alpin, and draw great courage from this fact.

The Pictish King stands his ground atop a small hillock, his right flank protected by a cliff. The left flank is protected by the celtic warriors of Deort and Drust.

Eardwulf, having correctly estimated that his army outnumbers the Picts by almost 2 to 1, attempts a clumsy frontal assault. The Northumbrian huscarles are decimated by Pictish crossbow fire. Lord Ciniod’s celtic warriors launch them selves at the survivors, and despite suffering grievous casualties, they prevail. Meanwhile, Eardwulf’s royal guard find themselves surrounded by celtic warriors, and Prince Alpin’s guard, and they too are soon overwhelmed by the Picts. The remainder of the Northumbrian force crumbles in the face of the fierce Pictish counterattack. In all, some 498 Northumbrians and 233 Picts have perished, and 274 Northumbrians (including King Eardwulf) have been captured. The Northumbrians have tired of the foolhardy monarch, and refuse the Pictish ransom demands. Eardwulf is beheaded. His son Eardwulf II is crowned king of Northumbria.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/827-LotheneVictory.jpg

The following year, Pictish armies invade the provinces of Beornice and Elmete. The Northumbrians flee in terror. None dares to stand and face the Pictish onslaught. All is not well in the kingdom of the Picts, however. In that same year, 828, the beloved King Castantin I succumbs to a mysterious illness, and dies. Castantin II now wears the Pictish crown.

News of the death of Castantin I travels southwards, and King Eardwulf II of Northumbria believes that the time is right for him to capitalise on any Pictish disunity arising from the change of monarch. He takes a large army of some 1,680 men north to Beornice. Prince Uurad has but 772 men with which to deflect this onslaught. The battle is short and sharp. Eardwulf II soon shows himself to be no more able a field commander than his father had been. He is one of the first to die in a foolhardy charge into the teeth of the Pictish crossbowmen. As the dust of battle clears, 775 Northumbrian bodies grow cold alongside the corpse of their king. 307 Picts have also perished in the battle – almost half of the entire garrison. 269 Northumbrians are taken prisoner. The once mighty Northumbrian army has been truly humbled.

The new king of the Northumbrians is Eanred I, and he is no more kindly disposed to the Picts than either his father or grandfather had been. He orders Lord Beomund to attack Beornice in 830, noting that “The northern savages have not had time to rebuild their forces. You will crush them and reclaim Beornice for Northumbria!”

He is sadly mistaken. Prince Uurad and his men again fight magnificently. The second battle of Wearmouth sees almost one third of the Northumbrian army killed or captured, with 103 dead and 96 men taken prisoner by the Picts. Pictish losses are but 4 men. It is a truly astounding victory.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/830-BeorniceVictory.jpg

It appears that the Northumbrian threat may have finally been ended in 831, but war clouds were brewing further to the west, with the Irish launching a series of border raids in Ulster and Connacht through that year and the next. It would only be a matter of time before the Irish escalated their attacks into full-scale invasion, reasoned Castantin II, and so he began to send troops to his Irish provinces to ward of the Irish threat that he knew would soon emerge.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/835-MapofPictishterritoriesunderCas.jpg

seireikhaan

09-16-2007, 21:29

No problem, Bamff. I know what its like, I'm currently having trouble scrounging up the effort to continue my Golden Horde campaign, although I plan to update it pretty soon with a report on the Khanship of Chagadai.

Also, looks like this campaign will be much shorter.

Martok

09-18-2007, 00:45

Ah bamff, how I've missed your AAR's. I just realized it'd been a few weeks since this thread last had an entry, so it's particularly pleasant the most recent dry spell should be ended by you. :medievalcheers:

seireikhaan

09-21-2007, 05:15

:wall: Grrr. Due to a recent, very unfortunate event involving my computer, my Golden Horde campaign has a couple VERY big issues. Like not existing anymore.:wall: Oh well, I'll try starting a new one. Any suggestions that someone would like to see? I'm using XL mod, though w/ a couple small changes, mainly cutting time for ships and siege equipment down one year each.

Martok

09-21-2007, 21:27

Sorry to hear about the loss of your Mongol campaign, greaterkhaan. My sympathies, man. :sad:

As for a faction to play, have you ever tried the Burgundians in High? I don't know of many people who have, but what little I've heard suggests they'd be fairly challenging. Sandwiched as they are amongst the French, HRE, and Italian city-states, I think their starting position would be fairly interesting.

And speaking of Italian city-states, it's been a while since we've seen a Venetian or Genoese campaign. Anyway, there's a couple suggestions for you, per your request. ~:)

Sensei Warrior

09-21-2007, 23:35

My sympathies as well greaterkhaan. It always sucks when technical problems kills a really good game.

It's not really a suggestion, but I played XL a little bit, and had lots of fun as the Cumans, well before I got steamrolled. It was fun sorta, they were really hard to get started for me, and by the time I did, I died.

Bregil the Bowman

09-22-2007, 00:46

Part One of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

An Inauspicious Start

“Can that truly be him?” asked Violante, recoiling in horror. “That greasy, drunken oaf – that foul-mouthed peasant – that is the man you expect me to marry?”

“Have a care, my lady,” replied Don Carlos. “You are speaking of a king.”

Nonetheless, he could hardly disagree with the princess’s assessment. Valdemar of Denmark was a sorry sight as he drank and brawled in the hall at Roskilde, his long hair unkempt and his straggly beard wet with the juices of his meat. His companions were no better. Don Carlos had witnessed at least one fatal stabbing as the Danes fought and squabbled over the feast-boards, while another of the Danish lords, without a hint of shame, coupled with a serving-girl against the far wall. The gusto with which Hardeknud, the king's younger brother, applied himself to his trencher reminded the Aragonese envoy of nothing so much as pig at its trough. And this was the family into which the tender young princess was expected to marry.

“He is a king,” said Don Carlos firmly, “and he is your father’s ally. And that counts for much.”

Looking up to the dais, Don Carlos found his gaze settling on a vast stone symbol set above the king’s chair. Thor’s Hammer, they had called it in the days when pagan kings had ruled here. Now a carved inscription read “Malleus Pontifici” – the Pope’s Hammer – the title Valdemar’s crazed father, Olaf II, had assumed after his declaration of war against the excommunicated Holy Roman Emperor in 1117. Denmark had added Saxony and Franconia to its territories before Pope and Emperor had settled their differences and peace had been restored. Olaf I had already annexed Sweden and Norway, and though the Jarls of Scandinavia were forever rebelling against Danish rule, Don Carlos suspected that the Danish crown provoked such risings purposefully, to plunder the holdings of the rebel lords and to maintain the battle readiness of the army.

“Your father needs this alliance,” he told Violante. “Spain has grown strong – too strong – through the conquest of North Africa. The King of England has swallowed up half of France and has come to a halt below the Pyrenees. The western Mediterranean has become a Sicilian lake. If the smaller kingdoms are to survive, they must work together.”

“And what aid could these savages bring my father?” she asked bitterly.

What indeed, thought Don Carlos. Denmark’s longships wandered the northern seas at will, but these days the Danes came to trade, not to fight. And England, having learned the lessons of Saxon history, was well equipped to resist any Danish domination of the waters. If it came to all out war, he doubted any Danish king would be eager to risk his far-flung fleet and tiny army against the might of either England or Spain, let alone both. But the alliance might at least ward off aggression for a few more years. And if it came to a final analysis, Violante’s marriage might provide one last chance for the Aragonese bloodline – the chance for her son to sit on a throne, albeit a northern throne, while Aragon fell in ruins.

Valdemar surveyed his new princess with a critical eye, and turned to his companions. “Have they no food in Spain? If I should wrinkle the bed-linen she’ll be lost in the folds! By Christ, if I was offered such a lamb at market I wouldn’t pay more than a penny for it!”

Violante recoiled in disgust: “Please, Don Carlos, I cannot… Not even for my father’s sake…”

“Be patient child,” muttered the Don as a Danish warrior vomited over his shoes. “I doubt King Valdemar intends to trouble your bed this night. And once you are his wife, you may demand a chamber of your own, with a lock upon the door. He will soon find other distractions, and before too long you can ask to visit your father in Aragon. The alliance will be made, and you need have no more trouble than a queen could wish for.”

And if it turns out this way, he mused, we may have to wait long for a Danish heir who carries the blood of Aragon in his veins. An inauspicious start, perhaps, but I have done my duty. The rest is down to them.

The years passed, and Violante indeed returned to Aragon with some doubt as to whether the vows of her marriage had been consummated. Valdemar, meanwhile, found more than drink to distract him from the departure of his bride. He accelerated his programme of ship-building, to extend his trading empire. He sent his Steward, Erik Ironside, and his brother Hardeknud, to the Baltic states of Livonia and Lithuania where they were to subdue the pagan tribes. The Balts proved no more apt to Danish rules than the Scandinavians. Hardeknud, who had grown immensely fat as he grew older, nonetheless developed a reputation as a warrior, as rising after rising was countered by a Danish army whose reputation was growing. Meanwhile Valdemar himself took charge of subduing the Swedish Jarls, their upland rebellions interfering little with the building works he had commissioned in the coastal towns.

Meanwhile in Aragon, the situation worsened. King Fernando died, leaving his kingdom to his reckless son, Felipe. Provoked by his haughty Castilian neighbour, Felipe launched a fruitless attack, from which he was forced to withdraw without a blow being struck. The Spanish response was immediate and decisive. Felipe fell in battle as armies far outnumbering his own crossed into Aragon, leaving no legitimate heir. The House of Aragon had fallen.

Denmark, as predicted, had done nothing to come to Aragon’s aid, and indeed Valdemar had signed a treaty of friendship with Spain and England to protect his own interests. But when Felipe fell, he had the foresight to demand that his wife should be left unharmed, and returned to Denmark with the people of her household. In that way, many of the Aragonese court were spared the fate of their king, Don Carlos among them.

Don Carlos, like Violante, was quick to notice the change in Valdemar. At 22, the young king had been a reckless boy, callow and immature. At 37, he seemed far older, his features marked by heavy drinking and the cares of royal duty. But there was more steel to this man than before, both in terms of the physical man, honed by battle and hard riding, and the inner man, the man in whose hands the destiny of a kingdom lay. Violante, herself a mature woman, understood this at once. This was king, and a man who would father kings. This was a man whose heirs might one day avenge her father and brothers.

In the remaining years of her fertility, Violante gave Valdemar two sons, Christoffer and Sweyn, and two daughters. Valdemar continued to drink to excess, it was a habit that was hard to break, but he was no less the king for that. With Latvia and Lithuania, in his grasp, he encouraged Hardeknud to conquer Chernigov and Smolensk, recruiting mounted troops from the steppe tribes to supplement his Danish infantry. He extended the range of the Danish merchant fleet deep into the Mediterranean, generating wealth on a scale his forefathers could hardly have dreamed.

Even so, he deemed the time not right to avenge his father-in-law by attacking Spain – nor to challenge the might of England. While Denmark’s wealth was based on trade it was vulnerable to the disruption of war. Therefore Valdemar did nothing to provoke war with the major powers. He did take advantage of English involvement on the continent to launch an invasion of Ireland, re-establishing the Norse trading communities of Dublin and Cork. When a series of rebellions broke out in England and Wales, the Danes were poised to intervene. The sixteen-year-old Prince Christoffer led a small force to subdue the Welsh, and when King William proved unable to hold Mercia from the rebels, the Danes took advantage. Resistance continued sporadically for a few years, but it enjoyed little popular support. In truth, Saxon England proved more apt to Danish rule than it ever had to Norman rule, the language, laws and customs of the Danes being better aligned with those of the Saxon populace.

Christoffer was unable to take personal charge of consolidating this new territory, since while sieging Harlech castle in 1167 he received the news of his father’s death. King Valdemar suffered a seizure while arguing with his drinking companions over whether the onion was a fruit or a vegetable. The King fell on his side and lost the power of speech, and the limbs of his left side were frozen. Within a few days he was dead. He was only 54 but he did not come of a long-lived line, and his love of drink had not helped. Like his father, Prince Christoffer came to the throne at a young age, but he was quite a different man – charming and administratively able, though not unversed in the arts of war.

The Queen Mother, having assumed the regency during Christoffer’s absence in Wales, now pressed for a more aggressive policy against Spain. She asked for the new King to be acclaimed for both Denmark and Aragon, an act that must surely promote war with Spain. Christoffer, though, had inherited his father’s Danish pragmatism, and instead sent only respectful greetings to his fellow monarchs around Europe. He had inherited peace and prosperity, and saw no reason change matters.

“Your national symbol is the lion rampant,” mocked the Queen. “Maybe you will change it to the turtle, my son?”

“Maybe so,” replied Christoffer evenly. “For where now are the lions of Aragon – like my uncle? Better a live turtle than a dead lion.”

“Aragon was a small kingdom, and is gone. So were the Almohads of Morocco. Now they are part of a Spanish empire. Remain small, my son, and you remain weak. You will some day have to choose between being a lion or a lion’s prey.”

Christoffer placated his mother by putting her at the centre of a new royal court where a cult of chivalry grew around her, replicating the culture of romance she had known in Aragon. The benefit for Christoffer was the rise of a new class of mounted knights in Denmark, bringing her armies up to date with the best in Western Europe – though in Sweden the traditional huscarle remained at the heart of military service.

The Queen’s warning seemed justified in the years that came. Spain and England came to blows, and the English were quickly driven back from the Pyrenees. Within a few years the English, so dominant earlier in the century, seemed a broken force. Aquitaine, Anjou and Brittany all fall in quick succession. Normandy fell after bitter fighting, and then Flanders. Not even the Channel could hold back the Spanish invasion – London fell and with it all England south of the Thames. Spanish territory now bordered on Danish for the first time.

Christoffer resisted the temptation to exploit England’s weakness, fearing that this would only accelerate Spain’s dominance. Instead, in 1173, he married Edith of England, daughter of William IV, and their long and happy marriage cemented the bonds of their nations. But with Spanish fleets astride the trade route to the Mediterranean, Denmark could not afford to go to war. Without trade, the Danes would be impoverished within a few years, and without money they could not fight Spain.

Poland had also been a dominant power in the early part of the century, and Christoffer’s policy veered between a policy of peace with his powerful neighbour and cultivating alliances with Poland’s enemies – the Holy Roman Empire and the Byzantines. The excommunication of the German Emperor in 1174 brought about a sharp change in policy, with Christoffer responding to the Papal decree by driving the Emperor out of Lorraine, Swabia and Bavaria. The death of Pope Alexander II in 1186 allowed the Germans some respite, as they were able to regain Lorraine before an end to hostilities was commanded by the new Pontiff, Benedict IX.

Denmark’s next test would be in the Baltic, where a Finnish rebellion against the People of Novgorod had allowed Danish forces to invade. Prince Gregori took umbrage at this intrusion into his sphere of influence, and responded by invading Smolensk. The Danish forces in the east were not of the highest quality, but they were numerous. Gregori manoeuvred to avoid a pitched battle, with the result that by 1191 he was cornered in Muscovy, with no fortress available for his retreat. He was captured and killed in the Battle of the Lakes, and the Russian kingdom came to a crashing end with him.

The acquisition of the provinces around Novgorod established Denmark as a power on the eastern steppes, and Christoffer was keen to secure an alliance with the Eastern Roman Empire bordering his new acquisitions. However, his policy changed when the Byzantines made rapid advances through Polish territory, breaking through to the Baltic coast of Prussia. When Greek galleys made their first appearance in the Baltic, Christoffer’s concerns prompted him to accept an offer of alliance from the Poles. Policy changed yet again in 1199, when the offer of an alliance with the Holy Roman Empire, sealed by the marriage of Princess Judith to his second son, Olaf, was accepted.

Spain dominated the West and Byzantium the East. If Denmark was not to be overwhelmed, the expansion of one or the other must be halted. Christoffer’s choice was to be influenced by popular uprisings in Lorraine and Wessex. Though the former was against the German Emperor and the latter against the King of Spain, both sets of rebels made the unusual decision of declaring allegiance to Louis of Lorraine, a last scion of the Capetian house of France. This Louis succeeded in ousting his rivals from both Lorraine and Wessex, and then proceeded to seize the rich province of Flanders from the Spanish. Christoffer persuaded the new monarch to accept both an alliance and a royal marriage, to his eldest daughter Ingrid. This arrangement protected Denmark’s western borders against Spain. With Spain thus engaged, the young Stephen of England conducted raids on the Normandy coast while Brian I of Sicily launched a fierce but ultimately abortive campaign in Aragon and Valencia.

Christoffer’s choice was therefore clear. The immediate threat came from Byzantium, and should be dealt with forthwith. Prolonged war would cost the Danish Treasury 6000 florins per year – a decisive victory would be needed. The die was cast. The Danish lion was ready to take centre stage in a great European campaign…

Sensei Warrior

09-22-2007, 02:13

I am always amazed at the quality of entries I find in this thread. Well written Bregil, I especially liked the beginning where Violante was disgusted by her soon to be Husband-King, only to change her tune later when he 'mellowed' a bit. Well done.

I never really comment in here but I am always enjoying the efforts of our members who put up the stories.

Martok

09-22-2007, 21:21

Well done indeed Bregil. The opening narrative involving Violante and Don Carlos was a superb way to start the campaign. I wish you good fortune in your war with the Byzantines! ~:cheers:

Innocentius

09-23-2007, 11:44

Excellent writing everyone! I should be checking in here more often...

Swiss Halberd Pike Landsknecht

09-23-2007, 12:06

some great entries here, keep up the good work :medievalcheers:

Zain

09-23-2007, 14:52

Yes, I agree!

bamff

09-23-2007, 23:29

Magnificent narrative once again Bregil!

Well done sir!

:2thumbsup:

Bregil the Bowman

09-26-2007, 21:06

Part Two of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

A Danish Dynasty

Edith of England had married the young King Christoffer in 1173, and their union was blessed with many children. Those that survived to adulthood were Harald (born 1175), Ingrid (1177), Olaf (1181), Erik (1182), Birgitta (1185), Knud (1191), and Sigrid (1193). After Edith’s death in 1196, Christoffer married a daughter of Harald Ironside, Earl of Roskilde, and their children were Kristina (1198), Ulrikke (1201), Valdemar (1203) and Berengaria (1206).

Harald married Valeria, daughter of Adam III of Sicily and sister of Brian I. Olaf married Judith, the Daughter of Ludwig IV, Holy Roman Emperor. Ingrid became the wife of Louis of France. The House of Ericsson might now claim descent from the Kings of Italy, Aragon, England and Sicily, with marital connections to the crowns of France and Germany. In these turbulent times, those claims might well prove significant.

In 1202, concerned that the power of the Byzantine Empire extended from the Black Sea to the Baltic, King Christoffer chose to launch an attack on his former allies. St Olaf’s day, 29 July, was chosen as the most auspicious day for a co-ordinated assault. Viking longboats, exchanging their cargoes for parties of armed men, swarmed over Byzantine galleys. The Danish fleets, initially spread wide to maximise trade opportunities, drew back and concentrated in preparation for war. Meanwhile, armed bands swarmed across the borders of Pomerania, Volnhyia and Brandenburg. Another party landed on the Prussian coast, and yet another pushed downriver from Lithuania to Kiev. Surprise was total. The Byzantine forces, scattered as a result of their war with Poland, withdrew without offering battle, holing up in various fortresses and hoping their Emperor would send aid in time. Only at sea did the Danes experience any setbacks, where capable Greek sea-captains in their galleys bested some of the greener longshipmen.
Christoffer had seized territory, but he had not overcome the Byzantine army, and a counter-attack had to be expected. The Emperor Andronicus was a shrewd strategist, and he well knew the maxim that who defends all defends nothing. He concentrated his forces in Poland and struck a hammer blow northwards to relieve the garrison of Pomerania, where victory would put him within reach of the Danish heartland. The move was unexpected - Prince Olaf was conducting the siege with only a small Danish force. The defence of Pomerania was to prove a turning point in the campaign.

Battle of Mecklinburg

Olaf’s situation was critical. His force was not only inferior to the Byzantine army in numbers, it was also inferior in quality. He had 740 men, consisting of 3 troops of knights (including men of his own household), 4 companies of archers, 3 companies of huscarles and 1 each of mounted crossbows, mounted sergeants, feudal sergeants and kerns. None were experienced troops, and their commander was an untried 23-year-old.

The opposition consisted of 3169 men including 4 companies of kataphraktoi, 5 of Trebizond archers and several companies of elite Byzantine infantry supported by spearmen, javelin throwers and horse-archers. Alexius Branas, a more than capable general in his own right, led the infantry forces, but the overall commander was the experienced Prince Nicephorus, the Emperor’s brother. It was a disciplined army, hardened by battle against the Poles, pitted against a rude war-band that was many times outnumbered.
Olaf could hardly hope for victory, but he resolved to make the enemy pay dearly for every yard of ground. With this in mind, he drew up his forces with a thick wood behind, to afford his horsemen some cover from enemy archers.
The battle started badly, when Olaf’s household men charged without orders against the advancing enemy lines. The Prince reportedly seized the reins of his banner bearer and dragged his horse back into line by main force. Had the outcome of the battle been different, the accusation of cowardice might well have been levelled against him for this act, but his caution almost certainly prevented a disaster.

The mounted sergeants were despatched to deal with the threat of the Trebizond archers, who had advanced without support – but though they inflicted severe casualties, the sergeants were quickly overwhelmed by the doughty archers, who hamstrung the horses and cut the throats of the fallen men. A counter charge by the mounted crossbows failed to rescue the sergeants, and soon the survivors of both troops were flying the field, with Byzantine horsemen in pursuit.

While Nicephorus faced Olaf’s front line, Alexius Branas led the Byzantine left around the wood to outflank the Danes. Here Olaf’s plan worked better, for a company of huscarles sprang up from among the trees and set to work on the attackers. It was a close run fight, with knights and kataphraktoi added to the melee, but despite heavy casualties the Danes eventually gained the upper hand.

Meanwhile Nicephorus himself entered the fray, trying to charge down the Danish archers but becoming entangled with the spear wall. Olaf led a counter-attack which drove back the Prince’s infantry support, leaving him isolated between the foot sergeants and a company of huscarles. At this critical moment, the fight in the wood turned in the Danes favour, and the Byzantines began streaming away from the field. Nicephorus and his men had no room to fight with their lances, but they drew their swords and did fierce work among the Danes. Even with all his men slain around him, the Byzantine prince fought on, until his horse fell and a Danish axe crashed through his helm as he struggled to his feet.

Any attempt at pursuit had to be abandoned as fresh Byzantine troops arrived. While most of the newcomers were not of the quality of the first wave, they still outnumbered the battered and weary Danes. There were spearmen, Slav warriors and javelinmen, there were horse archers and foot archers, and behind them were the remaining kataphraktoi and lancers. The Danish knights rode out to meet them and scattered some of the archers, but suffered badly at the hands of the lancers. Meanwhile Olaf rallied a spirited defence from his infantry line, but all too soon his archers ran out of arrows and his ever-dwindling force was harder and harder pressed. The second wave was at last repelled, only to be replaced by a third. Olaf’s feudal sergeants, his only spearmen, fled the field, as did the kerns and even the remaining knights. By the time this third wave had been driven off, Olaf had his three companies of huscarles, each reduced to less than half strength, archers with empty quivers and three knights of his household, their horses staggering and their mailcoats bristling with arrows. He therefore felt a cold chill to see a fourth wave of Byzantine soldiers making their way across the fields, but turning to his men he laughed and said: “Well, we came to die, not to win. At least let us make an end worth a song!” He drew his men back to the woods to protect them from the archers and waited for the end.

The advancing Byzantines faced the coming fight with no less trepidation. This last wave consisted of peasant levies and archers from the Balkan provinces, backed with nomad horse archers from Anatolia and the Black Sea coast. Less well motivated than the first wave, they were shocked to see the carnage of the battlefield, the ranks of well-ordered, well-armed troops now piled in broken, bloody piles. Most shocking of all was the sight of the Prince lying dead, the defenders having had no time yet to strip the body of its ornaments and rich armour. What enemy could have wrought such carnage? Rumour made these Northmen into monsters nine feet tall, man-beasts with the blood of wolves and bears in their veins, savage berserkers who fought without armour because steel could not bite their ungodly flesh.

Arrows began to fly among the trees. The Byzantines were shooting at shadows, Olaf knew, but he could ill afford to lose a single man more. As soon as the enemy reached the tree-line, he counter-attacked. The huscarles advanced, like giants of steel in their long hauberks and helmets. Beside them, with a desperate yell, the archers abandoned their useless bows and fell upon the enemy with knives, clubs, axes and whatever weapons they could glean from the fallen. And on the Danish left, a banshee yell announced the return of the kerns, who had not deserted their prince after all. (As their captain told Olaf: “Sure it’d be a shame if the Irish quit the field while there was killin’ still to be done.”)

It was a desperate charge by a weary band of half-armed men, but to their enemies it was the onslaught of a berserker horde. The Byzantines did not wait to be killed, they turned and fled the field. Against all odds, Olaf had won a huge victory. It had cost him half his army, but the cost to the enemy was immense. 1300 were killed or captured, including a valued general and many elite troops. More than this, the first great pitched battle of the war had gone the way of the Danes. The blow to Byzantine prestige might prove fatal.

***

The vast Byzantine army in Poland remained to be dealt with, but now the initiative was with the Danes. As Olaf returned to Roskilde to receive his father’s praise, Harald took responsibility for the defence of Pomerania while Erik, who had been laying siege to Volhnyia, probed across the Vistula to test the strength of the enemy. It was a gamble that paid off. Alexius Branas, stung by his humiliating defeat under Nicephorus the previous year, now launched a second attack on Pomerania.
Harald met the advancing army not far from Mecklinburg, where the bones of the slain were still bleaching in the sun. The balance of strength was somewhat different now. Alexius Branas had 2333 men, Harald 2265, but the difference in quality now favoured the Danes a little more. Harald prepared a classic ridgeline defence, with alternate companies of spears and axemen lined up behind his archers, mounted knights on his flanks and a skein of mounted skirmishers out ahead. His horse archers fell foul of the Byzantines’ elite lancers and were driven off with heavy losses, but the rest of the battle went to plan. The weaker troops on the Byzantine right were thrown back by charging knights, forcing Alexius to switch his lancers from one flank to another. With Alexius’ best troops thus occupied, and Danish archers and mounted crossbows taking a heavy toll of his advancing lines, Harald attacked. He led the men of his household against the Byzantine general personally – Alexius fought on foot with only a handful of men around him, and many had already fallen to crossbow bolts. Harald attacked with vigour, and afterwards claimed to have struck down his opponent with his own sword. The Byzantines broke and ran, and Harald was left to the task of mopping up survivors and reinforcements. The Byzantines lost 725 killed and 835 captured on the field, but those who escaped found their escape route through Poland blocked and eventually surrendered to Erik’s men.

However, a worse disaster had already befallen the Byzantine Empire. The Emperor Andronicus was determined to relieve the siege of Kiev and prevent his empire being split in two. But he did not draw off sufficient strength from the Polish campaign to guarantee victory. Instead, he found his small force overwhelmed by the besiegers, and he was himself taken prisoner. His son Romanus, standing to inherit a crown by his father’s death, refused to pay a ransom, and Andronicus was put to death by his Khazar captors before any counter-order could be given.

The rest of the campaign progressed successfully, if not spectacularly. The Danes overran Moldavia, meeting little resistance, and captured the remaining Byzantine fortresses (sometimes with heavy losses, not being equipped with siege artillery). At sea, Danish captains gathered into convoys to seek or avoid their Byzantine adversaries. On the Barbary Coast the Greek pirate Romanus Lascaris proved a thorn in their side, sinking many longships before his career was ended by Amund Thorsteinson in 1208. With the trade routes once more open, the Danish Treasury was spared bankruptcy after years of costly war.

In 1209 an act of knavish treachery offered brief hope to the Byzantine cause. Boleslaw III of Poland, his empire divided as a result of Byzantine conquests subsequently taken by the Danes, decided to launch a speculative invasion of Franconia, as a prelude to recovering his lost territories. This was easily repulsed by a strong garrison, and the following year the Danes retaliated by invading Silesia. It was Prince Erik’s turn to establish his credentials as a commander, and he proved no less able than his brothers. Boleslaw was killed and his son Kasimierz captured. The remainder of the Polish realm fell into chaos, with Denmark taking control of Silesia after a short siege and Austria eventually falling to the Holy Roman Emperor.

As Denmark gained ascendancy, her allies fared less well. Sicily’s attempt to conquer Valencia had ended in disaster, and now Brian I was embroiled in the war that had erupted between the Pope and the Italian Doge (in which Benedict IX had lost his life). The emerging French kingdom had failed to dislodge the Spanish from Normandy, and now faced a counter-attack which saw them lose Flanders and then Lorraine in quick succession. The stage was set for Spanish troops to cross the channel once more, where King Louis was finally cornered in the Tower of London. Surrendered to the Spanish by the city fathers, Louis’s dreams of reconquering Paris died with him on the executioners block at Blackheath. Meanwhile the Spanish King, Pedro I, laid siege to King Stephen in Friesland, England’s last European holding. Spain, the most powerful nation in Europe, once more bordered Danish territory.

***

In the Autumn of 1211 the Queen Mother – having reached the venerable age of 96 – was taken badly ill. Her devoted son rode hard through the night to be at her side, and prayed fervently for her recovery. It seemed his prayers were answered, for the redoubtable Violante recovered within a few days, but the same could not be said for the King. At 61, the hard ride through the night had stretched his endurance to the limit; he took to his bed and a fever consumed him. As the cold winter of 1211-1212 descended on Denmark, King Christoffer passed on, leaving the crown to Harald I. He left a kingdom transformed into an Empire, a dominant trading power and a military machine of awesome power. But he also left a realm with enemies and potential enemies on every border, and a Treasury nearly drained of funds. Harald’s abilities as a king would soon be put to the test…

ULC

09-26-2007, 22:55

Nice Bregil. I particularly loved the Battle of Mecklinburg and your description of the Danes :laugh4: .

To other news, I'm going to start another history myself, this time with the Lithuanians (slightly modified with the addition of feudal and chivalric units, as Lithuania was a feudal state and adopted (eventually) the arms and armor of its catholic nieghbors, plus I renamed its specialty units to something more accurate). I'll soon have the first chapter up. Long Live Grand Duke Algirdas the Just!

bamff

09-27-2007, 01:21

Magnificent work yet again Bregil - both in the campaigning and the recounting! :2thumbsup:

YLaC - can't wait to read your Lithuanian campaign...IIRC (always wanted to type that!) we have not yet had any Lithuanian campaigns in this thread.

seireikhaan

09-29-2007, 05:32

Part One of the Tale of Doge Vitale the Embattled.

The Beginnings of a Venetian Empire.

In the year 1087 of our lord, Doge Vitale II, ruler of Venice and Milan, was amongst the youngest rulers in Europe. His position was not one of envy, despite holding the wealth of Venice. With the Holy Roman Emperor Conrad looming nearby in Austria, and his trading rival Genoa to the west, Vitale knew that, without doubt, he must expand his territory to ensure the legacy of both himself and his lineage. He has under his employ, the redoubtable Don Bohemond de Tankerville. Tankerville was no doubt a better general than Vitale, and was rumored to be unhappy under Vitale, guarding the relatively rural province of Milan. Vitale was not about to send such a man on any expedition, with any kind of army. Rather, he sent orders to Tankerville to remain guarding Milan, while the area was undergoing construction to add infrastructure. Meanwhile, Vitale sent emmisaries around the area, gaining alliances with the Holy Father and the King of Hungary.

In 1090, Doge Vitale lead his first expedition against his rival, Genoa. Leading a comparably large army into Tuscany, he forced the Genoese troops to withdraw into their fort, hoping to be saved by their Doge. Meanwhile, using funds from the royal coffers, Vitale sent an emmisary to Byzantine trooop stationed in Naples. Seeing the reward before them, the Byzantine troops accept the offer, and switch allegiance to Vitale, bringing Naples into the fold in the process. Back in Tuscany, help never came for the trapped force, and in 1092, the siege ended, with control of the province going to Vitale. The same year the seige was ended, a similarly joyful even ocurred for the royal family. Vitale's eldest son, Vitale, finally came of age, turning 16. It quickly became apparent that, despite the younger Vitale's lewd and adulterous behavior, and the age of 16 no less, he was far superior to his father when it came to commanding troops on the battlefield. And so, in 1094, at the age of 18, Vitale III of Venice, lead an army into Genoa itself. The Genoese Doge decided he could not possibly win the battle, and fled the province to the island of Corsica, abandoning it to Venetian rule. Despite banishing the Genoans from the continent, however, the war was hardly over.

With Genoa banished to Corsica and Sardinia, Vitale decided to take a risk. He would move his fleet from the Aegean sea, to the shores of Tuscany, so he could carry troops to Sardinia and Corsica to finish the job. However, it proved to be a most egregious error on Vitale's part. While attempting to negotiate the straights of Sicily, the fleet was ambushed by a Sicilian fleet, allies of Genoa. Not expecting the attack, the fleet was utterly destroyed. Meanwhile, the Serbians, seeing a clear path to Venice, send an army of comparable size to take the province. The ensuing battle was a turning point in Vitale's career. Although not fought by either him or his son, the troops in Venice held up very well. Standing in the road to Verona, the Venetian troops stood like a rock against the Serbian troops. Venetian spears held the front against Serbian counterparts. Venetian archers exchanged arrow fire with the Serbian general, who was counted amongst mounted archers. The turning point of the battle occured when the Venetian men at arms broke through a group of Serbian spearmen, and wheeled around the Serbian troops, flanking a large chunk of the Serbian army. Meanwhile, the Serbian horse archers finally fled, having been torn to pieces by Venetian arrowfire. With the general routed and men at arms on their flank, the rest of the Serbian force crumbled and routed.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/battleforVenice.jpg

Reeling, but still detirmined, Vitale ordered fleets to be construced in Genoa. Meanwhile, Venice would continue troop production. Additionally, his second son, Orso, was relocated to Venice to help guard against invasion there. However, a small Venetian fleet from Genoa was quickly overwhelmed by a combined Sicilian and Geneose fleet, and in 1098, Genoa launched an invasion of 700 men, mostly local militias, to Tuscany. With not enough troops to properly garrisson all of his provinces, Vitale had decided to guard Tuscany on his own, with only a few extra troops. In the face of the invasion, he withdrew to Venice. Before leaving, however, he sent a messenger to his eldest son, Vitale, who commanded a force of 900 in Genoa. Vitale III was to retake the province, while a fleet from Genoa was being finished the following year. Vitale III did as ordered, but only to find that the Genoese army had moved on to take Venice. Additionally, Serbia once again sent a force to Venice, to aid their allies, the Genoese. Doge Vitale, however, had departed to Milan, to have a meeting with Lord Tankerville, whom as of late had had fewer whispers of rebillion made regarding himself. This left Orso to defend against a force easily four times his size, and included Serbian royalty. Orso knew he had no hope of defeating such a large force, and withdrew the army in Venice to the keep. Additionally, another Venetian fleet was construced from Genoa, and the Genoese Doge was summarily cut off from his supplies. Meanwhile, Vitale III led his army to lift the seige, now consisting of just the Genoese soldiers. The Venetian army, armed with many archers and men at arms, shredded the militia-heavy army of the Genoese.

The Genose Doge was executed, as were several other Genoese nobles, whom had their ransom for refused. With Venice retaken, and a strong fleet now guarding the waterways to Tuscany, Vitale's position finally began to solidify. A fleet was constructed to guard the Aegean, and in 1100, a peace was made with Serbia. However, the Sicilian navy still proved troublesome, primarily because Pope Urban sided with his Sicilian allies over Vitale. While he did not declare war, he made it quite clear, following a naval victory for Vitale, that Venice was to cease warfare against Sicily for quite some time. Sicily took advantage of this fact, and blockaded the waters around Corsica, preventing Venetian armies from finishing off the crippled Genoese. No further naval battles ensued, but Sicilian ships still managed to blockade any troops from leaving Genoa or Tuscany. In 1103, Vitale decided it was time to test the loyalty of Tankerville. He promised his youngest and most innocent daughter, Agnese, to be his wife, tying him to the royal line. Tankerville subsequently displayed fierce loyalty to the Doge, apparently quite happy with the appointment.

And so, we leave a frustrated Doge Vitalle in 1105. For the first time in his life, Vitale contemplated the unthinkable: going against the word of the Holy Father. For so long, Vitale had great respect for the Pontiff, but it was clear in his eyes that Urban was now a corrupt man, interfering in his wars with promises of excommunication. So far, the Holy Roman Emperor, Conrad, had survived his excommunication, due to his frequent wars against Bohemia and Denmark. Perahaps, Vitale thought, it was time to brush aside the Pope, so that he could achieve a peaceful region, even if it meant excommunication. The future would clearly hold some very important decisions for Vitale.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/Venice1205.jpg

seireikhaan

09-29-2007, 05:34

As a sidenote, I have to say, Doge Vitale is a rather unimaginitive man. Naming his eldest son after himself, and naming two daughters Agnese?:inquisitive:

seireikhaan

09-29-2007, 18:14

Also, I'd like to add to the praise of Bregil, that is a heck of a campaign you've got going. The Battle of Meckenburg was one heck of a win.

Bregil the Bowman

09-29-2007, 20:39

Part Three of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

Denmark under Harald

Harald’s realm stretched from the Atlantic coast of Ireland to the furthest steppes of Muscovy, from the Arctic seas of Norway to the mouths of the Volga and the Don. Huge armies were needed to maintain this empire, far more than the meagre harvests of the north could maintain. The war chest his father had built up to fight the Byzantine empire was empty, but the Byzantines had not been defeated and the other powers of Europe had come to see Denmark as a threat.

One of the first events of his reign was the marriage of his brother Erik to Valeria, the daughter of Brian I of Sicily and therefore the niece of his own wife (also Valeria of Sicily). The marriage was not a success. Erik proved an inattentive husband, leading Brian’s churchmen to publish a sanctimonious treatise on the importance of marriage and the perilous crimes of Sodom and Gomorrah (charges that would have been laid more accurately against his brother Olaf, as it turned out). Valeria’s outspoken criticism of the Danish princes led to her being confined to an island off the Norwegian coast. The relationship between the allies was soured considerably. Erik occupied himself with crushing a rebellion in Silesia and other martial pursuits.

Late in 1212 Stephen of England was finally forced to surrender to the Spanish in Friesland. For a literal King’s ransom he was allowed to withdraw across the channel and north of the Trent, to what remained of the once great Anglo-Norman empire. Harald sent Sir Snorri Sturlasson, one his most competent knights, to command the garrison of Mercia, in case Stephen should think of restoring the old boundaries of his island kingdom.

For some time the garrison of Sevastapol, led by one of the most competent Byzantine governors, Duke Lascaris of Khazar, had been besieged. In 1213 Lascaris led a sally against the small besieging force, but was soundly beaten. In Silesia, the Piast rebellion was subdued. On land, all was going well for the Danes. At sea, it was another story. Danish shipping in the Adriatic was seized by a treacherous attack by the Hungarian fleet, and only quick thinking and sound resistance by the crews of the fleet off Sicily prevented the loss of those ships. Harald protested to the Pope and to his brother-in-law, but to no avail. Brian I of Sicily had not forgiven the Danes for the treatment his daughter sister had received, while Urban III, fearing the war-like ambitions of the Doge and the Emperor, was keen to maintain a triple alliance of Sicily, Hungary and the Papal lands. In response, Harald made a decisive move. He despatched his sister Birgitta with an offer of marriage and alliance to Spain, a move that would have been unthinkable but for the death of his grandmother, Violante of Aragon, a year earlier. By renouncing his claim to a redundant crown, Harald was able to secure peace between the two greatest powers in Europe – and secure his western borders just as the crisis in the south reached its peak.

The Rise and Fall of Bluetooth
In 1214 a combined force under Prince Michael of Byzantium and the Hungarian Lord Bela of Croatia, in total nearly 4000 men, crossed into Moldavia. Harald had shown foresight by reinforcing the garrison to a strength of 3500, under the command of the Prince of Kiev, but the quality of the invading army and its leadership gave cause for concern, particularly given the shortcomings of the Danish commander.

Lord Bluetooth was an odd figure. He was descended from the Belarussian Princes of Smolensk, of mixed Slavic and Rus blood, and his father had taken service with the Danes and been rewarded with the title Grand Prince of Kiev. Grigor Bluetooth, like his father, was a competent military commander, but as he had grown older his increasingly strange behaviour had undermined the confidence of his troops, who in any case would have preferred a Danish prince as their leader in such a crucial campaign.

Bluetooth adopted the same tactics that Prince Olaf had used at Mecklinburg, lining his army up at the edge of a wood to minimise the impact of the enemy horse archers. As at Mecklinburg, the Byzantines (supported by Szekely archers) got the better of the early exchanges and then attacked the Danish line with vigour, Michael himself leading the charge. Bluetooth himself led a body of militiamen to reinforce the centre. But far from encouraging the Danish defence, Bluetooth’s appearance caused panic, and within moments the Danish general and his guards were flying the field, the war banner dragging in the dirt. The entire Danish line wavered and the Byzantines pressed their advantage.

But the Danish huscarles and Viking warriors were made of sterner stuff than their commander, and refused to give in without a fight. As reinforcements arrived, their dogged resistance turned the combat around the Byzantine leader into a bloodbath. Having pressed forward through a gap in the Danish line, Prince Michael now found himself in a vulnerable position, with enemies on all sides. Fear became panic – panic became flight – and then it was the turn of the invaders to be driven back in disarray. Michael’s horse fell under him, and he was seized by rough hands – only the intervention of a Danish captain prevented the vengeful Danes from cutting his throat there and then.
Lord Bela fared no better. The Danish reinforcements included the cavalry they had kept in reserve, and they attacked the invaders’ flanks, picking off units of archers and javelinmen. Before long all order was lost, and the battle degenerated into pockets of slaughter, but the Danes had the better of these. Bela was captured and the Hungarians lost heart. The troops they had held in reserve refused to support those on the battlefield. The invasion had failed.

Bluetooth, though, was not forgiven for deserting his post. He was stripped of all rank and banished from the realm. He and his men tried to sell their services as mercenaries, but with his reputation no-one would hire him. According to rumour he settled with a pirate band in Malta, where he was killed in a bar-room brawl, though other rumours placed him with rebels in Georgia or Greece. Certainly he never troubled his Danish allies or his Hungarian or Byzantine foes again.

England and Scotland

As an impasse settled on the Moldavian border, war broke out in Mercia. English raiders stormed across the Trent, burning homesteads but not staying to do any lasting harm. Stung by the treachery of a kinsman and ally, Harald sent his brother Knud to prove himself by conquering northern Britain, with a sizeable army freed from the German borders by the Spanish treaty. King Stephen proved an ineffective leader who fled across the border to Scotland.

The Mortimer Kings of Scotland, established in the reign of William IV, held that realm in the name of the English King, but had plainly established some independence during Stephen’s enforced absence in Friesland. Nonetheless, they deferred to his command and allowed him to lead their army against Knud in the last defence of Scotland – with the result that all was lost. Stephen was killed on the battlefield and his troops scattered.

In 1224 the Mortimers returned, leading a strong rebel army of Scottish knights and clansmen, but this too was beaten off. Scotland joined Wales and most of England under the Danelaw, though as the last province to be conquered it would always prove the hardest to rule.

War in the East
More trouble came with the invasion of the Crimea by a small Egyptian force – though this was seen off by the garrison, it sparked a series of border fights, the worst consequence of which was the loss of trade income from Egyptian ports. Despite overtures for peace, these border wars continued for some years, the Egyptians taking and losing Chernigov, the Danes seizing and abandoning Khazar, the Egyptians finally making a stronghold of Ryazan.

In 1229 war erupted once more on the Moldavian front, again a vast combined army of Hungarians and Byzantines being pitted against the Danish defenders. Bluetooth’s place had been taken by Prince Olaf, the hero of Mecklinburg. Outnumbered two to one and facing vast numbers of Byzantine archers, Olaf abandoned the defensive tactics of his earlier victory and instead used his horsemen to attack the two armies before they could unite against him. The Byzantine archers were driven onto the Hungarian flank in disarray. Meanwhile the Hungarian infantry, advancing through woods to allay the risk of a cavalry attack, fell into an ambush of Vikings and huscarles. Though hopelessly outnumbered, the ambushing force held out until relieved, allowing Olaf to roll up the Hungarian force as he had the Byzantines. It was still a bitter fight, and 347 Danish troops were killed, including a number of knights and irreplaceable huscarles – but the reward was 1138 enemy killed and 965 captured. The Hungarian leader, Sir Kalman Benedek, was captured and executed, King Kalman not deigning to ransom his namesake or the soldiers who had failed him so. Lord Calaphate, the Byzantine commander, escaped with his life, but died soon after, the loss of his army having brought the empire to the brink of disaster.

As the decade came to a close, momentous events shook Europe. The first of these was the capture of Pope Urban by the Emperor Ludwig, who then established Pope Clement in the conquered city of Rome. With Spain, Italy, Sicily and Hungary refusing to recognise this puppet papacy, any hope of order and peace in Europe was dashed.

Shortly after this, Kalman I of Hungary died, leaving his embattled kingdom to the young Geza III. His closest ally, Romanus V, died in the same month, leaving an empire riven by conflicts and humiliated by defeats. Spurred by an Hellenic revolt, the various elements of the empire decided to go their separate ways and elect their own kings. In Nicaea, the Turkish tribes subdued by the Egyptian and Byzantine empires united under a new leader – Osman I – and overthrew the former Byzantine governor.

If these events shook Europe, the shock was as nothing to what would follow. For as 1230 came to a close, the steppe trembled to the beat of thousands upon thousands of wild hooves. The Golden Horde had arrived.

Kaidonni

09-29-2007, 21:23

Okay...I am going to pitch in soon with my own epic story for these pages. One of...ARMENIA IN EARLY! That's right...you heard me. :laugh4:

Armenia seems to have a difficult campaign in Early...VERY difficult from what I've heard. And to me, it must also be exciting. Three powerful empires, all potential enemies, surround you. You will end up fighting each of them at some point, in any combination. It could just be one of them...or all three. Then there are all those crusades - and the Golden Horde.

I yearn for lots of battles for once. It annoyed me in my recent Aragonese campaign how timid the Almoravids were. On Hard. They could have at least *tried* to fight El Cid - he only has 5 command on defense! But they tried nothing against me...

For me, battles seem too far and wide apart...so, time for a real campaign with the Armenians. Now...you see, as the Scots, I bum-rushed the English in the beginning, and I can't help but wonder if the Armenians should be used in the same fashion? I kicked England out of Britain by the end of 1097! I'm figuring that the single border shared with the Fatimids should be...hmmm...I now remember people mentioning the income that province brings in at the beginning for Armenia. I suppose a bum-rushing wouldn't be a bad thing against, say, the Seljuks...? And I literally mean first turn attack, leaving a small garrison behind. Taking the initiative.

EDIT: Not entirely certain any more if this is the right thing to do...hehe...yes, having second thoughts. I could always play as the Danes again...or try my hand at Sweden. Just that, with the rush I made as the Scots, some of the tight-spot campaigns should be easier using the same tactic. Even as Bohemia...a faction I rather like.

bamff

10-01-2007, 06:02

Continuation of a camaign as the Picts, VI - Hard.

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Picts

Chapter 2 – Irish Conquest (836 - 850)

The heavy defeats suffered by the Northumbrian armies between 827 and 831 had resulted in something of a “crisis of confidence” among the Northumbrian nobility in their monarch, Eanred I. This was perhaps, somewhat unfair, as the defeats of 827 and 828 were not any fault of Eanred himself. These disastrous campaigns had, however, been led by Eanred’s grandfather and father respectively, and perhaps a certain degree of “guilt by association” had fallen the way of the Northumbrian king. The failed invasion of Beornice in 830 was a campaign instigated under Eanred’s leadership, on the other hand, and this on the back of the earlier defeats had served to leave the Northumbrian Monarch’s military reputation in tatters.

This situation caused Eanred to burn with a desire for vengeance on the Picts. Those “vile savages” from the north were at the centre of all that was wrong in Eanred’s world. Not only were the Picts responsible for the poor esteem in which his military acumen was held by so many of his subjects. Both his father and his grandfather had perished at their hand. Moreover, the Picts now occupied a number of territories that Eanred regarded to be his by right of birth. Eanred had resolved that the time for decisive action was nigh.

For five long years now, Eanred had continued to mass troops along the southern borders of Castantin II’s kingdom. The Northumbrian king had the resources to commit to such a military build up – even in the absence of the territories lost to the Picts in recent years, those Northumbrian territories that remained under the purview of King Eanred I were fertile lands indeed, and the Northumbrian treasury was reputed to be so capacious as to be exceeded only by that of their southern neighbours, the Mercians.

Eanred was determined to restore both his reputation as a military leader, and to reclaim the territories lost to the Picts. Long had he plotted and planned with his trusted general, Oswald of Dere. As winter gave way to spring in 836, the Northumbrian King was ready to strike. He had left the bulk of his army encamped in Dere in order to ensure that a substantial Pictish force had to remain in Beornice, ready to defend that province. Meanwhhile, Eanred had travelled to Cumbri with a second Northumbrian army, intending to strike eastwards to surprise the Pictish garrison in Elmete.

Three of Eanred’s most trusted generals were at his side at his side in Cumbri – Oswald, Harmund, and Godrum. All three men had distinguished themselves defending Northumbrian territories against Viking raiders, and all three were staunchly loyal to their king, but that was where their common ground ended. The three men were vastly disparate in appearance and in character. Oswald was a veritable mountain of a man, barrel chested, with a ruddy complexion, and wild red hair. He was gregarious by nature, and had developed an unfortunate reputation for being inclined to overindulge in both food and drink at Northumbrian feasts. Indeed, even at this very juncture, he sat slumped and unconscious at the table, a goblet of mead overturned beside his outstretched hand. Godrum, by contrast, was of a far smaller stature, wiry rather than thin. His pallid, angular features were framed by hair and a beard which had once been jet black, but were now flecked at his temples and at his cheeks with grey. Harmund was a tall thin man, with greasy dark hair and a clean shaven face. A jagged white scar ran from his left temple to the jawline – a souvenir of his encounters with the Vikings. Godrum was a cautious man, one who carefully considered and analysed before speaking. He was not at all comfortable with the decision to use Cumbri as the staging point for the coming attack, nor was he happy with the chosen timing. Yet again he voiced his misgivings to his king and to Oswald and Harmund.

“My Lords, I ask you once again to reconsider this plan. It is fraught with danger. Not only are we vulnerable here in Cumbri, with no avenue of retreat but for Pec Saetan…”

King Eanred interjected “Retreat? Why should we be thinking of retreat? Our army will sweep the Picts from Elmete.”

“That is the plan, my Lord – but was that not also the plan in Beornice 5 years ago?”

“That assault was poorly led. Beomund did not stick to the plan for the invasion, and paid with his life. Perhaps, Godrum, you question my leadership?” asked Eanred coldly.

Godrum was well aware of the need for caution “Of course not, my Lord. I am merely anxious that our plans should also address unforeseen circumstances. We do not know of the strength or composition of the Pictish forces in Elmete. And this weather,” he paused for effect, jabbing a finger at the leaden sky “..is the type of weather preferred by the Picts. My Lord, I simply ask that we…”

Godrum’s voice trailed off, his eyes fixed on the horseman that charged into the camp from the south. The man raced to the king, almost falling rather than dismounting in his haste to bring news to the king.

“My Lord…” the man gasped, struggling for breath, “I am sent by Lord AEthelwulf. The Picts and the Norsemen have taken Pec Saetan. Lord AEthelwulf has withdrawn to Legacaestir, and begs your force journey south to relieve the siege.”

“How many are the enemy?” inquired Godrum.

“Over 300 Picts, 50 Vikings, my Lord.”

At this juncture a second rider galloped in from the north. The man leaped from the beast’s back.

“My Lords! Prince Talorc of the Picts has landed a force of some 500 men on the coast and marches south with great haste. A second army of some 300 men is marching west from Elmete to join his force.”

Eanred’s panic was obvious. As Harmund and Godrum set about gathering their men to meet the coming Pictish army, Eanred and his royal bodyguard mounted and fled the encampment. Seeing their king flee, many Northumbrians also chose to flee rather than stand with Godrum and Harmund. With but a handful of loyal men at their side, Godrum and Harmund had no choice but to surrender. The prostrate Oswald was also captured, as was Eanred as he attempted to cross Elmete to the safety of Dere. These four men were to fetch some 12,117 florins for the Pictish treasury. Cumbri was now safely in Pictish hands, and Pec Saetan almost as good as….and Prince Alpin was about to ensure that Legacaestir fell sooner rather than later. His forces stormed the village the following year, slaughtering all 182 defenders for the loss of but 18 Picts.

That same year, King Castantin II dies peacefully in his sleep. A fever had weakened the king dramatically over the preceding months. His eldest son, Drust, ascends to the throne, and is crowned Drust VIII.

Some say it was in a fit of grief upon hearing the news of his father’s death that drove Alpin, others the realisation that his force was too small to both subdue and defend Pec Saetan from possible Mercian attack. Whatever the reason, Prince Alpin orders that the province be put to the torch. All buildings are destroyed, and the entire province is sacked as Alpin’s army retreats north to Elmete, with sacks full of gold and other booty looted from the former Northumbrian province.

The retreat of Alpin’s army from Pec Saetan, combined with the removal of a substantial portion of the Cumbrian garrison to subdue Reget in the north offers sufficient encouragement to Northumbrian loyalists in Cumbri for them to mount a rebellion in 840. Edred leads the Northumbrian uprising against the small Pictish garrison under Lord Eddarrnonn. The rebellion is crushed ruthlessly and completely. 168 Northumbrians are killed and 28 captured, for the loss of only 38 Picts.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/840-Cumbri-victory.jpg

That same year, the brewing trouble s in Ireland explodes into open war, as the Irish launch invasions of Connacht and Ulster.

The Battle of Ballaghaderreen

The fighting in Connacht is fierce, with many good men on both sides meeting their end in the rain sodden hills near the village of Ballaghaderreen. Prince Donal of the Irish adopts a direct approach to his assault on the Pictish position. His tactics, whilst crude in the extreme may well have succeeded due to the numerical superiority of his force, were it not for the heroism of Brude and his company of celtic warriors. These men staunchly held the centre of the Pictish line, allowing the crossbowmen behind them and further up the slope to rain down death upon the Irish bonnachts, gallowglasses, and kerns.

With the Irish force pinned, the Pictish cavalry of Breth and Ciniath swept around the flanks, and charged into the rear of the Irish army. The rear of any army of these times is generally filled with those who are less eager for the fray – often times because they are less able or perhaps not so well armed or equipped….and almost always it is easier to strike fear and panic into such men than those at the front. Such was the case on this day, as the combined charge of the two companies of cavalry into the rear of the Irish saw the Irish troops break almost immediately. Such was their panic that a number of those caught in the centre were crushed underfoot by their own comrades rather than falling to Pictish blades.

Prince Donal is captured in the throng of panic sticken Irishmen. 275 of his force lay dead as the day draws to a close, alongside 182 Picts. 200 Irishmen are captured.

The Battle of Drumcree

Meanwhile, further to the north, Prince Brian of Ireland stands with a second Irish army, with his aim the conquest of Ulster. Facing this large Irish force is the Pictish army under Prince Angus. With little to work with in terms of terrain to aid his defences, Angus has chosen to make his stand on a slight rise, with plenty of clear open ground on all sides.

This battle proves to be a most unusual encounter. Wave upon wave of Irish dartmen, kerns, and bonnachts move forward in turn. Each company faces a rain of Pictish crossbow bolts long before they are able to get close enough to the Pictish positions to loose their javelins or darts. A few staunch souls press on to within range of the Picts, but almost all of these brave men pay with their lives. The casualties suffered by these Irishmen are horrendous, and it is not long before the Irishmen lose their hunger for the fight. With his army dissolving before his very eyes, Prince Brian has no option but to withdraw from the field himself.

The Irish flee the field without the sound of sword on sword being heard even once during the course of the battle. Uist, the leader of a company of beserkers, is bitterly disappointed at this turn of events. As the Irish melt away, he growls “I came here to fight, not to watch! A man is more chance of dying of boredom than by the sword when facing these Irish dogs!”

Some 260 Irish corpses litter the field after the Irish force withdraws. Only 9 Picts are lost. Prince Angus has won a stunning victory indeed.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/840-Ulster-victory.jpg

The Battle of Lochmaben

With these two defeats, the Irish threat subsides for a time, but all is far from peaceful of the Picts. With a number of troops having sailed to reinforce the garrisons of Connacht and Ulster, a number of mainland garrisons are now substantially reduced. In the province of Reget, this situation allows the Strathclyder Gwasdewi ap Owain to raise an army seeking to “liberate” that province.

Despite the Strathclyder’s force outnumbering the his own by almost 3 to 1, Prince Talorc and his army of Picts stand to face the rebels on a hillside overlooking the village of Lochmaben, in the south of the province.

Sadly for Gwasdewi ap Owain’s Strathclyders, their leader is a far more skilled orator than he is a general. With an overconfidence born of his numerical superiority, Owain sends the bulk of his force to make a frontal assault on the Pictish positions, while his archers and two companies of highland clansmen attempt to gain a position on the left flank of the Picts. This force, as it transpires, is itself surprised by the celtic warriors under Taran of Athfotla and the beserkers of Uist, recently returned from Ulster. Uist is eager to make up for the glory that escaped him at Drumcree, and he launches himself and his men into the fierce melee with a bloodcurdling scream that dissolves into maniacal laughter. The clansmen and archers stood no chance in the face of such an onslaught, and before long the survivors flee back down the slope.

The main force of the Strathclyder army has fared no better. Those men that survive the hail of crossbow bolts soon find themselves facing the steel of the fearsome celtic warriors. Their flanks are soon crumbling as Taran’s beserkers and Morleo’s celtic warriors cut a swathe through the Strathclyde ranks.

If the situation were not already dire enough for the men of Strathclyde, it was about to get worse – far worse. The pictish cavalry of Uid, Broichan, and Lord Cimoiod now thundered down upon those archers and spearmen that milled about at the foot of the valley, exacting a terrible toll on those hapless souls. The Strathclyde army is utterly crushed. Of the almost 2,300 men that took the field under the banner of Gwasdewi ap Owain, 855 were now dead, and 630 were prisoners. Prince Talorc achieved this victory for the loss of but 113 Picts.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/844-Reget-victory.jpg

***
This victory gave the kingdom double cause for celebration in 845, coming as it did on the heels of the celebration of Prince Castantin’s 16th birthday.

King Drust VIII finds himself with even more reason to celebrate in 847, as news arrives of the death of the Irish King. His Irish rival had died without leaving an heir to the throne, and the kingdom of Ireland had quickly dissolved into three independent provinces – Brega, Laigin, and Munster. Three smaller, independent kingdoms presented a far easier target for conquest than one large unified kingdom. Drust gave his orders without hesitation, and within the year, Prince Talorc was wading ashore in Brega, while other Pictish armies marched into Laigin and Munster respectively.

The men of Munster and Laigin both chose discretion over valour, and laid down their arms. It was to be a different story in Brega, however, with almost 3,000 men of Brega taking to the field to drive the Pict invaders back into the sea. In this aim they were singularly and spectacularly unsuccessful. As the dust of battle clears, the last survivors are being chased into the hills by the victorious Picts. Brega has lost some 1,454 of her sons, with a further 641 captured. 613 Picts have perished in the conquest of the last independent Irish state. Ireland now belongs to the Picts.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/850-Brega-victory.jpg

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1675822&postcount=1164

ULC

10-01-2007, 17:58

My first installment of my Lithuanian Campaign, XL/Hard.

Chapter One
Grand Duke Algirdas I

My name is Edmund Spencer, and I am both an Englishman and a monk. I have been commissioned by the Pope himself to Grand Duke Algirdas, the ruler of Lithuania, as the duke’s historian. Although I lack the foresight of the Holy Father, I cannot fathom why he has sent me to this pagan prince. Nevertheless, I shall persevere in my task.

I should begin with a telling of my subject. The first thing to note of Grand Duke Algirdas is that he does not tolerate those who would belittle his beliefs. He is a man of strong faith and conviction, even though this directed at his pagan gods. He is patient and takes good counsel, even though he is not blessed with brilliance. He is good with men, including the impoverished, but does not take kind with thieves and brigands. He is honest and trustworthy, warm and welcoming, and always holds true to his word.

An example of this mans quality was during his meeting with the Prince of Chernigov, Prince Voislavov. As agreed beforehand, they met at Voislavov’s villa with their armed bodyguards in tow. After sealing themselves in the main hall, the guards posted outside the doors whispered something to each other, of what I had no inkling. After what seemed only minutes, loud yelling exuded from the chamber. Both guards quickly pressed their ears to the door. After a moment, the guard to the left frowned and, with a quick motion, handed over a handful of silver florins to the other guard. Within the moment, Algirdas stormed out, and screamed over his shoulder, “How DARE you insult my being! You demean my faith, brand me a fool, and then demand that I abscond to your terms! The Rus may have granted you freedom, but would with it instead show your incompetence!” Voislavov did not return the remark, but instead replied “and a good day to you sir”. At this Algirdas turned beet red, and with I must say rather forceful insistence, grabbed me and marched out of the villa. Within a day he returned with a small army to seize the holdings of Voislavov, who had promptly fled with his retainers to Ryazan.

In the year 1090 Prince Algirdas came to age, and was given a bodyguard. He was by many considered strange and incredibly gullible, which may explain the unfortunate incident in the year 1092. During a rather nasty blizzard, the Prince and his guard had become estranged from the rest of the army from Vilnius on its way to meet the Duke. When the Dukes men found him, only the Prince and 8 of his men had been spared. It seemed that bandits had waylaid them during the storm, killing many, but taking just as many in return. The prince himself had suffered many wounds from both bow and sword, and if not for his bodyguard, would have surely perished. Enraged, The Duke ordered his men to scour the country for the brigands, but all clues pointed north to the Byelorussian controlled Smolensk. When it was discovered that the thieves had been member to the royal house in Smolensk, Grand Duke Algirdas stormed in on a council meeting with 160 of his best men, and quickly executed those who resisted. Those who had not resisted faced trail, and if found guilty by their own countrymen, for he held the trails public, were promptly executed upon the spot.

But not all greeted the Duke with welcome. The only surviving member of the Royal House of Smolensk, Shuba Pavlov, led men into open revolt. Pavlov had been the court’s page and emissary, and was an incompetent commander at best. He had also foolishly announced his revolt to the public to gather support, but few responded to his call. This allowed a messenger to be sent to Lord Duamantas, the new Prince of Chernigov, and he aided his lord with amazing celerity, considering the vast distances, and arrived on the battlefield many hours early. Although they were outnumbered, Algirdas held his ground. The rebels approached first with their skirmishers. Duamantas charged into their front, disrupting their ranks with his Bajorija. He quickly withdrew as a rain of arrows fell upon the enemy, and then promptly charged again. But he was unable to pull out again, as Slavic warriors quickly surrounded him. The woodsmen that Duamantas had brought with him proved invaluable in freeing the trapped prince, as the charged with screams into the flanks of their enemy, their axes wreaking terrible havoc. Algirdas then skirted the melee, and quickly engaged Pavlov and his men, who where mere archers, in attempt to quickly end the battle. This move left his archers unprotected, but it proved baseless, as Pavlov lost the will to fight when he learned what he had asked of himself. He turned and ran, along with all his men, who where each summarily captured. Only 19 of the two duke’s men paid with their lives and with the trail and handing over of Pavlov to the mob, peace returned to the Lithuanian Kingdom. The Grand Duke, in a fit of kindness that belied his paganism, released those who had taken up arms against him, which totaled some 190 men.

Over the years, The Grand Duke quickly sealed many an alliance with his neighbors, but the one he truly invested his energy into was with the Kievian Rus. Jogiala, the courts emissary, had been for many years unable to seal an alliance with the Grand Prince, who in turn always demanded that Algirdas make war upon the heathen Volga-Bulgars. Algirdas was hesitant, but it was only with the advice of Prince Kestutis, the Dukes second son who had come of age in 1098, that the alliance papers were finally sealed. Kestutis was extremely charismatic, but it was countered by his utter lack of knowledge and tendency towards bull-headedness. He was though, able to convince Grand Prince Vsevolod of the Kievians that an alliance would be in his best interest. The agreement was simple; allow worship of the Lithuanian gods within Rus lands, and the Lithuanians would in turn agree to fight off both the Bulgars and Cumans. The treaty was sealed in November of 1100, upon the 24th.

By 1102, the Duke had gathered the best of his men, and marched into Ryazan. Although the numbers were in the ruler of the Bulgars, Khan Subudai, training and quality were not. Since the enemy fielded many horse archers, I was escorted to a safe distance away from the actual fighting, so exact records of bravery and cowardice could not be recorded. Nonetheless, the Khan put is men in three rows upon a gentle slope, with forest upon either side. As Algirdas and his men approached they cam under fire from the Bulgarian horse archers, and quickly returned a concentrated hail of arrows upon the horse archers, dismounting several. The bulgars began with an initial cavalry charge into the Lithuanian ranks, but which was countered by the stout sergeants of Lithuania, fresh from the training grounds of Vilnius. When the cavalry pulled back, the sergeants displayed their discipline when they held formation. Irritated that his shock charge had not worked, Subudai ordered his infantry, which I believe are referred to as “kursybays”, charged the ranks of the sergeants. They never reached them, as 2 regiments each of men-at-arms and woodsmen met them headlong at the foot of the hill. A slaughter ensued, in which the kursybays, totaling 3 regiments, were summarily split in the middle, allowing the sergeants to pour through the center. Subudai, forced to use the remainder of his cavalry, wheeled his heavy cavalry for a charge into the flank of the spread out sergeants, while his lesser cavalry charged from the front. It too ended in disaster, as Algirdas, along with Duamantas and Prince Algirdas, charged into the flank of the Khan himself. In a spasm of terror, Subudai fled for his life, leaving a tattered army and his own son to pay for his cowardice. 143 Lithuanians of the original 528 are fallen, but for the enemy, whose number would be hard to replace, 326 had fallen, with 80 captured, including the brave and defiant Prince Temudur, who after his fathers show of colors, had managed to rally the army and fight on, however hopelessly. Again, Algirdas released them, believing that a foe once defeated was forever defeated by his own conscience.

But although the battle went well, diplomatic relations went another way. Novgorod, angered that their allies the Lithuanians had attacked the Volga-Bulgars, sent the Lithuanian envoy packing from his winter palace, which was summarily stripped of all possessions, then burned to the ground. Sweden though had an entirely different agenda. Although the letter sent was of apparently docile nature, it said in no uncertain terms that unless Lithuanian converted to Catholicism, there would be severe consequences, and that Sweden, and all “catholic brethren” would be unable to support the Grand Dukedom. By 1105, it became clear what influence Sweden held. All catholic kingdoms that had previously held Lithuanian in good esteem sent the Lithuanian ambassadors from the royal grounds in disgrace. Lands that Lithuania once held as gifts from Bohemia and the Holy Roman Empire were seized, Poland refused to entreat any emissaries, going so far as to threaten them with death if they so touched the doorstep, and the Hungarians had attempted to assassinate Prince Kestutis. Only the alliance with Kiev and Vsevolod had truly held, and in a most eloquent and and stirring reply to Algirdas’s inquiries, “I’ll not let one catholic set a foot past Volyhnia, and any that should shall be in want of one.”

A rather tragic event happened during the next year. In attempt to heal the growing rift between Lithuania and it’s neighbors, Prince Algirdas launches an invasion without authorization into the Volga-Bulgarian capital. Having Hired mercenaries to do the job, they are met once again by the brave Temudur. Temudur led Prince Algirdas’ men on a frantic chase through the plains, and when they became exhausted, surrounded them and crushed them. I can’t report the specifics, as I was not there, but Temudur returned the favor the Grand Duke had given him, returning Prince Algirdas with a modest fee. Prince Vytuatas, who had only just matured, was the one to receive his older brother. A quiet man, Vytuatas keeps his own counsel, respects the thought of others, and is one of the most contemplative men I have known. He is quick to action though, and keeps his fathers streak of pride and anger, but is more willing to listen to those who differ from him. He would make an excellent monk, and I have taken the time to teach him about God. He is very patient with me, and listens to all my arguments, but always returns back to talking of his schooling, which the Grand Duke has commanded me to do, given the last tutors’ failures.

1108 was a tragic year, for many reasons. The first was the meeting with King Inge of the Swedes. He had brought his royal family with him, and had entreated the Grand Duke to council. The Grand Duke though was busy making preparations for the attack on Bulgar castle with Prince Vytuatas, and so it was Prince Kestutis who received him. King Inge offered an alliance, on the notion that the Lithuanians would make war upon the Novgorod Rus, who at the moment were in discussions with Lithuanian emissaries about renewing their alliance. Kestutis tried to reason his way out with the Swedish King, but Inge would have none of it. After a furious match of voices, King Inge stormed out of the hall, and within hours had 420 men assembled. Kestutis managed to assembly some 850 troops before Inge arrived, but the battle would not be won with numbers. Inge had the finest in training for his men, and a good number carried armor made of Spanish steel. Most of Kestutis army were poorly equipped and trained, but were exceptionally brave. This was to prove decisive. Kestutis positioned himself in standard formation, using a forest upon his left flank to anchor him. The Swedes sent a small cavalry force to flank upon the right, but Kestutis caught them off guard and slaughtered them to a man. Among them were two of five of King Inges sons. Enraged, King Inge sent his landsmenn hurling into the center of the Lithuanian formation. Woodsmen and Men at Arms met them just in front of the line of Sergeants. It was an unholy battle, as for every one Swede killed, 5 Lithuanian men died. King Inge himself galloped in to the fight and began a most terrible carnage amongst the woodsmen. When all hope seemed lost, when the sun looked as if to be swallowed by a terrible blizzard, Prince Kestutis charge out of the gathering mist of white and red, and having dealt with the last of the King of Swedes sons, charged in to the rear of King Inges men. The Vikings, tired of fighting so, ran. Most of them tripped and fell of the very warriors they had killed, and were quickly captured. King Inge himself escaped, along with his crossbowmen, but his sons were not so lucky. All but Prince Erik had died upon the plain, and when he was returned to his father, found that he had been “converted”, and now worshipped the Lithuanians Pagan gods. It was quickly hushed, but the damage was done. Prince Erik could not inherit the throne, and King Inge was past his prime. Over 500 Lithuanians had perished, for a mere 240 Swedes, and many a regiment had few then 20 men, and the battle would have been lost if not for their bravery and brilliance of Kestutis.

On the other end of Lithuanian Dukedom, Vytuatas sent me a report on the outcome of the campaign against the bulgars. It appears that, with some hired help, Vytuatas was able to crush the Bulgars in a stunning victory in which no Lithuanian man fell. The bulgars, after a few skirmishes upon the lines, quickly retreated to bulgar castle. They were in siege, and were not expected to last the winter. But he sent me the most terrible news; Grand Duke Algirdas, after a long night with Vsevolod and Grand Prince Mikhail of the Novgorod, fell ill and died. Prince Mikhail sent sympathies, and it was rumored that Vsevolod grieved openly. Mikhail would send another emissary as soon as he could to discuss terms with the new Grand Duke of Lithuania. It should have been Prince Algirdas, but on the way back, a terrible sickness ran through the men, and claimed the prince and several others. As such, with the help of Vytuatas, Prince Kestutis was crowned Grand Duke Kestutis the Bold on Dec 7th, 1108. Long may be remembered Grand Duke Algirdas the Just!

Bregil the Bowman

10-01-2007, 23:55

Lithuania - an interesting choice. My mum was telling me the other day that Lithuanian history is quite fascinating, I must find out more.

Bamff - good read as ever, looking forward to instalment 3.

Sensei Warrior

10-02-2007, 00:06

Some 260 Irish corpses litter the field after the Irish force withdraws. Only 9 Picts are lost. Prince Angus has won a stunning victory indeed.

Amazing, simply amazing. It always feels good to rock out a battle like that. Well written as always bamff, YLAC, and Bregil. This thread is feast or famine. They seem to all come at once.

Bregil the Bowman

10-05-2007, 23:53

Part Four of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

A Host of Troubles

Into the midst of the Danish-Egyptian war on the steppe came Ogodai, Khan of the Golden Horde, and his thousands of Mongol warriors. His immense army swept the Egyptian defenders from the steppe with ease, seizing both Khazar and Volga-Bulgaria without facing any real opposition. Where the Khan chose to go next was the question to be answered – if south, to the rich trade ports and farmlands of Anatolia and the Levant, then this would be a challenge for the Egyptian Sultan to face. If west, across the Dneiper into Kiev and the fields of the Ukraine, it would be the Danes who faced a battle for survival.

King Harald was never to know the outcome of this choice. Aged 56, he had been a vigorous and healthy warrior, but as age and illness forced him to become less active, his appetites and indulgences quickly overcame him. Over the autumn months of 1231, confined to his bed by crippling rheumatism, he grew incredibly fat – in the manner of his great-great uncle – and by Michaelmas there were many who said the goose would be ready for the table by Christmas. So it proved, for after an indulgent feast on St Stephen’s night, Harald suffered a seizure and died. He followed his father and grandfather to an early grave, and left his son Hardeknud, aged 7, as his sole heir.

But matters were complicated by the death of the Queen’s brother, Brian the Bold of Sicily, earlier in the year. Brian had died heirless and now his realm collapsed into anarchy. Queen Valeria had taken her son to Syracuse to have him declared King of the Sicilies, an authority that extended no further than the boundaries of his palace. The rebels controlled Sicily itself; Valeria and her son were effectively besieged; and Denmark needed a King. Prince Olaf, the boy-king’s uncle, stepped into the role of regent, but by the Spring of 1232 it had proved necessary for him to be declared King in his own right. As a concession to the rightful succession he agreed to adopt his nephew and make him his heir. This arrangement was complicated by the fact that Sweyn, Olaf’s own son (and the grandson of a Holy Roman Emperor) was several years older than Hardeknud and therefore likely to stake his own claim.

While these events unfolded, Pedro of Spain made his first move against Denmark. Despite dynastic rivalries (the Danish princes being descended from the now defunct House of Aragon), Harald had taken great steps to maintain cordial relationships with Spain. Olaf had not courted Spanish favour so readily – he had been the favourite grandson of Violante of Aragon, and as a close friend of King Stephen of England had openly favoured intervention against Spain on England’s behalf. His succession prompted a sea battle for control of the Channel. Though the Danish ships survived the attack, sinking the Spanish raiders, the damage was done. Not only were profitable Spanish ports unavailable for trade, but the Spanish fleet in the Strait of Gibraltar was able to close the Mediterranean to Danish shipping. Spain had struck a first hammer blow.

Olaf the Warrior King

The Danish response was fierce and decisive, as might be expected from a warrior of Olaf’s record. His younger brother Knud was sent to lead an army of 1833 men into Lorraine, with the intention of shortening the border with the Spanish empire. Pedro I decided to reinforce Lorraine in person, bringing the total of defending forces to 2158. Both armies contained a good mix of troop types, the Spanish fielding troops of jinettes as their key troops and the Danes having both knights and huscarles at the core of the attacking force. Pedro adopted a defensive line against a forest edge, much as Olaf had done in Mecklinburg, but failed to properly protect the archers on his flank. Knud’s cavalry swept round the Spanish right, while his sword- and axe-armed infantry rushed the lines of Spanish spearmen. The fighting was intense – Danish losses totalled 251, while 298 Spaniards were killed – but the Danes gained the upper hand and captured 404 men in the rout. More than this, Knud was able to isolate the Spanish king on the battlefield, where Pedro and his household knights put up a fierce fight – Knud’s own knights suffered heavy losses – before they were overcome. Pedro went down fighting, he and his knights accounting for a good proportion of Danish losses, but with his death the battle was effectively over.

Another ruler to take personal charge of the battle against the Danes was Khan Ogodai, who chose to cross the Dneiper and capture Kiev before directing his forces southward. Kiev was defended by an obscure steppe chieftain who had adopted the Danish name Olaf Guddrodson. Though outnumbered badly, his army had the advantage of defending a bridge battle, and moreover had obtained some mercenary gunners equipped with an organ gun. Ogodai’s first sally across the bridge was blown to pieces and quickly routed. Ogodai himself rode in to rally his troops, engaging in a fierce fight with a company of Rus spearmen and huscarles. As the attack faltered, Ogodai was dragged from his horse and taken prisoner. Despite wave after wave of Mongols trying to storm the bridge – so many that the Danes feared they would run out of arrows to slay them – the defenders did not falter. For the loss of just 168 men, Olaf and his men killed 1252 invaders and ransomed another 77 – among them the Great Khan.

The year was not one of unbroken victories, however. In Bohemia, the experienced Prince Erik was charged with defending the province against a Hungarian army led by Sir Hideg Balint and including a Hungarian heir, Prince Istvan. The Hungarians had the advantage of numbers (1015 against 727) and a greater number of mounted troops. The Danes had the advantage of defending a ridge, with huscarles occupying a wood on the left flank. However, Erik made the fatal error of not defending higher ground to his right. Realising that Prince Istvan was about to exploit this mistake, Erik led his personal following out to intercept the Hungarian knights. In the fight that followed, the Hungarians got the better of things and Erik was killed. With that, his army lost heart and fell back on Prague, with great loss. It was a defeat that opened up the German heartland to Hungarian attack at a time that Denmark needed every man to fight on other fronts.

During Harald’s reign, the Danes had managed to seize control of several Mediterranean islands – Corsica, Crete, Rhodes and Cyprus. Inspired by the Hellenic rising that had shattered the Byzantine empire, and the collapse of the Sicilian hegemony, these islanders now rose up in revolt against their weakened masters. Olaf had indeed inherited a sea of troubles. His comfort was that his young opponent, Felipe of Spain, had problems of his own, not least that the Danish fleets were fast acquiring mastery of the sea, forcing him to maintain his defences in every coastal territory.

Victory or Death

1233 saw the battles of the previous year repeated. In Kiev, Prince Valdemar (the King’s half-brother) took charge of the defences against the Mongol warrior Tobu. A vast army of 4500 warriors tried the crossing of the Dneiper once more. The defending army, a third the size, once more used the narrow crossing as a killing zone. At first all went as planned. The first assault was beaten back and Tobu himself killed. Each successive wave met the same fate. But the Mongol archers also took a heavy toll of the defenders, and the Prince soon became aware of another threat – that as the Mongol skirmishers spread out they would discover a second crossing upstream. In order to prevent this happening, Valdemar himself led a diversionary attack, driving the Mongols off the bridge and back across the steppe. Eventually Valdemar was beaten back with heavy losses on each side, but he succeeded in his objective – the Mongols returned to their attack on the defended bridge. By nightfall the Danes had lost more than a third of their men, but Mongol losses were worse – 1759 killed and 269 captured.

In Bohemia, the Danish garrisons of the surrounding states scratched together an army of sufficient size to see off the invaders and relieve the siege of Prague. Recognising the Hungarian superiority in archers, they attacked under cover of a storm – whereupon the besiegers, fearing they would be overwhelmed in hand-to-hand fighting, escaped into Hungary without loss.

King Olaf himself led an army against Friesland, expecting fierce opposition from the enormous Spanish army gathering there, but in fact managed to seize the territory without a fight. The Spanish army had gone south, to Lorraine, where Olaf’s brother Knud would have to endure a fierce fight to secure that vital piece of ground.

The invasion of Lorraine was led by Don Diaz de Haro, the epitome of Spanish chivalry and probably the best battlefield commander of the age. His army numbered 4000 and included the latest developments in arbalests and crossbows as well as a good stock of artillery. They crossed the Maas below Liege where a choice of bridges was available, forcing Knud to divide his 1500 defenders between the two. The fighting was intense throughout the day, and the Danes scored the first advantage when Don Diaz was killed leading his men to the attack. A number of counter-attacks to clear the artillery from the far bank and prevent crossbowmen from harassing the defenders ended disastrously for the Danes, resulting in 490 casualties, including irreplaceable huscarles. But Spanish losses amounted to 1097 killed and 562 captured, a heavy butcher’s bill indeed, and the Danes were able to continue their siege operation in Lorraine.

In Rhodes and Cyprus, a concerted effort was made to destroy the rebels and maintain control of those islands. Everywhere else, the garrisons were forced to retreat to their fortresses and await relief.

Olaf was struck ill in the Winter of 1233, and many feared that there would again be a crisis of succession – but he recovered to lead an attack on Flanders the next Spring. 1234 would see more crucial battles, and the Danish King knew he could ill afford to lose even a single one of them.

Martok

10-09-2007, 16:53

Another excellent entry, Bregil! May the Danes weather the crisis facing them! ~:cheers:

Bregil the Bowman

10-10-2007, 22:57

Part Five of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

Four Fronts

Denmark was fighting wars on four fronts. In the West, she was driving Spanish forces out of Flanders, Wessex and Germany, and fighting to keep open the trade routes to the Mediterranean. In the East, the Golden Horde threatened to pour across the Volga and the Dneiper and lay waste to all. In the South, Danish forces has driven Hungarian invaders out of Bohemia and now launched retaliatory attacks against Hungary and Carpathia. And in the islands of the Mediterranean, rebels laid siege to the garrisons of Corsica and Crete.

Under the King Christoffer I, Denmark had grown into a mighty realm that stretched from the Baltic to the Black Sea, but its dependence on trade and the cost of the armies needed to protect such a realm made it something of a fragile giant. Harald, his eldest son, had done much to strengthen the realm, but had failed in one important task – to provide an undisputed heir to the kingdom. Olaf, his second son, had inherited the beleaguered realm, with his younger brothers Knud and Valdemar as able lieutenants in Lorraine and Kiev respectively. Another brother, Erik, had been killed when the Hungarians had invaded Bohemia, a grievous loss to his family and to his nation.

1234 promised to be a year of great battles, and Olaf could ill-afford to lose any of them.

Flanders and England

His own part in the campaign went successfully. His armies marched into Flanders unopposed, the Spanish abandoning this rich province in to the weight of Danish arms. The first test was to come in Wessex. The Spanish commander of the London garrison was Don Diaz de Haro, a younger relative of the mighty knight of the same name killed in Lorraine a year earlier. He was popular with the city fathers of London – who were resentful of Danish dominance of the North Sea trade - and like his uncle he had the reputation of a puissant and peerless knight. Under his leadership the somewhat ordinary garrison was transformed into an awesome fighting force that offered a real threat to the besieging army. Despite the gulf in numbers – 529 against 1929 – Don Diaz knew that if he could break the first ranks of the besiegers, he could win the battle.

The besiegers, led by Lord Svertingsson, knew this and determined to blunt the Spanish attack. Svertingsson deployed both a catapult and an organ gun in the hope of shaking Spanish morale before the armies came to blows, but the Don’s attack veered to the left in such a way that the gun could not be brought to bear. More effective for the defenders were the mercenary longbowmen fighting alongside them – evidence perhaps that outside London, English sympathies lay more with the Danes than with the Spaniards. Realising that a stand-off battle favoured the defenders more, Don Diaz threw himself and his royal knights at the weakest point in the Danish line – a troop of mercenary halberdiers, spread in a line only two ranks deep. But the mercenaries held on long enough for Lord Svertingsson to commit reserves to their rescue – axe-wielding huscarles and his own knights – while elsewhere his troops engaged the advancing Spaniards with gusto, using the width of their line to wrap around the Spanish flank. It was the Don’s fate that decided the battle, brought down like so many opposing generals by a two-handed Danish axe. With him dead, the battle became a slaughter, with Lord Svertingsson curbing his men’s enthusiasm to pursue the defeated army only because he knew that the London garrison was already short of supplies – and would therefore surrender soon.

Vengeance for Erik

Lord Sturlasson was put in charge of the expeditionary force that crossed from Poland and Moldavia into Carpathia, where Prince Laszlo of Hungary was waiting with a force of 1600. The Danes had a 3:2 numerical advantage, and as in Bohemia the year before they elected to take a direct approach, advancing under cover of a storm to engage with the enemy rather than exchanging shots with the Hungarian horse archers. Laszlo anticipated this approach and realising his danger elected to withdraw to the mountains, breaking his army into small bands so they could cross into Hungary where his brother, King Geza, had mustered a more substantial army.

Unfortunately for Laszlo, this army had already fought and lost a battle against Lord Svertingsson and the army advancing from Bohemia. Geza had marshalled his troops well and inflicted heavy losses on the invaders, but Svertingsson’s dogged determination had won the day and despite losses being more or less even, it was the Danes who won the day. Among the slain was the king’s brother Istvan – the Danes had avenged Prince Erik. Geza and most of his men escaped south to Croatia, but Laszlo’s army was captured in the hills and ransomed at huge cost.

The Golden Horde

In Crimea, a small portion of the Golden Horde was enough to drive the garrison back to Sebastapol, where they would await relief from Prince Valdemar’s army in Kiev. In the islands of Corsica and Crete, the garrisons were assaulted by the rebels, and though they acquitted themselves with courage, they could not hope to withstand the overwhelming odds against them.

Lorraine

It was in Lorraine that the most critical battle of the year took place, where Prince Knud and his besieging army were again attacked by an enormous force drawn from all the bordering provinces – including most of the Flanders garrison. It was to prove a real test for the Prince, and one to which he rose magnificently. Though heavily outnumbered, he had been reinforced with numerous mercenaries, including English longbows, pavise arbalesters and Faris, and a troop of Royal Knights under the Earl of Norway had been sent to his aid. Using these forces carefully, Knud was able to break the first wave of the attackers and then crush them before they could be reinforced. Using his cavalry, he was able to harass each attack before it reached the Danish line and then punish it as it retreated. The devastating firepower of his crossbows, arbalests and longbows meant that no Spanish attack, even those centred on Royal Knights, was able to seriously challenge the Danish defences. It was a Spanish disaster that left 842 dead and 838 prisoners. The Danes lost 145 men.

Consolidation and Survival

At sea, Denamrk also enjoyed considerable success, clearing the seas of Spanish ships. Only in the Adriatic were King Geza’s ships able to score an unlikely victory over the Danes – a temporary respite given overwhelming Danish superiority in the Mediterranean, but important as a means of preventing an attack by sea on Croatia and Serbia.

The following year saw more success. Castle Groeningen in Friesland finally surrendered, followed by the garrisons of London and Lorraine. In the Crimea, Valdemar was able to reinforce the garrison, Khan Ogodai taking personal charge of the siege but proving unable to prevent a company of sergeants creeping past his cordoning forces (and indeed losing some of his personal attendants to crossbow bolts as he attempted to intercept them).

Lord Masson, the Grand Duke of Livonia, had been despatched to watch the borders of Muscovy and Chernigov, though he had spent much of his time helping the peasants there to turn their evil grain-based liquors into something approaching a palatable vodka – and enjoying some success. He was awoken from this hazy quietude by the news that a Mongol army of more than 2000 was on its way to Chernigov. By mustering every man available, he scraped together an army of nearly 1500 to oppose them, though some troops were of doubtful or untested quality.

The presence of two bridges across the Volga at Kazan obliged Lord Masson to divide his forces, although the Mongol leader showed no inclination to mirror this decision. The attack focused on the southernmost crossing, defended by a company each of feudal sergeants, huscarles and javelinmen. Even before they reached the bridge the Golden Horde came under attack from the Danish artillery – a mangonel set up in line with the bridge, and a catapult between the two bridges. As they crossed they ran a gauntlet of arrows and bolts from Lord Masson’s archers, and finally they engaged with the spears of the sergeants while a barrage of javelins swept over them. Despite heavy losses the Mongol heavy cavalry might have pressed on but for the intervention of the huscarles, whose hand-to-hand prowess in the confined area of the bridge eventually broke the Mongol resolve. The enemy general was slain, and the attack faltered.

Successive waves tried the alternate tactics of shooting and charging the Danish line, but each more than met its match. An attempt was made on the northern bridge by the Mongol horse archers, but this was driven off with ease. As usual, the main fear of the defenders was that they would run out of arrows before the attack failed, but by carefully managing his defensive lines Lord Masson ensured this did not happen.

As the Mongols fled the field, the Danes counted 1010 slain, with 256 of their own men dead – mostly to arrows, and many of them huscarles, sad to say. Only 62 prisoners had been taken, an indication of how bitter the fighting on the bridge had been. Losses of 4:1 suggested the Golden Horde might be hard pressed to maintain a war of attrition with the Danes, but there was no doubt that the defence of the eastern provinces remained a problem, particularly with the Crimea in enemy hands.

Faced with overwhelming odds, King Geza of Hungary abandoned Croatia to the invading forces of Lord Svertingsson. The garrisons of Hungary and Carpathia served to impede Danish progress to the Adriatic coast, but the Hungarian position was becoming increasingly precarious.

A Most Valiant King

Olaf III had brought Denmark success on the battlefield, often in the most difficult circumstances, and his reputation as a warrior prince was reinforced by his legacy as a victorious king. Sadly, his reign was to be cut short by a fever before he had quite completed his fourth year as king, yet another Ericsson taken before his time.

History would remember him unfairly as a man who shocked the Christian establishment in so many ways: firstly by marrying his sister to a Turkish Muslim; secondly, by reaffirming the right of the King to appoint bishops and deacons against the wishes of the Church; thirdly, by openly acknowledging his homosexuality and flaunting his male lovers in court. On two counts, the accusations are unfair: the marriage of Berengaria to Osman had been arranged by Harald before his death; and the collapse of genuine Papal authority in Rome gave Olaf a stark choice between allowing the German Emperor to make appointments or making them himself.

As to the third, it was unlikely that a man of Olaf’s honesty and courage would keep his sexuality a secret when freed from the restrictions of clerical and secular authority. The modern historian might well applaud his stance; later Church chroniclers were shocked and outraged. By all accounts his contemporaries paid the matter little heed. His open and approachable manner, his uncompromising courage and his competent rule made him a popular monarch. If some wags suggested he was both the best King and the best Queen Denmark had known, it was an affectionate jest. Where it mattered, Olaf III had proved himself no less a man than any other King of Denmark.

ULC

10-11-2007, 05:24

Originally posted by Bregil the Bowman

If some wags suggested he was both the best King and the best Queen Denmark had known, it was an affectionate jest.

:laugh4: :laugh4: :laugh4: :laugh4:

Ah that was good, one of the best parts... :laugh4: :laugh4:

I'll have the Second and Third parts of my Lithuanian campaign up by friday. If you haven't noticed, I decided that to try an interesting take on my history; Each "chapter" (or two! Depends on how long lived they are!) will be "written" by a different "historian", thus allowing me access to many viewpoints. What do you think?

bamff

10-11-2007, 05:57

I'll have the Second and Third parts of my Lithuanian campaign up by friday. If you haven't noticed, I decided that to try an interesting take on my history; Each "chapter" (or two! Depends on how long lived they are!) will be "written" by a different "historian", thus allowing me access to many viewpoints. What do you think?

Hey nice idea, YLaC - I wish I had thought of that! I look forward to parts 2 and 3....and will attempt to get my latest instalment up as well, for what it is worth..

Bregil, wonderful write up yet again. :2thumbsup:

Bregil the Bowman

10-11-2007, 22:27

I'll have the Second and Third parts of my Lithuanian campaign up by friday. If you haven't noticed, I decided that to try an interesting take on my history; Each "chapter" (or two! Depends on how long lived they are!) will be "written" by a different "historian", thus allowing me access to many viewpoints. What do you think?

Sounds good to me YLaC - I await your post with bated breath! :2thumbsup:

Sensei Warrior

10-12-2007, 01:16

As to the third, it was unlikely that a man of Olaf’s honesty and courage would keep his sexuality a secret when freed from the restrictions of clerical and secular authority. The modern historian might well applaud his stance; later Church chroniclers were shocked and outraged. By all accounts his contemporaries paid the matter little heed. His open and approachable manner, his uncompromising courage and his competent rule made him a popular monarch. If some wags suggested he was both the best King and the best Queen Denmark had known, it was an affectionate jest. Where it mattered, Olaf III had proved himself no less a man than any other King of Denmark.

Nicely done yet again Bregil. I liked the spin, very well done.

bamff

10-12-2007, 05:26

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Picts
~ A VI campaign on “Hard” - Standard Unit Size~

Chapter 3 – Peace in Our Time …well, for the most part anyway…
(851 - 870)

Bells tolled throughout the kingdom of the Picts in late 850 to celebrate the victory in Brega, and the following year, the kingdom had further reason to rejoice. Prince Castantin was to wed Princess Eormengild of the Saxons. King Drust had achieved two aims by arranging this union. First and foremost was an alliance with the southern kingdom of the Saxons. Second was a deflection of the rumours that persisted about the young Prince’s preference for the company of young boys. With Castantin now wed, Drust fervently hoped that such rumours were put to rest. If the union failed to produce children, Drust’s chamberlain had already taken steps to ensure that the blame would be placed upon the Saxon princess rather than on Castantin – but King Drust hoped that such unpleasantness could be avoided. In the time that Eormengild had spent in Monoth, Drust had warmed to the fair haired Saxon Princess, and likewise had she to her father-in-law to be. “No,” thought Drust, “If it should come to that, another way must be found.”

As fate would have it, ‘another way’ was indeed to present itself some time hence.

This was a happy time for the Picts, a time of peace and prosperity. The new territories in Ireland were allowing the treasury to increase despite the fact that King Drust VIII had increased both the pace and scope of his impressive public works campaign. With his people happy, and his borders secure, Drust saw fit to sheath his sword – for the time being at least – and peace reigned for some seven long years.

By 858, however, Drust had become acutely aware of rumblings of discontent from within the ranks of his generals. In Drust’s own mind this was not entirely unreasonable, nor was it altogether unexpected. To some degree he was surprised that it had taken this long to manifest itself. As he noted to his sons Angus and Castantin, “If you train a hound to hunt, you must on occasion let him run down a boar or he will turn on the cattle of your own herd.”

And so it was that in the summer of 858, the war drums and horns once again announced that the Picts were on the march. A great column of men marched westwards to the independent province of Cyil. The self appointed King of the Strathclyders, Olav Fitzduncan had repeatedly refused to swear allegiance to the Pictish crown. Whilst Drust could ignore this display of impudence, he could not ignore Fitzduncan’s attack on Pictish merchants in late 857. As such, he was as good a target as any for Drust to set his “hounds” upon. Drust had chosen to lead this army himself, and the imposing presence of their monarch at the head of the column certainly inspired the troops.

The Battle of Beinn Mheadhonach

Olav Fitzduncan had selected the slopes of Beinn Mheadhonach upon which to meet the Pictish invader. As the Picts advanced beneath the standard of King Drust, a number of the less committed Strathclyders decided that discretion was indeed the better part of valour, and fled the field rather than face the approaching Picts.

Those that chose to stand and fight soon come to regret their decision. First they find their ranks thinned by the Pictish crossbowmen, then wave after wave of madly screaming celtic warriors burst from the cover of the forest, slicing their way through the ranks of the Strathclyders. At the same time, the beserkers of Edarrnonn the elder smash through the armoured spearmen of the Strathclyders’ left flank. The slaughter that follows is terrible to behold.

686 Strathclyders lay dead as the sun set over the field. 498 prisoners sat quietly, some clearly still in shock from the Pictish onslaught that they had somehow survived. 180 Picts were dead.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/858-Cyil-victory.jpg

The Battle of Ballamodha

Barely a year after the victory at Beinn Mheadhonach, the Pictish war drums are beating once again. This time they herald the landing of Lord Maelchon’s army on Manau. As had been the case with Olav Fitzduncan, Cynddelw ap Phillip and his Manxmen refused to accept the sovereignty of the Pictish crown, and the time had come for them to be brought to heel.

The Manx prove to be a far more potent adversary than had the Strathclyders. Cynddelw ap Phillip knows the terrain of his homeland all too well, and he puts this knowledge to good use, forcing the Picts to meet his army in the dark forests in the hills surrounding the township of Ballamodha in the central south of the island. The Manx army had successfully repelled Ragnar’s Viking army no less than twice in the past 3 years. Their experience in the field, together with the leadership of the General stands them in good stead for the coming fray.

The battle hangs in the balance for much of the day, with the Manx landsmen and carls exacting a terrible toll of the celtic warriors. Uurad’s men are slain to the very last, and but 16 of Broichan’s and Domelch’s companies of celtic warriors survive the day. All of Taran’s beserkers are killed. Eventually, it is the beserkers of Maelchon, and those under Eddarrnonn the Elder and his son Eddarrnonn the younger, who carry the day. They combine to drive the surviving Manx into open ground, where they soon fall victim to the pictish cavalry of Deort and Lord Maelchon, and the pictish mounted crossbowmen of Talorc.

For Lord Maelchon, it is a victory, but one which has been hard won in blood and bodies. Over a thousand bodies litter the mountainside – 627 Manx, and 407 Picts. 71 Manx are captured, the rest of the local army having melted away through the dense forests.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/859-manau-victory.jpg

The Birth of a Prince

With his forces so severely weakened from the battle, Lord Maelchon petitions King Drust for reinforcements to assist him in maintaing Pictish rule over Manau. This request arrives at court at the same time that grim news arrives from the south. The Saxons, recently allied with the Picts, have been defeated by the Mercians. The Saxon king is dead, and all of his lands are now in the hands of Mercia. Understandably, Princess Eormengild is distraught at the news of the demise of her family and her people. She takes comfort in the birth of a son, and the kingdom of the Picts rejoices with her. Prince Castantin continues to spend almost all of his time in the company of a young male companion, and he rarely visits his wife’s bed chamber, but notwithstanding these facts, the rumours of his sexuality cease with the birth of this child.

Only Eormengild and Drust know the truth of the matter, and none at court have as yet noted how close the King and his son’s young wife have become. "Another way" had indeed been found by Drust, Eormengild, and Castantin.

Once more, contentment and peace settle over the lands of the Picts. The hard pressed Northumbrians, now fearful of also falling under the Mercian heel, petition King Drust for peace. The Pictish king accepts this truce in 865.

War with Denmark

King Drust had reigned for almost 30 years, and indeed had achieved much during his time as Monarch. Sadly that time ran out in the year 866. Angus is crowned at the age of 45 years. He is the second Pictish king of that name, and is determined to be remembered as the greatest.

Almost immediately upon Angus ascending to the throne, the Vikings break their long standing alliance with the Picts by launching at attack on Cumbria. The raiding party is slaughtered to a man. Angus is furious. He orders his sea captains to destroy Danish ship wherever and whenever they find them. A serious of vicious naval battles ensues, with the Danish fleet suffering crippling defeats in all encounters.

The Mercians are still on the march, and in the summer of 869 they annexe the province of Dere. At the same time, Mercian emissaries are in Monoth, proposing an alliance between the peoples of Mercia and the Picts. King Angus II accepts. Nechtan the Chamberlain proudly flourishes the treaty document, announcing “Peace in our time.”

He is to be proved to be tragically mistaken.

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1675822&postcount=1164
Chapter 2 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1693384&postcount=1185

Ludens

10-12-2007, 23:22

Nechtan the Chamberlain proudly flourishes the treaty document, announcing “Peace in our time.”
~:thumb:

seireikhaan

10-25-2007, 17:10

Okay, I decided to abandon my Venetian game, and so I've started a new game as France, with the XL v. 3.0 mod.

Reign of Philippe I, King of France

In the year of 1080 of our lord, King Philippe I had ascended to the crown of France. On the day of his coronation, Philippe startled the attendant nobles, however, by stating that as of the moment, France was nothing. France was a small, meager kingdom, in the shadow of the Holy Roman Empire, and of the shadow cast by William of Normandy, who had gone on to conquer much of England. Phillip went on to guarantee that by the day of his death, France would be a great power, that it would topple the Holy Roman Empire, and that it would remove English presence from the continent. The startled crowd erupted into a roar of cheers for the new King, and Philippe himself is said to have smiled for the first time in the presence of others.

Philippe would waste no time in establishing his presence. First, he sent his emissaries to the armies of the independent kingdom of Flanders, along with a sizable amount of coinage as well, to convince the local troops to not only join the French ranks, but to hand the wealthy province over as well. The emissaries came back with joyous news, the mission had been a tremendous success. The troops had indeed joined their ranks, and the Flanders was taken with little to no bloodshed. However, Philippe was not yet satisfied. He waited a few more years, gathering more capital, and sent his emissaries on another mission, this time to bring the troops of independent Brittany into the fold. Once again, French diplomacy shined, and the troops of Brittany handed the province to Philippe and joined him for greater glory as well. Philippe's next target was the independent province of Aquitaine. However, he was now rather strapped for cash from the recent diplomacy, and so he gathered a number of troops, and sent them under the leadership of his eldest son, Philippe II, to take the area by force. The troops of Aquitaine, in the face of a much larger number of troops, fell back to their fort. However, they could not last long in the meager structure, and in two years, the defenders surrendered at last. In the meantime, Philippe had gathered many alliances, including with his neighbors, the Aragonese, the English, and the Holy Roman Empire. One of his aids, during this period, asked Philippe what he was doing allying with kingdoms and Empires he had vowed to vanquish. Philippe responded, saying, "I needed to buy time while the smaller independent peoples were brought under my rule. Only a fool attempts to vanquish all of his foes at once". Additionally, Philippe had gathered alliances from several of the Holy Roman Empire's neighbors, including the Genoese, the Venetians, the Bohemians, and the Polish. The stage was set.

In the year 1092, the Holy Roman Emperor, Conrad, launched an expedition against the people of Bohemia. When asked whom he would declare allegiance to, Philippe sided with Conrad. He needed someone else to declare war on the Empire first to ensure a successful campaign. Two years later, Phillip received an envoy from the Holy Father, informing him that Conrad, the Holy Roman Emperor, was officially excommunicated from the church, citing his war against the Bohemians as the reason. The same year, Philippe also received word that his ally, the Genoese, had declared war on the Empire as well. T'was all the excuse Philippe needed. He quickly canceled his alliance with Conrad, and mobilized to invade. The next year, French forces launched invasions of Burgundy and Lorraine. Burgundy fell with little effort, as more French diplomacy had convinced a fair number of imperial troops to switch to the French cause. However, Lorraine would be another issue.

Battle of Lorraine
Philippe led the invasion of Lorraine himself, along with his youngest son, Charles. The defense was led by Prince Ludwig, a younger son of Conrad. Philippe had several hundred men, including a number of spears, foresters whom had been recruited to aid in archery, a smaller number of men-at-arms, a few militia, and, of course, Philippe's and Charles' knightly bodyguards. The battle would begin with imperial forces making the first move. They advanced on Philippe's position with several mounted crossbowmen, attempting to work on Philippe's right flank. However, they quickly fell back after coming under arrow fire from Phillip's archers. However, Ludwig, persistent, sent them once again to work on Phillip's right flank, while the rest of the imperial army formed a position farther back. The crossbows and archers dueled for quite a while, until finally, the mounted crossbows, having failed to inflict signficant casualties, fell back to the rest of the imperial army, having themselves been battered by arrow fire. And thus, Philippe could finally advance his force in earnest towards the imperial position. Much of the battle consisted of imperial and French forces sending their men into what became a pitched battle. The imperial forces would send a unit towards the French, only to be met by spears and eventually flanked by more spears. However, the imperial forces would anticipate this, and flank the flanker. Once again, however, Philippe would anticipate this, and flank the flanker of his flanker. In the end, French forces had battered the imperial troops, leaving only a few spears, the remnants of the mounted crossbows, and Ludwig himself.

Ludwig the Terrible
It was here that Ludwig, son of Conrad, would make his stand. Ludwig rode out against the by now disorganized French troops. He was one of the finest warriors of the age, famously brave and extremely skilled as well. He routed several of the depleted French units, taking on spears, militia, and men-at-arms alike. Soon, panick set in amongst the french troops, seeing this unstoppable monster shredding their army. Philippe, however, who had been hanging near the back of the battlefield so as to better issue orders, would not be defeated. He rallied his men, and called new spearmen to take on the beast. Eventually, he managed to catch Ludwig's unit with a fresh unit of spearmen. The spears wavered, but held. As this was happening, Philippe sent Charles and his guard to flank Ludgwig. Charles' unit succeed in this, and slew much of Ludwig's guard. However, a few of the guard, and Ludgwig himself, remained after the charge. These few men, driven by a force unseen, continued the rampage. They slew many a spearmen, destroyed all of Charles unit, and soon slew Charles himself. Upon Charles death, however, Philippe had no time to weep. He wheeled a unit of men-at-arms to flank Ludwig, how now stood by himself, completely alone against the French forces. The men-at-arms succeeded, only to have several of their unit slew by Ludwig. Philippe was growing worried, for much of his army had now been battered, and supplies were growing short. Additionally, his archers had run out of ammunition long ago. However, after fighting for nearly 40 minutes continously, much to Phillipe's relief, Ludwig, exhausted and surrounded, finally fell to a French blade. Ludwig the Terrible, who had nearly brought Philippe's army to the brink of destruction by himself, had fallen. For many years, the children of France would grow up hearing tales of the great monster Ludwig, and how the noble French troops, through persistence and hard work, eventually slew the beast.

Following the Battle of Lorraine, Philippe had extended his reign further east, having completely captured Burgundy, and having trapped the remaining imperial troops in Lorraine in their stronghold, with supplies soon to run out. Following the surrender of the stronghold in Lorraine, Philippe mobilized fresh troops from Ile de France, and, after organizing the troops who were to remain behind to garrison the provinces, prepared for another invasion. The new Holy Roman Emperor was trapped in Savoy, cut off from the rest of the empire, soon fell to the armies of Venice and Genoa. With the flank secured by his allies, Philippe led another excursion to the Holy Roman Empire, leading a force into Swabia himself, and organizing the troops in Burgundy to invade Switzerland and Tyrolia. All three invasions were successes, as the battered Empire, at war on all fronts, had begun to run spare on troops. Tyrolia was abandoned altogether, while the imperial troops in Switzerland fell back to their castle. The troops in Swabia also retreated to their stronghold. Philippe was now very close to the first of his goals which he had made clear to the nobles of the court in his coronation, goals which, by some, were considered foolhardy. However, here was the Holy Roman Empire, excommunicated and beset by war on all fronts, near to falling. The siege of Switzerland was going well, but the siege in Swabia was interrupted. The new emperor had gathered all his troops, in a last ditch attempt to save the besieged imperial capital, and brought enough forces that Philippe was forces to withdraw from the province, as any battle would have likely wrought too great a destruction on his forces to continue the campaign. However, unfortunately for King Philippe I of France, he would fall just short of his goals. On the journey back to Lorraine, from Swabia, Philippe fell ill. He would not recover from his illness, and at the age of 59, in 1106 of the year of our Lord, Philippe died. Although he failed in the goals he had announced in the court, for England still held Normandy and Friesland on the continent, and the Holy Roman Empire was still kicking, he had undoubtedly transformed France from a small regional power, to an entity to be reckoned with. For hundreds of years, the French people would sing of the praises for Philippe for his efforts. He had started with little, and given to his successor, Philippe II, much. The stage was set for Philippe II to complete his father's goals, to destroy the Holy Roman Empire, and to establish French hegemony in western Europe.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/Frenchkingdom1107.jpg
The provinces outlined in teal are Phillipe I's territorial gains.

Bregil the Bowman

10-25-2007, 23:34

Part Six of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

A New King

Knud was the fourth and youngest son of Christoffer I and Edith of England, and the third to become king. He was 46 and childless when he inherited the throne, which he vowed to hold in trust for his nephews Sweyn and Hardeknud. His military career had been less glorious than those of his elder brothers – against the Mortimers in Scotland he had been accused of losing men unnecessarily – but his defeat of Pedro of Spain in Lorraine and the subsequent crushing victory over the finest general of the era, Don Diaz de Haro, had established his warrior credentials satisfactorily. As a man he was generous and kind, though as a king he was a little eccentric. Like his eleventh century namesake, he was known to sit at the edge of the sea, commanding the tide to go back, though unlike his predecessor he seemed convinced that victory over the sea was in his grasp, asking his courtiers to measure the tide mark and assuring them it was a little less high each time they rescued him from the onrushing waves. He was also inordinately fond of plum jam, insisting it should be served at all royal banquets.

Such strangeness aside, Knud immediately set about the business of reinforcing his western borders against Felipe of Spain, while his half-brother Valdemar oversaw the eastern campaign against the Golden Horde.

Dynasties Tumble

The first years of Knud’s reign were to see dramatic changes in Europe. Among these was the demise of yet another European monarchy. Lord Sturlasson’s campaign in against Geza of Hungary progressed towards its inevitable conclusion in Serbia. On a lonely mountain road the two armies at last came to grips – Geza with 943 men, including what remained of the Hungarian nobility, Sturlasson with more than twice that number and no lack of quality. The battle began with some to-ing and fro-ing, Geza wanting to occupy the heights at the head of the valley and to force the Danes to come across the gap to him. Eventually Lord Sturlasson lost patience and gave him his wish, though he had managed to put his steppe cavalry on the same ridge to counter the threat of Geza’s mounted crossbows. He moved his infantry line up the slope in good order, maintaining a steady rate of fire from his crossbowmen to discomfit the defenders. The Hungarians took the bait, committing men to a downhill charge that met a solid Danish shieldwall supported by knights on horseback. Early in the fight Geza realised his Slavic infantry needed reinforcing, and drawing his sword he dashed forward on the right, surrounded by the best knights of his realm. But his own left wing was crumbling, and Sturlasson seized the chance to surround his opponent. His knights lashed their horses to get to the middle of the fight and vie for the honour of capturing the king, but in the end it was a simple soldier who, seeing an enemy unhorsed and struggling, thrust his dagger through the bars of his gilded helmet.

With the king dead, the Hungarian line lost all order, but many troops fought on bravely – the mounted crossbows continued to be a thorn in the Danish side, and the last of Geza’s royal knights fought bravely and to the death. As a battle it was over, but there were casualties on both sides as the last embers of resistance were extinguished. 207 Danes were killed, and nearly twice as many Hungarians. A large number of prisoners were taken, but no ransom would be paid, for with the death of Geza the Hungarian realm was ended. The garrison of Belgrade would hold out for another year, but the Balkans campaign was over.

An expeditionary force laid siege to Constantinople, where Sir Basil Lascaris had assumed the role of Emperor within the city limits. Sir Basil was offered a bribe to surrender the city, but delays arising from the general disorder in the province prevented the money from arriving in time. The Danish force eventually withdrew, recognising the impossibility of starving out such a tiny garrison from such a grand citadel.

Along the Dneiper and the Volga, Prince Valdemar commanded the defences against Mongol incursions. For the first time, Valdemar’s strategy failed him. Firstly, he failed to offer relief to the garrison of the Crimea, allowing General Jebu Bator the chance to assault the castle walls. Secondly, he transferred large numbers of defenders to Chernigov just as Ogodai Khan and the main force of the Golden Horde attacked Kiev…

Valdemar had a third as many men as his opponent, and two bridges to defend. He had, however, added to his army a company of chivalric sergeants from Mercia, and these Englishmen proved the most resilient force with which the intercept the Mongol attackers. Moreover, he had positioned his barrel gun beside the bridge with an excellent field of fire, and the bend of the river was such that archers on either side were unable to reach their enemies on the opposite bank. This meant that the Mongol archers could only use their bows when on the bridge itself, packed into a column and exposed to lines of arbalesters on the far banks. Valdemar also chose to place a company of Bulgarian Brigands and another of Irish Kerns behind his Englishmen, presenting a formidable obstacle to the attackers.

It was one of these Irishmen who struck the decisive blow early in the battle. With the English sergeants valiantly holding back the onslaught of heavy horsemen, Ogodai himself rode into the fight. For a moment the battle began to turn the Mongols’ way, and then a javelin struck the Khan through the chest. His fall was the signal for the first Mongol wave to turn tail and run, with arbalest bolts whistling around their ears.

As usual, the Mongols had wave after wave to send forward, but it was notable that the quality of these troops was inferior to armies the Danes had seen off before. Troops of spearmen and urban militia, mixed in with the usual footsoldiers of the Golden Horde, these solders rarely got as far as the sergeants before panic set in and they broke and ran. Only the elite cavalrymen had what it took to get to the far side, and then their lances failed to outreach the long spears of the defenders. The sheer weight of armoured men on horses pushed the English back far enough for some of them to break out and get among the defending arbalesters, but even then Valdemar’s men fought back with such vigour that the enemy was driven off. This time the Prince chose not to commit his remaining huscarles, nor to attempt any pursuit to the far side of the bridge. He was content to let the Mongols come to him and to kill them as they came. When dusk fell, the bridge and riverbanks were littered with the corpses of 1128 Mongols. Danish losses amounted to just 26.

At Sebastopol, Jebu stormed the gates under a hail of crossbow bolts, losing hundreds of men but finally capturing the keep. It was the first and last victory for the Golden Horde. Receiving news of the Khan’s death, the great confederation broke into its component parts. Jebu declared himself Khan of the Alans of the Crimea; other leaders conferred different titles upon themselves. They each commanded sufficient forces to present a threat to the civilised world, but they no longer operated as a cohesive mass.

A Brutal War

Hungary was gone, the Golden Horde was gone, and the Spanish onslaught had ground to a halt in the Low Countries and Lorraine. The threat that faced Knud was now economic, not military. Decades of war had destroyed the European economy, and for a nation dependent on trade that was disastrous. The ports of Spain and Egypt were closed to Denmark. The Mediterranean islands were in the grip of violent revolts. Italy had been ravaged by the contest between Emperor Otto’s puppet pope and the anti-pope sponsored by the Italian Doge Orsino. Knud was in no position to disband the great armies his predecessors had assembled, but no more could he afford to keep them. Despite his success in war, his battles had been largely defensive and against enemies who fought to the bitter end rather than offering ransom.

Knud therefore embarked on a new stratagem. He launched an attack on Spain – neither a war of conquest nor a defensive manoeuvre, but a war of destruction, a chevauchee aimed at plundering and devastating Spain’s economic base. For this purpose he gathered all the troops he could spare from his defensive borders and put them under the command of his brother Valdemar. It would be hard to imagine a better candidate for this role. Valdemar was a capable commander, and by nature rapacious and avaricious. It had been a source of some discontent to him that he had been assigned to the Eastern war, full of danger and with little chance of loot or ransom. The opportunity to strip the Spanish citadels of their wealth appealed to him immensely.

Valdemar’s army landed at Huelva in 1238 and marched on Cordoba via Seville. The ill-prepared Spanish defences made no effort to defend the countryside, but fell back on the walls of Cordoba at once. With King Felipe no further away than Navarre, and substantial armies in Granada and Valencia, the garrison commander was confident of relief. A lesser Danish force landed in Sardinia, with the aim of establishing the island as a launching point for Mediterranean operations.

But Felipe’s attention had gone northward, where Lord Caris and an army of over 3000 men had launched an attack on Lorraine, the crucial border province between Spanish and Danish lands. Lord Thorodson met him with an army of less than a thousand, including some tattered remnants of mercenary horse archers and mounted crossbowmen. But his force included enough foot sergeants and crossbowmen to make an effective defensive line, and mounted knights, Scottish clansmen and Irish gallowglasses to launch a counter-attack when needed.

Lord Caris was no fool and he attacked the Danish shield wall with vigour and skill. Even so, the resolute Danes were able to hold their own and pile up Spanish corpses before them. For the loss of 347 men – including a great many knights – the Danes killed 1097 Spaniards and captured another 1054. Lord Caris was among those slain. King Felipe offered no ransom for the prisoners. It was a bloody day for Spain.

The following year the Spanish launched their attack against Swabia, defended by the doughty Sir Grim Bolverksson and a force numbering just under 800. Despite having no cavalry to speak of – just the remnants of some mercenary mounted skirmishers – Sir Grim’s men put up a spirited defence against a much larger Spanish force. With a slope behind them and woods on their flanks, the Danes subjected every Spanish manoeuvre to a rain of crossbow bolts. When the direct route proved impassable, the Spanish attempted the indirect route around the Danish right, where their jinettes and sergeants came to grief against Sir Grim’s men-at-arms and a small group of Highland warriors lurking beneath the trees. For the loss of 77 men, Sir Grim captured 157 men (ransomed by their king) and killed 444 – almost half of them shot.

The Fatimids in Russia

Denmark recalled most of its troops from the eastern provinces once the threat of the Golden Horde had passed, but enough remained to challenge the pockets of Egyptian rule upon the steppe. In Pereyaslavl, Haflidhi Forkbeard defeated a strong but outnumbered Egyptian force and laid siege to the castle. After a few months had passed the impatient besiegers stormed the walls and put the garrison to the sword.

Danish forces in Chernigov pushed into Ryazan, where the Egyptian garrison was engaged with rebel forces, but when it became clear the rebels and loyalists would put aside their differences to repel outsiders, the Danes withdrew to await reinforcements.

But the map of Europe was still changing, and this tumultuous decade still had surprises to spring. In the Middle East, the legend of Prester John was about to come to life. In the west, the puppet Pope Clement was beginning to assert his authority in ways that the German Emperor and his Danish allies had not expected. And the Hellenic League that had inflicted such devastation on the Mediterranean began to review its forward progress.

Dodge_272

10-30-2007, 00:36

After spending a few turns building and reorganising the new model army, haven't done much apart from invade ireland and put down a few rebellions there, defeated the Scottish in northumbria, they're alot tougher than they look.

Dodge_272

10-30-2007, 00:39

http://ourworld.cs.com/Carledwards15/pmtw.JPG

Dodge_272

10-30-2007, 17:40

I had to start again to due applying the patch to P&MTW 1.5. Consider the Scots crushed:

http://ourworld.cs.com/Carledwards15/pmtw2.JPG

CrazyGuy

10-31-2007, 23:43

Hi everyone, reading some of the entries on this thread encouraged me to have go myself, I doubt that i'll be as good as some, but here goes...

First though, some background info. I love playing the Danes in Early but I find that my games take on the same rhythm, i.e. Within 100 turns (if that) i've crushed the HRE, gained all the Northern ports, got a full treasury and the game is essentially over. This time I decided to be completely isolationsit (with limits which I hope are explained) and only accept alliances when they come with a pretty new Princess for heirs to play with. Also, I'm playing on expert/GA/early which I've never consistently done before, which could make some later battles very interesting...

I hope everyone enjoys this, all comments are welcome (but be gentle. Also I'm having Screenshot difficulties but I'm working on it)

***

The Isolationist Danes

Olaf the Nation Builder

21 years, 21 long years had passed since the last great Viking king, the Hardrada, had died as Stanford Bridge. Since then, what? Nothing but anarchy. That was the only way to describe it. Without Hardrada the kingdom had simply fallen apart as innumerable claimants to his throne fought, killed and fought again in a seemingly endless round of blood-letting. For years it seemed that the Gods would only be sated once every Viking had passed on to paradise.

King Olaf shuddered at the memories; how many sons had lost a father? How many mothers were without a son? All that blood spilt, and for what? Nothing. What had once been a might empire, spanning the North Sea had been decimated. Olaf‘s kingdom now occupied little more than the Jutland archipelago, a wind-swept rock surrounded by hostile enemies. His authority barely passed beyond the walls of Copenhagen town.

‘Is that what comes from war and destruction?’ he thought as he stared across the bleak, inhospitable North Sea. ‘Do you truly reap what you sow? Little more than death, destruction and poverty…’ He let the thought drift off into nothingness.

“My friends,” he announced suddenly, startling the assembled landowners who were gathered around his cramped chamber, “The cost of conquering others is too great, our nation, my nation cannot withstand it. Let my decree go across the land, never again will a Dane conquer another, never will he attempt to bend another to his will. We will ignore the outside world and defend our homeland only. This is our home, and we will defend it to the death, beyond that, the world with all its death and warmongering can carry on without us. No more Danish men will needlessly die on foreign fields. This is my will, this is my decree.”

As the startled landowners left with this news to enjoy the feast the new King had provided, Olaf smiled at the irony. One of his first acts as King was to disobey his own decree. Still, he thought, ‘there are some scores that must be settled…’

His mother was a Swede, the cousin of the King of Sweden to be precise, and it was from her he derived his tenuous claim to the throne. Truth be told, it wasn’t much of a claim, but, his skill, and god’s providence, had granted him the throne. Finally, vengeance could be done.

He may have been young at the time but he still remembered the hurt and fear he had felt that night his mother had been killed. As a young male of royal blood, he had been but a pawn in the hands of others. And one day the others came for him. He remembered hiding, cold and wet in the evening rain, listening to the cries of the servants as they were cut down. He remembered the fear he felt at being taken by these strange, huge and hairy north men. He remembered the weird combination of anger and bloodlust on their faces as they trashed his home searching for his sanctuary. Most of all he remembered the screams of his proud, dignified mother as they took it in turns to rape her before killing her with a blow from their massive, blood-stained axes, laughing as they did so. He remembered the tears as well; he remembered the tears that never seemed to stop. Most importantly he also remembered the vow he took there and then to one day avenge this brutal act, to punish those Swedes who took it upon themselves to attack his home and kill his mother in front of his eyes. Those bastards must pay for what they did!

“Bring me Haengsson” he called.

***

Erik Haengsson, the new Earl of Denmark, was a big, imposing man, but even he was nervous when he saw the look on his King’s face. He had known him, and fought alongside him, for years, but the look in Olaf’s eyes still struck him as somehow inhuman.

“Erik, prepare my army, I have to claim a debt” said Olaf.

“My Lord?” replied Erik, confused by this statement.

“Are you deaf Erik? Or do I stutter? Prepare my army I said”

“What army my lord? Your mercenaries have been paid off and gone home; all that remains are my weary infantry. They have followed you for years and many battles, they have proven their loyalty, my friend, but they need a rest. If you would only wait 6 months I could train some more, but until then…”

“I’ve already waited 26 years Erik, I can wait no more” the King suddenly bellowed, filling the cramped room with his anger, “fetch me my guard. I leave first thing tomorrow.”

The cool wind felt good on his face as he paced the deck of the small ship carrying his personal guard across the Skaggerak to Sweden, to home. In his more rational moments he realised that he was being impetuous, it made more sense to wait, stabilise his new kingdom and then settle his personal grievances. But it had already been too long; it nagged at his heart day and night. He couldn’t rest until his family was avenged and the tears of a ten-year old had been dammed,

The sleepy port of Stockholm was unsure of what to make of this new King, enough pretenders had passed through its gates in recent years for this new arrival to appear mundane. Consequently there was no great parade or even acknowledgement of him as king, no notables rushed down to pay homage; no animals were slaughtered in his honour. Experience had taught these people that chances were he wouldn’t be king for long, there was no point getting excited about every pretender who came to town.

In all he spent three days in Stockholm, resting and preparing his troops for battle. On the fourth morning he prepared to ride out to face his enemy, face the men who had killed his mother. His column had only made a short distance from Stockholm when a messenger, a squire to one of his bodyguards, hurried to the front of his meagre army

“Sire, I have a message for you, it’s from Lord Haengsson.”

Impatiently, Olaf snatched the message from the boy’s hand, roughly unfurling the scroll he read the correspondence from his friend; My Lord, it will take more than bravery alone to win your battle! I have taken the liberty of rounding up the local convicts and shipping them across to you. Rest assured your kingdom is safe in my hands. Your eternal servant, Eric.

“What does this damn message mean?” Olaf demanded of the now terrified squire who physically took a step back from his intimidating monarch.

“I’m unsure sire” he stammered, “But I think it’s connected to the unit of spearmen who arrived in town just after you left.”

Olaf smiled, ‘Well, well Erik my old friend’ he thought, ‘you’ve surpassed yourself this time’.

”Philip!” he commanded one of his guards, “ride down to the docks and bring those scummy convicts back with you. We’ll need all the men we can muster. Quickly now! We’ll celebrate victory by nightfall”

As Philip rode off, Olaf marched his column slowly up the road into the wild northern forest, but he did so with a spring in his step, and renewed determination in his soul.

CrazyGuy

10-31-2007, 23:44

“Two years! Two stinking years!” the King bellowed, “We’ve been here two years to the day and what have we found? Nothing! Not one stinking rebel.” The King was talking with Sir Sweyn Jarl, the new Earl of Sweden, he had arrived with a unit of elite landsmen a year earlier, but they had yet to be tested in battle.
“Sire, we are doing our best. We have searched every scrap of forest, but whenever we get close they slip away. They’re probably over the border in Norway.”
“Norway?” The King paused. Norway was a very different proposition. “Are you sure?”
“In all likelihood Sire, my men stumbled across their camp the other day. It was completely deserted. All we found was this.”

In Sweyn’s hand was a necklace, a beautiful amber necklace shaped like a lion. It was Olaf’s family crest and proof that his mother’s killers were gone far over the border into nightmarish Norway where no laws and only the hardiest warrior could penetrate. In that moment Olaf’s fight left him. He could not avenge his mother’s death on this expedition. The tough men of Norway were too tough for his meagre band and no amount of courage could overcome this discrepancy. It made far better sense to return home to Denmark where Lord Haengsson had recently completed the border forts intended to seal Denmark off from the outside world. For the time being he had failed in his mission; it was time to give up on his personal quests. It was time to build a nation.

CrazyGuy

10-31-2007, 23:45

The next years were kind to Denmark, under the wise rule of King Olaf and his loyal lieutenants, the Danish kingdom flourished. The border forts erected years earlier had provided security against outside influences. While the acumen of Lords Haengsson and Jarl had encouraged trade to flourish and gradually Danish goods were penetrating mainland Europe. The taxes gathered from the burgeoning merchant class had provided the funds needed for Olaf to modernise the Danish army to his own specifications while providing enough left over to allow for an opulent Royal Palace. In short, King Olaf’s reign was proving itself to be one of stability and prosperity. Yet, the lack of justice still nagged at him.

At 58 the King was too old to lead a military expedition himself, the cold Northern wind had attacked his bones and given him arthritis. As good a commander as he was, he could not feasibly lead his men into battle. It was time for his heir to win his spurs. Prince Olaf had recently married a Sicilian Princess, strengthening the alliance between these two sea-faring peoples. He was patently ready for Kingship; it was time for him to gain the skills of war.

“Son,” the King addressed his heir, “My bones grow old, and every day I sense death that bit closer. It will not be long until all this is yours. But, until I can rest safely I need you to obey one last command from me.” With that, Olaf told his eldest son a story that only a select few knew and asked him to lead his troops into battle and avenge the blood-debt that still rankled with the otherwise impenetrable King.

Prince Olaf didn’t need a second invitation, boredom of court life had already forced him to take a secret mistress, and he yearned for the active campaigns that his father and his advisors often colourfully described. Without hesitation he bade goodbye to his bride and gathered the army from its barracks. Pausing in Sweden only to recruit Lord Jarl in his quest he marched bravely into wild and lawless Norway, he was ready to settle scores…

The rebellious bandits were quick to fight, their lack of civilisation meant they knew no other way and seeing the relative inexperience of Prince Olaf they were confident of their victory. Initially this confidence seemed misplaced, the skilled archers of the Prince inflicted massive casualties against two Viking units who were placed forward from the bandit leader, who had retreated behind a hill. Consequently when the lines closed the elite Viking landsmen managed to prevail in the bloody struggle which followed. However, the elite unit remained standing and without the supporting fire from the archers, the remaining rebels managed to strike as the landsmen were re-organising and re-gaining their breath. Charging down the hill they flung themselves at the nearest, and most depleted, landsmen. Chaos flashed through the relatively inexperienced Danes as the huge, battle-hardened men closed and inflicting their bloody work. These men were used to defending what they had with force of arms; they were unwilling to cede all they had to this young Prince who had yet to experience the bloody havoc that was Viking warfare. The cause soon became hopeless as man after man fled towards the Swedish border in a desperate attempt to save themselves from the deadly axes of the Norsemen. Despite the best efforts of the Prince who personally killed 5 rebels, the battle was lost and Norway remained rebel. Within two years King Olaf was dead. It was said he died of a broken heart.

Death of King Olaf I (The Nation-Builder) 1087-1113.

CrazyGuy

10-31-2007, 23:46

Prince Erik was always close to his older brother, and he knew the dreadful defeat he had suffered was a source of constant shame; the whispers of ‘runner’ at his coronation were deeply hurtful and untrue. His brother deserved a better epitaph than that. To that end he resolved, as heir to the Danish throne, to restore lustre to the family name. He had few troops, a single unit of archers was all he had with him, but that didn’t matter. He marched out that day. Courtiers smirked that he had inherited his father’s hot-headedness!

The battle was long. He was fully aware of the danger of the Norsemen in hand-to-hand combat and he was determined not to befall the same fate as his brother. Unwilling to risk direct combat he settled instead for a battle of movement. Bravely and repeatedly riding behind the enemy he distracted their attention long enough for his archers to pelt the undefended backs of the Vikings. Before long the field was a bloody mess as Norseman after Norseman fell with an arrow in his back. Consequently, when he finally allowed his guard to engage the enemy they were easily able to rout the Vikings and pursue them until, in the words of his Chronicler, Not one Norse remained alive for miles and miles and miles. The few prisoners that were taken, including the aging rebel leader and orchestrater of the attack on Olaf’s home so many years ago, were brutally slaughtered. Finally, his father could sleep easy in his grave and his grandmother had been avenged.

However, capturing Norway was one thing. Pacifying it was another. The Norse had grown used to independence and resented the imposition of a new sovereign. Within a year they had rebelled and quickly made progress from their heartlands among the impenetrable fjords. Prince Erik’s army was too small to effectively keep control over the entire country and until he could gain assistance from Lord Jarl in Sweden he was helpless. Eventually though, Sweyn Jarl, a hardy soldier arrived with his landsmen and Erik was finally ready to give battle. Taking advantage of his opponent’s military naivety, he skilfully manoeuvred his men into a strong defensive position, on a steep hill at the end of a valley. Predictably, the carnage was immense. On their approach the rebels’ Men-at-Arms were decimated by sustained arrow fire and when the Jarls’ landsmen and Erik’s few knights charged the tired, scared rebels panic soon set in, panic which quickly spread to the entire army. Soon the rebels were in full flight and made easy pickings for the now adrenaline-filled knights. Once again the prisoners were executed in the square of the capital, which seemed to bring peace to this fractious land. For the loss of only 14 men, Norway had been secured once more for the Danes.

With Scandinavia secured, Olaf I’s dream of a safe, secure, isolationist Danish kingdom could be pursued. Olaf II might have failed as a military leader; he was determined to succeed as a modern, European king.

Everyone agreed the bride looked beautiful, and if she was nervous she didn’t show it. As always in these times, a wedding involving royal blood was a political event. The Poles were eager to secure their place on the Baltic coast; a blood alliance with the Danes would secure this, while the Danes needed Polish support if the Holy Roman Empire ever turned its greedy eyes northward. Prince Sweyn, the eldest son of Olaf II, and therefore heir to the throne, stood at the altar in the recently finished Church, supposedly the finest in the North. To stave off the anxiety caused from an impending marriage to a woman he had never met, his let his mind wander to the state of the kingdom he would one day inherit.

Truth be told, the years since the pacification of Norway had been quiet. Aside from the sailing of the first Danish fleet into the Baltic, which provided security for traders to peddle their wares to the pagans in the East, little had occurred in the Danish kingdom. Continued trade had brought enough taxes to finance a permanent standing army in the Jutland peninsula which in turn allowed King Olaf II to continuously travel his realm with his brothers, constantly checking on the performance of his subordinates, secure in the knowledge that his homeland would be protected. However, not all was well in the Danish kingdom. The royal court had become bloated and overly extravagant, and complaints from the merchant class could not be suppressed for ever, while across the ocean the French were consolidating their control over mainland Britain. It surely couldn’t be long until they turned their attention east to Scandinavia.

Still, Sweyn thought, these problems could wait. Tonight he would have his new bride to ravish. All the perversions that he had attempted to bottle up would be finally allowed expression. This Polish whore would soon learn the duties inherent in being the wife of a true Dane; and one day he would be King!

Death of King Olaf II (The Runner) 1113-1139

CrazyGuy

10-31-2007, 23:47

The death of King Olaf II was oddly appropriate, for a king whose reign was typified by peace and stability, passing away quietly in his sleep seemed apt. Since the wedding of Prince Sweyn ten years previously, little had changed in the sleepy Danish kingdom. The expansion of the royal fleet into the North Sea had relieved growing pressure on the treasury and quietened growing dissent among the trading classes. Aside from that though, the 12th century had been a quiet one for the Danish people. However, after the upheavals of the previous 50 years most viewed this as a blessing. Now though, Olaf’s son Sweyn was filling his deceased father’s crown and the wisest of Scandinavian society predicted a major upheaval…

***

Aragon suddenly seemed a long way away for Princess Urraca, the cold winds of Jutland were just not found in Navarre and her silken wedding dress provided little protection from the elements. Despite this though the shivers that passed through her were not brought about by the weather, instead they were caused by the nerves that coursed through her system. The alliance between Aragon and Denmark did not seem a natural one and certainly they possessed fundamentally different cultures, although the previous nights ribaldries had lessened the differences somewhat and both sovereigns had pledged eternal friendship and a potential second front if the increasingly expansionist French invaded either small, fiercely independent kingdom. This pledge was to be honoured through this marriage of Urraca to Prince Harald, Sweyn’s son and heir.

Harald was a fine figure of a man and he certainly cut an impressive figure as he entered the town square and towered above the crowds during his wedding procession. Despite this Urraca was nervous, it was rumoured that the Prince had inherited his father’s perversions, and certainly the haggard look on the Queen’s face was testimony to their extent. Her once youthful looks and been dulled and ruined. But, she thought, despite the fear which increasingly dominated her mindset, as looked around the fine, expensive furnishings and cloths which increasingly dominated the trading town of Copenhagen; this strange land was not without its benefits!

Death of King Sweyn (The Trader) 1139-1169

CrazyGuy

10-31-2007, 23:49

The coronation of King Harald I was a special occasion, one to live long in the memory of all who attended. The sun’s rays had finally supplanted the cold rains of winter and were finally warming the backs of the masses who thronged into Copenhagen hoping to catch a glimpse of the 42-year old King and his queen. While not beautiful in the traditional Nordic sense, there was little doubt that Queen Urraca had matured into a stunningly beautiful woman and attired in the finest Brittany linen and Cordoban silks she looked resplendent as she smiled benignly down on to her people from her palace balcony. Flanking her was her son Chrsitoffer who had inherited the good looks of both parents, and even at the age of 10 was a strikingly handsome young man.

Flanking her were the representatives from Denmark’s great alliances Aragon, Sicily and Poland. These families, joined to Denmark by blood, were more than just friends. They also helped secure Denmark’s place as the greatest trading power of the north; from the Norwegian Sea to the Gulf of Valencia Danish traders traversed the waves exchanging their goods and bringing in a healthy profit which helped make Stockholm the greatest trading city outside of Constantinople itself! On a yearly basis over 1000 gold coins from Sweden alone flowed into King Harald’s treasury and allowed extensive building work to be done in all the new Kings provinces.

Despite the large numbers which packed into the square to welcome their new King, the overall atmosphere was calm. Where once such numbers signified social unrest, the people were generally happy, happy enough to celebrate a party anyway! Besides which, the presence of fearsome Huscarles, their sheathed axes sparkling in the spring sun, helped maintain order and provided entertainment for young children who speculated upon, and aspired to be, these awesome, all-conquering ‘tin-men’ who followed in the fine tradition of their Viking raider forebears. Extensive agricultural development constantly provided a surplus of crops at harvest-time and maintained happiness among the populace. It short, the Danish kingdom was happy and secure. However, it was rumoured that not all was well, it was whispered that one day soon, these fighting men and the King’s gold might be needed for war which inevitably followed prosperity.

But those worries could be left for another day, right now was a time to celebrate; a new King, security at home with the prospect of seemingly unlimited gold from abroad and a sumptuous feast containing the finest foods Western Europe and Iberia had to offer provided later. Free of charge of course! What was there to worry about? Right now the Danish nation was confident in itself and secure in where it wanted to be. Let the other states worry about blood and slaughter, for the Danes there was money to be made!

This is all I have so far, I'll write more if people like it, if not I won't waste my time! If anybody has any questions/suggestions then I'd be more than glad to hear them. Enjoy!:2thumbsup:

bamff

11-01-2007, 04:31

This is all I have so far, I'll write more if people like it, if not I won't waste my time! If anybody has any questions/suggestions then I'd be more than glad to hear them. Enjoy!:2thumbsup:

Like it? CrazyGuy, you crazy guy, I love it! Great stuff - keep it coming! :2thumbsup:

seireikhaan

11-01-2007, 05:07

Indeed, great job, Crazy Guy! A very good job, I must say!.:yes:

bamff

11-01-2007, 23:22

Disaster strikes the Picts.....

The treacherous Mercians had turned on the armies of good King Angus II, but before the war could be decided, a new and perfidious foe emerged to threaten the entire populace of the British Isles - more deadly even than the great plague....

Yes, the spectre of Hard Drive Failure stalked the lands of the Picts and their Mercian foes alike, killing indiscriminately, and wreaking havoc on both nations, and on the Welsh and newly re-emerged Saxons.

Well, more a case of storm damage than Hard Drive failure, but the end result is the same....I am currently setting up a new PC and transferring those files that can be retrieved, but things are not looking good for my Pictish campaign...d'oh! Should have taken that "minor victory" when it was offered and wrapped it up there!:wall:

Bregil the Bowman

11-02-2007, 01:11

Disaster strikes the Picts..... things are not looking good for my Pictish campaign...

Bamff - I'm devastated. The two campaigns I was most enjoying (yours and YLAC's) derailed.~:mecry:

Sensei Warrior

11-02-2007, 02:00

Last post first. I agree with Bregil, two brilliant campaigns cut short. I will be looking foward to the next.

You know CrazyGuy, I have to admit when I saw that you were going to do a campaign based on Isolation, and of the Danes no less i went, yawn, looks like a set up for failure. Then I read it. Nicely done, some really great stuff in there. I definately look forward to hearing more about it, so on with the ravaging of foreign Princesses :whip: .

Kaidonni

11-06-2007, 14:03

I'm not sure if I'll ever get around to taking screenies and recounting it like some people might, but on Saturday I started an Armenian/Hard/Early/GA/XL 3.0 campaign. :yes:

It's currently 1098/1099, and I think that the Seljuks have the desire to get wiped out early by my hand. I took several turns in the beginning to build up a nice army...King Reuben I, his heir, Prince Reuben, two Armenian Cavalry, six Armenian Infantry (if I remember correctly) and three or four Archer units. I invaded Rum, and the Seljuks gave it up without a fight. Quite hilarious. Especially when their Sultan, with 3 command, proceeds to invade Lesser Armenia, backed up by two of his sons and a unit of Turcoman Horse Archers.

Three words for you regarding that last part - forest and downhill equals horse as a delicacy. Well, actually, that's eight words...nevermind. Suffice it to say, I thought that a unit of Armenian Infantry, Urban Militia, Horse Archers, Armoured Spearmen and two normal Spearmen would be slaughtered, especially on the open field. Heh...those two Seljuk Princes didn't go back home that day. And the Seljuks learnt a hard lesson...

I'm allied with the Byzantines and Fatimids, a sort of...Triple Alliance, all of us fighting a common enemy, the Seljuks. However, the Fatimids have not faired all too well, and the Byzantines only border Armenia now. I'm playing piggy in the middle at the moment, and I'm the piggy in the middle. Suffice it to say, I am playing defensively at the moment. I figure I can wear the Seljuks down quite easily without leaving myself open to losing any land to them. Their own darn fault, I'm sort of a tactical distraction. Hopefully the Byzantines and Fatimids can get a swipe in edge ways. I just have to hold the line.

In fact, my armies are more than capable of enduring volleys of arrows off of Horse Archers and Turcoman Horse Archers, especially when on top of a hill. That happened to me in Rum recently, and is happening a second time in a battle I have to fight next (had to quick save it, auto-resolve and exit the game, didn't want to force the CTD on the battle deployment screen by alt-tabbing just in case it did anything to my saves). I won't go with the auto-resolve, because it was only to exit the game in a safer manner...but, I am confident my army will do well. Once the exchange of sharp, pointy, flying sticks is over, I shall dispose of the Seljuk army...

Prince Reuben is getting a very similar army right now, in fact. Just a number more units to recruit, and he's got his nice new army. I'm not bleeding money like there's no tomorrow. I don't have heaps of it, hovering around the 2000 florin mark with not too much income per turn. But what must be done will be done so Armenia can become a great power in the world.

Maybe I should remember that fortune favours the bold, and strike back at the Seljuks as soon as possible, perhaps at Armenia, the original homeland of the Armenian people. Sitting on my butt won't get anything done. And like I said before, the Byzantines and Fatimids are depending on me to hold the line against the Seljuks. I ought to really stab them where the sun don't shine, I guess. This Triple Alliance must survive, it must endure...it must prevail. Failure is not an option...

Bregil the Bowman

11-09-2007, 01:09

Part Seven of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

The Legend of Prester John

Despite the utter failure of the Crusading movement – no Catholic army had threatened Egyptian dominance of the Holy Land – the legend of Prester John, a Frankish Knight ruling a Christian kingdom among the heathen, persisted. Some tales placed this realm in Africa, where the endurance of Christianity in Abyssinia fuelled such rumours. Others credited Prester John with the conversion of the Mongols and the establishment of a Catholic regime near Samarkand.

Whatever the truth of these tales, there was great excitement when stories reached Europe of a Christian uprising in Armenia, led by one William Redshanks, a descendant of Edgar the Atheling and a claimant to the throne of England. Rallying pilgrims, sailors and exiles to his flag, as well as native Armenian Christians, William declared himself King of England, Armenia and Edessa.

Knud of Denmark was fascinated by this development and sent emissaries to discover the truth. An English army in Edessa was unlikely to threaten Danish rule in Britain, but might well cause problems for his Egyptian enemies. Knud saw William as a potential ally rather than an enemy.

Sadly, by the time the emissaries reached Armenia, all they found was a country ravaged by war and piles of unburied corpses. William was dead. The region was ravaged by rebel forces rising against Sultan Ali, but they were Muslim rebels, not the knights of Prester John, and the outnumbered Christians had been overwhelmed and destroyed.

A Rising for the Pope

Another dramatic re-emergence was that of the Piast dynasty of Poland, last seen trying to re-establish an independent Dukedom of Silesia. The last scions of this house had fled to Italy in 1213, and Prince Wladislaw had become a protégé of the future Pope Clement. During the conflict between Clement (supported by Emperor Otto) and the Italian anti-Pope, Wladislaw raised support for Clement among the Polish exiles. Before long he had a sizeable force, and with Papal blessing he launched two attacks – one against the anti-Pope’s headquarters in Venice and one to reclaim his family seat in Poland. That this brought him into conflict with Denmark, Germany’s closest ally, did not concern Clement or Wladislaw. The Piasts wished to restore their ancient realm, and Clement was weary of being a German puppet.

Knud was unable to defend Poland against such a massive and popular rebellion. Instead he ordered his garrison to withdraw, taking with them as many Danish settlers and as much Danish property as could be salvaged. The result was the devastation of the land, with everything of value being looted or destroyed and even the ancient city of Krakow being put to the torch either by fleeing Danes or rioting Poles. Wladislaw gained his throne, but he was crowned in the roofless wreck of a church while the city burned around him.

The rebellion in Hungary was unable to secure Papal blessing or to identify a clear leader, and in the field it came up against Olaf Guddrodson, the Steppe Chieftain who had defeated and captured Ogodai in Kiev. Olaf faced the rebel army – crossbowmen and archers defended by urban militia with poleaxes - with a force of feudal sergeants and a large cavalry contingent. While his spears advanced against the massed rebels, Olaf used the terrain to mask the advance of his cavalry around the flanks of the enemy. The co-ordination of the pincer attack was close to perfection – for the loss of just twenty men Olaf Guddrodson captured nearly six hundred rebels and killed the rest.

The taxes levied by Knud caused ill feeling even in Denmark, where a group of influential landowners decided to invite Hardeknud, son of Harald, to claim his rightful inheritance. They plotted to seize control while Knud was still making his way back through Flanders and Friesland. But Hardeknud did not arrive. Instead, the armies released from Kiev by the collapse of the Golden Horde came back to Denmark to deal with the rebels. What followed was less a battle than a massacre, and the sparks of rebellion were extinguished under iron-shod heels.

A Year of Uprisings

The bloody decade came to a close, but there seemed no prospect of an end to war. More tumult awaited. In Champagne, a champion arose for those whose land hand been ravaged in fighting between Denmark and Spain – Henri of Rheims, soon to declare himself Henri II of France. Henri’s partisans, perceiving the Danes as the immediate threat, struck first at Champagne and southern England, and thousands rallied to his banner.

Meanwhile, the Hellenic League, having evicted the Byzantines and Danes from mainland Greece and the Mediterranean islands, was seeing itself as a spent force. Athens was now the seat of a proud German emperor. Asia Minor was in the hands of various Muslim factions. Danish troops occupied Cyprus and Rhodes and Danish ships controlled all trade. The League was no more than a group of disconnected rebel barons.

A bold stroke by a minor noble named Alexius Draconis changed this. By dint of superb diplomacy, he negotiated a deal with the steppe clans that would bring them under his banner against the perceived threat of Danish or Egyptian domination. With such impressive forces ready to take his side, Alexius found it easy to rally the Hellenic League to his cause. When Constantinople also declared for the new Emperor, there could be no doubt – this was a re-emergence of the Byzantines, albeit one made up of Muslim rebels and Mongol tribesmen as well as Greek partisans.

Knud responded by sending his nephew Sweyn to Wessex to encounter one half of the French threat. Sweyn, the only son of Olaf III, was the key to Knud’s popular support and everything the Danes admired: a tall, broad-shouldered youth never happy without sword and armour, and a hardheaded materialist who paid lip service to notions of piety or chivalry. Sweyn’s adoption by his uncle had made it clear he was the chosen heir, and now he set out to prove his credentials as warrior.

The French and their rebel allies assembled at Portsmouth and marched north towards London. Sweyn, arriving at Dover from Flanders, marched west to intercept them and join a force marching from the capital. The armies met at Bagshot Heath, Sweyn commanding a mixed force of 1396 while the French, under the dandyish Sir Foucher Clement, mustered 1860 men.

Sweyn fought a cautious battle behind the Danish shield-wall, letting his arbalests and crossbowmen do their work before the French infantry reached his lines. Then, with the forces engaged, he unleashed Scots clansmen and Irish gallowglasses from his flanks. As the French wavered, he himself led a charge from the centre while the main body of his knights rode around the French left and scattered their archers. The first wave was in tatters, with Sir Foucher already a prisoner. Sweyn let his men pursue a little way, where they destroyed the French war-engines, and then fell back on the same defensive line to await the French cavalry.

The French horsemen, supported by crossbowmen, advanced boldly, but hardly seemed likely to be able to break the Danish lines. Sweyn had replaced his Scots with English fyrdmen, a legacy of the Danelaw established by King Christoffer, and these worthy men did good work with their spears. With the cavalry broken and fled, the French crossbows did not stay to face a Danish counter-attack. Urged to pursue, Sweyn laughed and shook his head. With Danish ships controlling the channel, he doubted the fleeing French would ever find their way out of England. He was in no hurry. On the battlefield he had killed more than a third of the French army and captured almost as many, for the loss of 123 men, but without risking another man he had obliterated the French presence in England.

Champagne was not seen as vital to the campaign in France, so rather than fight Henri the Danes withdrew to Flanders and Lorraine. Like his Polish counterpart, Henri found himself celebrating his coronation in the ruins of a province plundered and ravaged by the fleeing Danes.

Against Alexius, no resistance was offered. A rising on the island of Rhodes was not opposed, Knud allowing his peasant garrison to disband without a fight. But once again the Danish withdrawal resulted in plunder and destruction. Alexius ordered his ports closed to Danish shipping – a brief revival in Mediterranean trade came to a crashing end.

Wladislaw of Poland continued his siege of Venice and saw off a pro-Byzantine rising in Poland, while simultaneously mounting an attack on Carpathia. The defenders, outnumbered and ill-equipped, succeeded in denying Wladislaw a way across the river, and his humiliating defeat was compounded by his own cowardice, having fled the field in the early stages leaving more than a thousand of his men to be killed or captured.

Battle in La Mancha

Meanwhile in Spain, Valdemar’s campaign of destruction continued. The city of Leon fell to assault, allowing the Danes to plunder the province. A raiding party overwhelmed the garrison of Portugal. But these were mere sideshows to the long awaited confrontation of the Spanish and Danish armies in La Mancha, to determine the outcome of the siege of Cordoba. The main forces of the opposing armies met in a great bridge battle, recalling Valdemar’s successes against the Golden Horde in Kiev. However, the Prince understood that the army of Spain presented a different threat, with heavy infantry, cavalry and pavise arbalesters all available. His own army was a mixed bag, comprising Danish knights, Norwegian Vikings, German and Livonian crossbowmen and arbalesters, Scots and Irish warriors, English and German spearmen and even some steppe horsemen. It had marched under the ancient Raven banner as well as the Danish Lion, recalling The Army of pagan times that had ravaged the Frankish and English kingdoms. Valdemar’s army was just as savage and rapacious.

The battle was hard fought and cost the Danes dearly, not least in terms of knights lost. Having seen off the first wave, Valdemar led a reckless counter-attack against newly arriving forces that eventually saw him fleeing back across the bridge with half his knights slain, barely escaping with his life. This was not, however, an impetuous escapade on his part. Valdemar had realised early on that he could not win any exchange of shot across the bridge with the Spanish having so many more crossbowmen, and many of them with pavises. His surprise counter-attack also cost the Spanish dearly, killing or capturing hundreds of crossbowmen in the hills on the far side. The defenders could withstand the attack of this reduced army on more even terms, could hold their ground and exchange loss for loss, until ready to counter-attack again. This time there was no doubt, and the Spanish broke. Weighed down by pavises, the Spanish arbalesters were easy prey, and after some difficult early moments Valdemar was able to report a total victory. He took a careful count of the dead and captured: for 403 men lost, he had slain 2325 and captured 599, and effectively destroyed the army defending Spain.

What was to surprise his brother, King Knud, was not the extent of the victory but the messenger chosen to deliver the report. He arrived in Hamburg on a misty October night, and met the King’s men as they took ship to Denmark. Though cloaked and hooded, they could see he was a young man, slight of figure, though he walked with a confident bearing and, rather than bowing to the King, he held his head high. As Knud approached he drew back the hood and smiled.

“You seem familiar, boy,” growled the King.

“I should, uncle,” came the reply. “I am Hardeknud, son of Harald, King of the Two Sicilies and heir to the thrones of Denmark and Aragon.”

The King’s men loosened the daggers in their scabbards. It was only a year since blood had been spilled in the name of Hardeknud’s claim to the throne. But Knud waved them back.

“The King of Sicily is an Italian brigand by the name of William Sinibaldi,” said Knud levelly. “The Kingdom of Aragon has lived under Spanish rule for almost a century. And the heir to the throne of Denmark is your cousin Sweyn. I am surprised to see you alive, my boy. Your mother’s ambitions nearly cost you your life before, and they may yet.”

“My mother is dead.”

“May she rest in peace. You left Denmark, remember, as a boy of seven clinging to his mother’s skirts. How can we know what manner of man you have become? Your cousin has served his country and won honour and glory. He has proved his fitness to eat bread and jam at my table, and be called a Prince of Denmark. As for you – you will not even leave this dock alive unless you are prepared to call me sire!”

The boy’s blue eyes glittered in the torchlight: “Give me a task and I will show my fitness – sire!”

Knud smiled back: “You are your father’s son. I sail for Denmark on the tide, or sooner if I can persuade the sea to do my bidding. Your ship however, has another destination…”

CrazyGuy

11-11-2007, 01:06

I feel quite intimidated posting straight after Bregil. Please don't make any unfavourable comparisons!

As we left the isolationist Danes, King Harald had just been crowned and the Danish people looked forward to a prosperous future. However, some tragic news soon hit...

***

Death of King Harald 1169-1179

The sudden death of King Harald sent shockwaves throughout the Danish kingdom. The manner of his death, a sudden illness which swiftly carried him off as he was hurried to medical help in Oslo, seemed apt, as if the old world with its old ways had passed with it. Danish society now looked with trepidation at a future which no longer guaranteed security and prosperity.

They looked forward to this potentially hazardous future under a new leader. At 20, the new king Christoffer was by far the youngest monarch to rule Denmark and its provinces since his illustrious forefather had brought stability to the kingdom 100 years previously. There was no doubting his talent, but the nagging question remained; how could this person, more boy than man, sail the kingdom through the choppy waters which surely lay ahead?

King Christoffer knew of these concerns and they did little to settle his growing anxiety. Almost out of habit he reached for the jug of ale that was always kept nearby. In the six short months of his reign he had already developed a pronounced drinking habit as he sought to cope with the pressures of Kingship. What was more he had more reason than usual to drink today. The North Lords were coming.

The outside world had changed; geo-political pressures increasingly commanded the Danes to move to their whim. No longer could the Danes retreat to their homeland and expect to be ignored. Increasingly action had to be taken. Hence, the arrival of the North Lords. King Christoffer may have been young, but he was no fool. He knew that if the Danes were to reverse the policy of many lifetimes he would require the consent of his nobles; his position was too weak to command them to his will.

In the distance Danish hunting horns signified the arrival of a noble with his private guard. Christoffer ignored it and marched into the Grand Council Chamber. This small room was dominated by a large circular oak table, stolen; it was said, from a Saxon Parliament during a Viking raid. Now though it was an anachronism, a relic from the past. Silently he prepared himself for the meeting ahead. Walking around the room he pictured where people would sit, and the arguments they would make. They were not arguments which promised easy consensus. Immediately to his left would sit Sir Toke Masson the Earl of Sweden. A huge man, full of fire and anger, he scared Christoffer and was the biggest threat to his throne. Although he openly professed loyalty, Sir Toke was full of royal blood and ambition. Despite this though, he remained in a position of power. As the Danes’ leading military strategist, his cunning would be vital to any military actions decided upon today.

Next to Sir Toke would sit Antonio Ferrer, Ambassador of Aragon. He had arrived two weeks ago, ostensibly to visit the King’s mother, Queen Urraca but also to bring news, news which had necessitated the calling of this meeting.

Further round, and directly opposite the King would be Lord Svertinggson, Earl of Denmark. Severtingsson had many faults, his temper was increasingly a problem but he was still immensely valuable to the Danish crown. As a humanist, a man of numbers he had transformed Copenhagen from a sleepy capital to a vast trading metropolis and under his guidance the Danish capital had become a magnificent city indeed! More importantly, he was also respected by the important trader class who increasingly clamoured for representation. His opinion and consent will be vital, perhaps decisive.

Further round still, opposite the Ambassador was a space to be filled by the Earl of Norway, Lord Skotkonung. He was the youngest, and perhaps least important of the nobles who would fill this room, he lacked the military stature of Sir Toke or the acumen of the Danish lord. Despite this, he would still play a role. If military action were decided upon the tough fighting men of Norway would form the foundations upon which the army would be based.

Finally, and in a privileged position to the right of the King would sit Bishop Sweynsson, head of the church in Denmark and the king’s chief advisor. With his fathers’ regular trips around the kingdom necessitating his absence for large periods of time, the elderly Sweynsson had taken on the role of Christoffer’s guardian. It was a role to which he was well adapted. Sweynsson was a wise man in many ways, a theologist, philosopher and mathematician. He was wisely considered to be the wisest man in Christendom, and his presence brought great credit to the Danish throne. Christoffer was relying on his advice more and more.

Eventually, after what seemed to Christoffer to be an age, the pomp and ceremony was completed and the meeting could finally begin. Ambassador Ferrer, who had brought the news that has led to this meeting, spoke first, his elegant voice reverberating around the cramped chamber;
“My friends, I do not know you by name but now we are united as comrades against oppression. Every day the French expand their power and soon they will turn their greedy eyes towards the proud Aragon kingdom. We will not be able to withstand this threat alone. We are peoples who are joined by blood and marriage and now we come to you ad friends who need your help. Please, in the name of comradeship, stand with us and fight the French monster that will not stop until the world is his. Remember my brothers; this monster will surely one day turn its eyes to you.” The passion of the short speech was so great that immediately after speaking the Ambassador collapsed into his seat under the weight of his emotions.

“Sire,” Svertinggson spoke up, “I can confirm that description, every year our traders report that more and more ports are in French hands. Increasingly a French hand controls to the coasts, from Scotland in the North, to Navarre in the South and Pomerania to the East. The French kingdom is certainly growing and I do not know where it will stop. However, I must counsel against open warfare, our people depend on goods from the outside world to maintain their lifestyles; a war with France would surely hinder our access to foreign ports and foreign goods. I assure you that the people of Denmark would not live comfortably with such measures.”

Skotkonung was the next to speak, although the junior member of the council, it was his people, the sturdy Norsemen who would provide the backbone of any Danish army, therefore his opinion mattered;
“My Lord, I assure you that the Norse are still true fighters. We are tough men certainly, more than a match for any Frenchman ---“
“A match for any 10 Frenchmen!” Toke Masson interjected, “Sire, my men are the finest in the world; I assure you that if a war with France is called for then all of France will fall under our axes. At the slightest command we will march and we will be in Paris in a month!”

It was clear to Christoffer that the meeting was going nowhere, while to declare war with France might be folly; he owed it to Aragon to do something, didn’t he? Almost in desperation he turned to his closest friend the Archbishop;
“Sire, while Sir Toke might be correct that our armies could destroy any French army, it would still be foolish to declare war. We will certainly win the opening exchanges, but gradually their superior numbers will win the day. We know little about this kingdom, about its ways, all we know is that it’s larger than us. Remember the old saying my child, ‘it is the tallest tree which first falls in a storm’. Gradually such a large kingdom will collapse under its own weight and will cease to be a problem. Until then it would be better to stay as we are. Our navy will protect us from sea-borne invasion, and I’m sure that Sir Toke can protect the land routes into Denmark. Sire, my advice to you is that you build up our defences, behind our walls, and challenge the French to defeat us. Do not commit the mistake of fighting a larger man on his own terms. Our sympathies must go to the Kingdom of Aragon, but our concern must rest with ourselves.”

Bishop Sweynssson’s wise words won the day, much to the consternation of Ambassador Ferrer, and the humanist Svertingsson who distrusted the religious background of the King’s advisor. But the group did not depart happily. No overall conclusion had been reached, and the Danes could not ignore the change in the outside world for ever. Yes, at the moment it was possible to hide behind high walls and get rich from trade. But sooner or later hungry eyes would turn to this peaceful, rich kingdom and then what? What would happen when the Danes could hide no more?

“So where are we going?”
“I’ve told you before, we’re going to Finland.”
“Why?”
“’Cos the King says he needs it.”
“Why?”
“I don’t know something about the French and an invasion, or something. Anyway, it doesn’t really matter. Just settle down, do your job and we’ll be home soon.”
Conversations such as these rung around the Danish navy as it transported the small army across the Baltic Sea to Finland. Finally, after 95 years of complete isolation the Danes were marching to battle once more. The Finnish force was just a small one, it was all that was needed to deal with the small population of Finland, but it carried an important role. One day, the French would come, and while the small, but fierce, Danish army would fight well, and kill many, eventually sheer numbers would overwhelm the small kingdom. In that event cold, bleak, inhospitable Finland would be a safe haven for resistance fighters and a place of refuge from French rule. Also, from a trade perspective, Finland possessed much in the way of natural resources and an opening into the Russian markets, away from prying French hands. The occupation of Finland was therefore an important step in the long-term safety of the Danish kingdom.

Inge Thorrodson knew all this and while he was acutely aware of the importance of this mission, he felt no fear. He was confident in the ability of his men to do the job asked of them. He was also confident in his own ability to lead them and then rule as Lagman in the King’s name. He had seen the power that had accrued to men such as Skotkonung from their control of a province, and he longed for a share of the spoils and a seat at the Council Chamber. Time would prove this prediction right, the rebels, largely unskilled in the art of war, were all too eager to give battle. A decision they regretted as they were decimated by a hail of arrows and routed by a sharp cavalry charge. Finland was secure and the first tentative steps that the Danes had taken in breaking their long isolation had been successful ones.

King Christoffer heard the joyous news in the company of his attractive new bride, the German princess, Jutta, who was all too eager to please her new King. Christoffer’s habit of drinking heavily and late had so far prevented the actual consummation of this marriage, but with the wind in his sails he was now sure that this would be a glorious day indeed!

nara shikamaru

11-12-2007, 16:00

Wow, all these great posts, and then I come along and ruin it, well hopefully I'll be able to start a new campaign in early/normal/GA as the Volgar-Bulgarians.

Other then that I'd like to tell of an old Polish campaign on normal, domination, that sadly went bye bye, after I got my gold edition. From what I remember of it, going from 1087 to 1100, I did a blitz across the steppes which led to me holding 13 provinces by 1100, basically I nearly conquered 1 province per turn. I then turned on the Russians, taking Novgorod(sp?) around 1105-1115, quickly followed by Finland, where they defeated for good. starting in 1125 I started on the Hungarians and by 1135 had beaten them, but I was excommunicated for this, luckily the pope died within a few years, can't remember which. I then rested for a while, to one let my army get healed, and to bring up my revenues, which despite all of the conquests, was nearing the red, had only about 300-500 florins by 1140. After that I turned my armies and went after Asia Minor, and took the northern half from the Eggies. It's now around 1165-1175. By 1200 I had taken the rest of Asia Minor, wiped out the Eggies, left the Byzantines on the isles of Rhodes, Cyprus, and Crete, and left the Turks with a minimal force in Edessa. Again a rest period, then in 1210-1213 the HRE attacked, I lost Silesia for a decade, for the fact most of my forces were in the mid east, and some German bouts either sank mine, got away before I sank them, or just blocked me from bringing my men home. And as usual, the HRE got excommed, which led me to Polish Blitz them, wiping them out by 1240. Now by that time the GH appeared, which led me to think I was screwed when I counted about 13,000 men in Khazar, only province they attacked, to my garrison of 400, which was just 4 spearmen. I was able to bolster my numbers with some of the Mid-East vets, which made it 13,000 on 2200 or so. I lost Khazar, but the GH lost something more important, as some missile units were shooting at some of the MHC they managed to get the Khan, but I wasn't paying attention, and missed that. So despite losing some 1400 men before retreating, the KH was dead before they could even hold any land. After that... well I got bored with the campaign, and moved onto a Russian one.

Sorry for no pics tho, for one I never took any, and if i did, they'd be on my old hard drive, which since has died. Tho I do hope my recount wasn't to sub-standard.

Oh and one question, does anyone know of an image converter I could get? I'd like to start taking screen shots, and I know I need a converter. I had one before, but it left a water mark, which I found annoying. Anyway thanks in advance to anyone that can help me.

Bregil the Bowman

11-13-2007, 00:42

Part Eight of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

The Era of the Three Popes

There were at this point three Popes – Clement in Rome having the superior claim, Innocent in Milan having inherited the role of anti-Pope, and Pius in Toulouse convincing no-one but the Spanish king who paid his bills and made his policy. Small wonder Europe was aflame with war.

Revenue from raiding and ransom boosted the flagging Danish economy, but the collapse of European trade remained a primary concern. Sadly, Knud’s attempts to promote peace fell on deaf ears. A mission led by Bishop Thorstein made overtures to Sultan Ali with the aim of ending hostilities, but with Danish forces besieging Ryazan there was little chance of peace. Alexius V, now successfully established as Emperor of Byzantium, was unmoved by the tun of greengage preserve sent by the Danish king, and promptly invaded Muscovy. Felipe of Spain, though married to Knud’s sister Birgitta, was unlikely to forget that the Danish king had killed his father, and in any case Knud’s brother Valdemar was still ravaging the Iberian peninsular. Even the Emperor Otto IV, whose nephew Sweyn was heir to the Danish throne, decided to break with his former allies in the hope of retaining some control over the increasingly independent Pope Clement and his Polish adherents.

Otto’s treason cost him dearly. Danish raiders attacked him in Greece and he was cut down in battle – though his son, Hermann, escaped to Italy where he was crowned Holy Roman Emperor at Ravenna.

The assassination of a number of their bishops led the Danish church down a more militant line, supporting the aggressive reforms of Innocent over the political accommodations of Clement. The Danish church – or more specifically, the Celtic element within the Danish sphere – followed this lead by providing an Inquisition of Faith. Fearing the impact on his own people, Knud encouraged the Inquisition to pursue targets in France and Poland, where the scions of Clement and the suspect Pope Pius held sway. The impact in Poland was minimal, and when a minor Spanish general was burned for heresy in Britanny, it seemed little more than an annoyance, a sign of diminishing faith in the Spanish leadership. But when the influential Lord Caris was executed in Normandy in 1243, the Lords of Europe began to take note of the Inquisition’s power. Wladislaw, though a protégé of Pope Clement, had never exhibited much piety or understanding of doctrine, and to correct this omission and ensure that no taint of heresy could be attached to his name, he contracted the services of a simple Friar to school him in the True Faith.

In a remote forest hermitage, this Friar delivered extreme unction to the monarch, and while this tale cannot say for certain whether Wladislaw entered the Kingdom of Heaven, he was at least conducted to the afterlife – sooner than he had planned. By the time his body was discovered, the Friar and his companions were well on their way to Denmark.

However, the rebel warlords who succeeded Wladislaw in control of Poland and Venice proved no less troublesome. In 1244 a war-band invaded Brandenburg and, for the time being, Knud had nothing to offer by way of resistance. They took the castle by storm the following year, before a reliving army could arrive. For the last few years Danish forces had been thoroughly occupied elsewhere…

A Date among the Palms

Despite the almost universal state of war, some individuals found time for more peaceful pursuits. Beneath the shady palm trees of a Moroccan oasis, Prince Hardeknud of Denmark found time to eat dates and drink coffee with camel-riding Berber merchants while their Catholic Spanish overlords humbly filled his coffers with silver. If the City Fathers of Marrakech did their work with little complaint, perhaps it was because the money was not their own, but their king’s. This was the ransom for the men captured in the battle at La Mancha last year. No doubt it would be spent on Danish armies that would wreak more havoc in Spain – but that was of little concern to the folk of Marrakech.

Hardeknud sipped his coffee and looked around thoughtfully. Despite his typically Nordic complexion – fair skin, light brown hair - he liked the hot desert climate. He had much preferred the years he had spent in Sicily to his early childhood in gloomy Denmark, notwithstanding the danger posed to his life by the rebels who ruled the island he had been taught to consider his birthright. Since his mother Valeria had died, he had learned to adopt a more realistic approach to his royal ambitions, but he hoped that his uncle Knud would continue to assign him to duties in warm places, and not make him the garrison commander of somewhere like Novgorod or Ireland. The sweet, strong coffee, which stimulated but never intoxicated, felt good in his stomach. He made a gracious gesture to the Spanish burghers, who indicated that they had completed their work.

“I like this country,” he said with a twinkle in his blue eyes. “So much so – I believe I may even choose to stay here.”

Don Fernando Perez, the knight in command of the Morocco garrison, regarded the strange youth curiously: “Stay here? Your Highness, is of course, welcome as our guest for as long as – ah – but surely other duties..? Your Royal Uncle…”

“I do not mean as a guest,” smiled Hardeknud, swatting a fly that threatened his coffee. “I was thinking more as a conqueror.”

“A conqueror?” asked the dumbfounded Don Fernando. “But Your Highness – you arrived under a flag of truce!”

“That truce applied to the prisoners I was escorting, and is not withdrawn,” replied the Prince, his voice rising in pitch. “They are free to seek out their homes, their families, providing they make no war on me. But as for you – you arrogant, overstuffed Spanish peasants – don’t bandy words with a Danish warrior, a son of kings, descended from the very gods themselves! I say I will take this place! In a moment, I could call on armies that will make you tremble behind the walls of your city. Choose either to fight me or to let me have my will.”

“You – you mean to fight us?”

“Of course, I intend to finish my coffee first,” replied Hardeknud, his voice calm again. “Then, I will send this treasure back to my ships. Then, I will disembark my men. If you have the stomach for it, meet us on the field of battle. If not, consider yourselves conquered.”

Don Fernando did not have the stomach for it. The walls of the citadel were strong, only hunger would breach them. But the prisoners returned from Spain would make short work of the supplies. He could pray this mad youth would get bored and leave them alone, or that King Felipe would send help from Spain or Tunisia. But the boy did not seem like one who would give up easily what he had taken, and Felipe had problems of his own. The people of Morocco would doubtless know famine and great loss before this conflict was resolved. With one last, horrified look at Prince Hardeknud, Don Fernando ordered the townsmen back to the walls, and then called for his swiftest horse to be brought. Meanwhile, Hardeknud finished his refreshments, mounted a camel and allowed himself to be led back to his ships.

Ghenghis Khan and Jebu Bator

The siege of Ryazan was interrupted by the arrival of the Byzantines under Lord Romanus, a largely Greek force well-equipped with crossbows and arbalests but, surprisingly, not supported by the formidable Mongol Heavy Cavalry who had chosen to join forces with the new Emperor. The besiegers, now defenders, were led by the formidable Haflidhi Forkbeard. Using his infantry and cavalry to best advantage, Forkbeard drew the attack onto his centre and then, before the better-armed Byzantines could get the better of an exchange of fire, he attacked with cavalry spreading out on his wings. The Byzantines were rolled up in minutes and routed. Losses were trivial on both sides –25 Danes, 161 Byzantines – but Forkbeard took over 700 prisoners. It was a stern warning to the new Emperor.

Ghenghis Khan was the alleged founder of the Golden Horde, a legendary hero or monster who had conquered all of Asia and whose descendants still ruled in India, China, Persia and much in between. Ogodai, his successor the west, had intended to add Europe to that empire, but had failed, and now another Ghenghis Khan, a scion of that great dynasty, served as a commanding officer under the Byzantines. It was a paltry position for a man whose bloodline might have made him master of the world. The Danish captain who opposed him in Pereyaslavl, Sir Ulf Skottkonung, made much of this in the exchange of words before the battle, provoking Ghenghis to furious anger. Sir Ulf knew he had little chance of defeating an army twice the size of his own tiny force, but that any losses taken in the field would prolong the survival of the garrison under siege. So he set out to fight and to kill as many Mongols as he could. His bowmen took a deadly toll of the Mongol horse archers, and his Viking warriors, ambushing Ghenghis’s Mongol nobility in a wood, did deadly work. But his Slavic allies fared less well against disciplined Byzantine infantry, and then Sir Ulf himself was struck and wounded with an arrow. As the Mongol cavalry slammed into the flank of his spearwall, Sir Ulf fell dying from a dozen wounds. His disheartened men fled back to the castle, save the Vikings who found themselves surrounded and died to the last man.

Another scion of the Golden Horde was Jebu, the conqueror of the Crimea and former Khan of the Alans. Like Ghenghis, he now served as an officer in the Byzantine army – “A Greek lackey where you were once a king,” as his opponent, Lord Haengsson put it. Haengsson, commanding the defence of Kiev, was a Swedish huscarle of the old school, a dour-handed fighting dog best pleased when he held an axe in his hands. “Many times have your countrymen come to grief on this crossing,” he warned. “If you wish your turn, I am happy to oblige.”

Jebu’s response was to muster his men for an attack across the Dneiper when the first snows fell. He was confident in his numbers – 2074 against 1246 – and the quality of his troops, a mix of Mongol warriors and Byzantine regulars. He also reasoned that despite his bravado, Lord Haengsson was not the commander Prince Valdemar had been.

As it turned out, Jebu had underestimated the sturdy Swede. His assault on the bridge went disastrously but predictably wrong as his horsemen, having weathered an arrow storm to cross the river, were struck by a volley from a Chinese organ gun placed on a sand-spit beside the bridge. Hardly a man made it across to the shield-wall that awaited them – English-born chivalric sergeants, ordered in unfaltering ranks. Within minutes the bridge was littered with dead and dying men and horses, and Jebu and the survivors were flying in panic. Some managed to rally for a second run, and they met the same fate. The Mongol infantry and horse archers came next, and they too found only death and disaster waiting.

As the attack faltered, Lord Haengsson unleashed his cavalry to chase the enemy infantry from the field. These proud companies of Rus nobles, Khazars and Avars unleashed their fury on the fleeing men, until Jebu’s cavalry reserves arrived to save them from complete massacre. Haengsson’s men fell back, and not without loss, but they fell back to a strongly defended position, and all that awaited the attacking force was more death. As heavy snow began to fall, the Mongols found it only blinded their archers, while Lord Haengsson’s arbalesters kept shooting and shooting – even amid the swirling snow, they knew where the bridge was and therefore where the enemy must be.

For the loss of 66 men, Lord Haengsson killed 853 and captured 21. Jebu’s losses would surely have been higher had his men been less willing to flee. Ten years earlier, the myth of Mongol invincibility had been a weapon of terror in his hand, but now it was the Danish defenders of Kiev who had that reputation.

The following year the Mongol nobility, still under the Byzantine banner, attempted one last hurrah, an assault on Chernigov. The lessons of previous bridge battles not being learned, they suffered as heavily as before, and once broken they found themselves pursued. If they had learned anything at all from their experiences, it was not to launch a second wave, but to quit the field.

By 1243, the Danes were able to take the offensive, moving to the relief of Pereyaslavl. Ghenghis and his men were outmanoeuvred by the armies arriving from Ryazan and Kiev, and after getting the worst of the early exchanges he fled the field. Meanwhile, Jebu Bator met an unexpected end, perishing in his cups after a wedding feast much as Attilla the Hun was said to have done. The presence of a Danish agent, Godfred Gille, in Sebastapol at this time suggests that the death was not necessarily of natural causes.

With their most capable leader dead and their armies broken into pieces, the threat of the Golden Horde had finally passed; and without his Mongol subjects the new Emperor Alexius V found himself in an awkward position on the steppe. He was driven from Volga-Bulgaria by Grand Duke of Lithuania, and captured the following year when he counter-attacked. The Grand Duke pressed his advantage, and by 1246 Khazar was taken, leaving Alexius and his weakened army penned up in the Crimean peninsular.

And I remember Spain…

Valdemar’s cruel campaign continued apace. The ravaging Danish army plundered and stripped Leon, Portugal and Cordoba in turn, the great citadel of Cordoba finally surrendering in 1242. While Valdemar offered the honours of war to the defenders – for a consideration, allowing them to march away with their weapons, armour and horses – he showed no such mercy to the defenceless citizens. Indeed, by this time Valdemar had left Spain, sailing round the Cape of Gibraltar to launch a surprise attack on Aquitaine. Other strands of his army had won comprehensive victories in Valencia and Granada, but with a small Valencian garrison firmly entrenched in the castle this attack was abandoned. Instead, the great Moorish citadel of Granada became the focus of another siege.

King Felipe could offer no relief to the suffering of his people. His strongest armies were concentrated in the north, where the Danish threat was no less. He encouraged uprisings against the ravaging invader, but where these occurred the Danes had long gone. Instead, local uprisings usually degenerated into skirmishes between loyalists and nationalists who had had their fill of Dane and Spaniard alike. Felipe’s plight became acute in 1243 when a strong Danish army landed in southern France and threatened to trap him in the citadel of Toulouse. He fled south, but the Danish armies pursued him into Aragon, while in Toulouse an apocalyptic battle in 1244 finished in favour of the Danes, two thousand Spaniards casting away their lives to try to relieve the citadel.

In Africa, the Spanish army gathered from Tunisia and Algeria marched to the relief of Marrakech, only to break itself into pieces against Prince Hardeknud’s besiegers. In the arid terrain Hardeknud’s Irish and Scottish swordsmen performed well against the spears and polearms of the Spaniards, clearing the way for his steppe horsemen to deliver the coup de grace. Confident of his plan (and wary of Spanish missiles) Hardeknud and his knights stayed dismounted at the top of a hill throughout the battle, Hardeknud sat on a rug eating dates even as the armies clashed a few yards away. His victory was complete, Marrakech surrendering the next day and Algeria lying open to the invaders. Hardeknud wasted no time in pressing his advantage. By 1245 Algiers was in his hands.

On the Flemish and Burgundian frontiers, Spanish armies declined further battle with the Danes for fear of coming into conflict with the French armies in the region. The French nobility had invested much in the resurgence of Henri of Rheims, many forfeiting lands elsewhere to come to his aid, and he had an impressively strong force in terms of both manpower and equipment. Perhaps Felipe could rely on Henri to succeed where he had failed?

Henri Deux, ce roi vaillant

Henri of Rheims, styled Henri II of France, commanded the largest and most modern field army to be found in any province of Europe. His first excursion had been to seize the province of Champagne from the Danes, and he had been unopposed. Thus encouraged – and not dismayed by the failure of his supporters in southern England – he mounted several more attacks on Danish territory.

The first of these was against Lorraine, where Sir Haakon Thorrodson led a defensive force less than half the size of the French army. Nonetheless, the Danes fought valiantly, and inflicted a humiliating defeat on Henri. The King only escaped the battlefield by hiding in a wood and stripping off his insignia of rank – the Danes had killed a decoy wearing the royal armour and had thought him dead. So did the French army, who fled, surrendered or died. Out of 3400 followers, Henri lost 515 killed and 1255 captured. Just 127 Danes were killed. Thorrodson’s use of ambush and manoeuvre throughout the battle were crucial to the extent of the victory.

His second attempt on Lorraine was with a larger, better equipped army, and was still more disastrous. Thorrodson had employed two organ guns in the first battle, but neither had fired. This time he had a chance to see their worth, shattering the fragile morale of the advancing French just before the point of impact. Henri was not seen during the battle, and is thought to have fled under cover of bad weather as the battle turned against him. The only saving grace for the French was that casualties were lower since their men fled earlier.

A third battle was fought in Flanders in 1243, Henri despairing of beating his nemesis and instead turning his forces on the young Prince Sweyn. As fate would have it, Sweyn had decided to relieve Thorrodson, transferring him to Flanders as a prelude to a furlough in Denmark. Thus the two opponents met for a third time in as many years, with Thorrodson commanding a substantially weaker and less experienced garrison in Flanders (some of its strength being needed to help suppress rebellion in Wessex). But the difference in the commanders was crucial. Thorrodson inspired his men to a crushing victory over the demoralised French, taking nearly a thousand prisoners despite a suggestion from Prince Sweyn that it would be better to offer no quarter. Henri, seeing the battle turn against him, fled the field with some alacrity. Prince Charles attempted to rally the second battle of the French – who might still outnumber the defenders – but his French nobles came out second best against a band of Swedish knights and with their demise the army was lost. Henri refused to ransom the prisoners. Some commoners were sent back to their homes, with the instruction never to serve the treacherous House of Rheims again. Some nobles also persuaded their captors to release them into peaceful retirement. But many throats were cut in the aftermath of that battle, and still more prisoners were cast into dungeons to waste away, waiting for ransoms that would never be paid. The fate of Charles, the King’s cousin and heir, remains unknown.

The reward for Sir Haakon Thorrodson would be the Dukedom of Pereyaslavl and marriage to the king’s niece, Princess Regitze. All Henri would earn from the experience was the chance of a re-match against a new and inexperienced opponent – the sixteen year old Prince Christoffer. But with his reputation as a king and warrior in tatters, the French king needed a resounding victory to restore his claim. Instead, his men barely stayed on the field long enough for the Danes to kill or capture them in any numbers.

The House of Aragon restored

As Felipe of Spain and his retainers fled across Spain before the rampaging army of Prince Valdemar, the people of Barcelona contemplated the return of the House of Aragon for the first time in almost a hundred years – for as a descendant of King Fernando through his daughter Violante, Valdemar might have restored to his kinsmen the throne wrested from them by Enrique of Castile in1150 .

Any Prince but Valdemar might have done so, but his reputation for brutal rapacity was further served by his treatment of the abandoned Barcelona. He turned it over to his soldiers, his ragged collection of Danes, English, Germans, Balts and steppe warriors, and once they had stripped it bare they burned it to the ground. Conquest was not his aim, but the destruction of his enemies and their cities. Abandoning Aragon, he chased King Felipe through Castile and finally saw him trapped in Navarre by an army including the Danish knight Sir Ulf Huntjofson. Hopelessly outnumbered, Felipe made a bold stand and died as his father had done, wielding a sword until Sir Ulf and his companions cut him down. He was 27 years old.

Felipe’s 30 year-old cousin, Alfonso, had the closest claim to the Spanish throne, and hastened to Valencia to stake his claim. He was crowned in December 1246, but his reign was to be short, since Valencia was ringed with Danish armies. Alfonso IX became the third Spanish king in succession to die in battle. Having fled the field when his armies were defeat ed in open battle, he acquitted himself better when the city fell to assault in March 1248, making the Danes pay dearly for the conquest and dying as well as his kinsmen had done.

The Emperor Hermann had barely escaped from Greece with his life after his father Otto had initiated war with Denmark, but he had lost no territory and showed no inclination to end hostilities. Rome and its puppet Pope remained within his grasp. But surely he must have recognised that the destruction of his mid-European realm was an inevitability if he did not come to terms with Denmark, while in Italy the power of the Doge Merino I and the struggle of the Catholic Church for independence was a threat to his precarious foothold in the Roman states. Nonetheless, he had a father to avenge and half an Empire to be won back.

Thus within a few years were the enemies of Denmark vanquished; but with warlords and maverick inquisitors continuing to light flames across every province, the prospect of peace seemed no closer.

Bregil the Bowman

11-13-2007, 00:53

I feel quite intimidated posting straight after Bregil. Please don't make any unfavourable comparisons!

Honestly Crazy Guy you have nothing to worry about - I have nothing but admiration for your storytelling. I just hope its not too confusing having two Danish accounts so close together, with similar names and situations.:dizzy2:

Having posted part eight of my account, I'm not sure there is much more to say with it. The Danes are clearly going to win eventually, though the Europe they will dominate will be a somewhat damaged one.:viking: Unless anything really interesting hapens I may just let it lie.

If I get the hang of posting pictures I may just finish off with a few screenshots, for completeness... :lam:

bamff

11-13-2007, 04:33

Actually Crazy Guy and Bregil, I have really enjoyed reading the two accounts in parallel. It is amazing how campaigns with the same faction have unfolded so differently. Sort of highlights one of the major attractions of this game, really.

That aside, both have been retold with great skill.

Well done both of you, I say! :2thumbsup:

Ah, if only I could get my nvidia problem sorted....:wall:

bamff

11-18-2007, 23:51

Light on the horizon, or false dawn?

I managed to get my old PC up and running....well, mostly...over the weekend.

Yes, I have had quite a bit of data loss, yes the on board clock seems to be really struggling, and yes, things keep hanging/crashing.....BUT....I did manage to get MTW fired up...and started a new campaign in XL 3.0 as the Serbs in early.

No promises that the PC will get me all the way to the end, but I will write up what I have done thus far....stay tuned, Serbs in early is a bit of a roller coaster (well it has been for me anyway!).

Cheers

King Kurt

11-23-2007, 14:12

First an apology - I have been away from this thread for quite some time - a mixture of real life not giving me enough time coupled with the time pressures of running a japanese Shogunate and holding back the Soviet hordes from Istanbul in 1963 (for more details see the Chapter House!!!) has meant no time to write up my MTW meanderings. However for all my fans.... well at least Martok!! I felt I should return with a quick update on my current campaign because I am finding it so interesting. Spurred on by the MTW challenge thread, I thought I would try something different. Most of my campaigns have gone the same way - rapid expansion, push on despite money problems, reach critical mass before anybody else. So I decided to look for a challenge where I could not follow my normal path.
I came up with Hard Byzantines in Late XL - outmoded troops, surrounded by potentialy more powerful enemies, lots of diplomatic challenges. Add the problems of low trade income with XL and I thought this could be fun.

So - what has happened so far? First you need to sort out your troops as your generals are rubbish. Being Byzantine you have a pile of titles to put in place. Careful useage gives you a 4 star and some 2 star generals. Troops are OK - Varagians, Katanks and Byz infantry and you can make them straight away. However you need to cut your cloth accordingly. Money is the issue so begin the build up of the economic side of things - trade, mines, farms etc. Inns are a top priority - you will need mercs ASAP. Finally I got busy diplomatically - the Bulgarians and Horde are top priority as you must secure things to the north and west.

The early years were dominated by a naval war with the Hospitalliers - they started it!! - and the build up described above. My only expansion was into Tresibond. The real pleasure is the inn in Nicaea - it is a honeypot for a host of mercs - I felt like a child in a sweet shop - longbows, bills, Chiv knights, CMAA, organ guns, pikes, gallowglasses - with gold armour!!, even lancers. Soon I had a powerful defence force - but no cash. My provinces were like the highway for a pile of Crusades off to the Middle east. All were allowed through so they could fight the Turks and Marmeluks for me. My war with the Hospitalliers ended when I had sunk his fleets and peace broke out. I stood back as the English, French and Armenians slugged it out with the forces of Islam. Once the Turks were weakened, I took out their last province - Anatolia.
So - a rollercoaster ride - after the first few years I was getting the insufficient funds message most moves. On the plus side, I have never had so many allies and my princess is married into the Horde. I concentrated on the diplomacy more than normal which has been fun. So the mix is diplomacy, money, mercs and watching and waiting for opportunities. I will post again soon with another exciting episode.:2thumbsup:

bamff

11-26-2007, 06:48

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Serbs
~ A Campaign in XL ver 3.0 – Hard – GA ~

Chapter 1 – A Place to Live

The year is 1080. Tzar Vukan I had assumed sovereignty over the Serbian people, and now faced the onerous task of ensuring a future for his people. This in itself would be no small task. To the north, the might of the Hungarian ruler Laszlo, sat poised like a hungry wolf ready to sweep south and swallow Serbia. To the east was the empire of the Byzantines. If Hungary was to be likened to a wolf, the Byzantines represented an entire pack, such were their numbers.

Vukan knew that either of these two neighbours would be more than able of crushing Serbia on a whim, and that he could ill afford to raise the ire of either. He also knew that in order to survive, his people needed more territory, and access to more resources. The answer to his dilemma lay to the west. Croatia had recently attained its own independence, and boasted ample mineral deposits. Unlike Serbia’s northern and eastern neighbours, Croatia was, like Serbia, something of a military minnow. Yes, mused Vukan, it was indeed the time for bold and decisive action. Troops would have to be raised, and raised quickly, so that he may strike before any other laid claim to the rich lands that he so coveted.

Ever the pragmatist, Vukan also took steps to ensure (as best he could) the security of his northern and eastern borders. Emissaries were duly despatched north to an audience with the Hungarian court, and east to the Byzantine capital of Constantinople.

As the spring thaw of 1082 warmed the lands on the Adriatic coastline, Vukan’s army had at last reached a state of readiness, and with their Tzar himself at the head of the column, the Serbians marched on the Croatians. This was not to be the first conflict between Serb and Croat, nor, sadly, would it be the last.

News of the approaching Serbian army spread quickly, and the Croatians hastily gathered a force to meet the invader. At the head of the Croatian army was Nicephorus Stratiocus. As his name betrayed, Stratiocus was originally a Byzantine, and had served the armies of his homeland with distinction before deciding to sell his sword in foreign lands. Stratiocus chose to face the Serbs in the rolling hills east of the old village of Prnjavor.

The Battle of Prnjavor

The Croatian army was comprised of spearmen and horse archers. The Serbian army was comprised solely of horse archers. The Serbs did, however, enjoy a numerical superiority. Including the Tzar’s own Carska Garda, the Serbian horse archers outnumbered the Croatians by just over 2 to 1, and the resulting advantage in weight of fire would prove decisive in the coming battle.
Stratiocus was painfully aware of this fact, and in a vain attempt to reduce the Serbian advantage, he chose to split his force, taking the fight to the enemy with his horse archers, whilst leaving his spearmen to hold a small hillock. It was to prove a disastrous miscalculation. The Serbians horse archers rained death upon the Croats. As the sole surviving Croatian horse archer fled the carnage in panic, the Serbs turned their attention to the Croatian spearmen. Tzar Vukan knew full well that he did not have to engage the Croats. He simply surrounded them, and watched as volley after volley of arrows depleted the Croatian ranks. Finally, with all arrows expended, the Serbs charged in from all sides to rout the devastated survivors.

As the battle drew to a close, 66 Croats lay dead on the field. 73 sat as sullen faced captives. Only 2 Serbs perished in the battle.

This battle, though not the last of the campaign, was indeed decisive. Another Byzantine, Romulus Angelus, attempted to rally a Croatian army in 1083. He marched to meet Vukan’s force near the township of Kostajnica.

The “Battle” of Kostajnica

The engagement at Kostajnica was perhaps one of the most unusual “battles” of this era. With the magnitude and manner of the Serbian victory at Prnjavor still fresh in the minds of his troops, and with a number of unresolved questions about the mental stability of Angelus, his army quietly dissolved on the very eve of the battle. When Angelus awoke, he found not another soul still in camp. A lesser man would have quietly ridden away, but not Angelus. While his actions that day may indeed have confirmed the rumours regarding his sanity, they would also speak volumes of the bravery and determination of Romulus Angelus, as he rode alone to meet the armies of Serbia, and died alone in a hail of Serbian arrows.

Croatia was now under the rule of Vukan I.

The Conquest of Venice

Word of the Serbian victories in Croatia travelled far and wide, and in 1086 came the welcome news that King Sancho of Aragon wished to cement an alliance with Serbia. To this end, he offered the hand in marriage of his daughter, Princess Isobel to Prince Vukan. Tzar Vukan I was delighted to accept on behalf of his eldest son.

The young Prince had always been pleased to help his father to secure the future of their fledgling kingdom – and in this case, particularly so. The beauty of Isobel was legend throughout the Mediterranean nations, and upon meeting his betrothed, Vukan discovered that not only was the Princess every bit as radiant as she had been rumoured to be, but she was also “of a most pleasing demeanour and disposition”. To his great joy, Isobel also found his company to be every bit as pleasing to her. Whilst their marriage had indeed been arranged, the two soon found themselves very much in love.

Love, though, however strong, cannot stand in the way of duty – particularly when one is heir to the throne. Prince Vukan was soon enough to be wrenched away from his bride to commence training a new army. Barely 5 years after the bells had peeled the joyous news of the wedding of Vukan and Isobel, they now tolled news of war with the Venitians, following attacks on Serbian shipping in the Adriatic. Fortunately for Serbia, Prince Vukan’s army was by now ready to meet the threat of Venitian aggression. In 1091, they marched on Venice itself. The Venitians surrendered both their dignity and their home province, fleeing in disarray before Prince Vukan’s army. A decisive victory in the Adriatic followed in 1092, and with his forces on both land and sea now embarrassed by the Serbs, the Venitian Doge appealed for a ceasefire in 1094. Tzar Vukan magnanimously accepted.

Barely three years later, relations between Serbia and Venice had further improved to the point that a treaty of alliance was signed in 1097.

Tzar Vukan’s diplomatic skills had won him friends both near and far. King Olaf I of Denmark was so impressed with the Serbians military power and diplomatic skills that he too sought an alliance with Vukan. In 1098 his emissaries arrived to offer the hand of the Princess Ulfhild to Prince Stefan. Vukan accepted on behalf of his second son, and once again Serbia rejoiced to news of a royal wedding.

Sadly, whilst the union of Vukan and Isobel had proved a happy one, the marriage of Stefan and Ulfhild was not so. Stefan soon turned to the bottle for solace, and rumours were to emerge of a number of adulterous affairs.

In 1102, a number of provinces of the Holy Roman Empire rose up in rebellion, and it was not long before both the Tyrolians and the Austrians had won their independence. This provided an opportunity too good to resist, and in 1104, at the tender age of just 20 years, Prince Uros, third in line to the Serbian throne, led a Serbian army north to seize Austria from the Schaunbergs.

Battle joined at Gmund

Uros caught the army led by Ludwig Karolinger near the township of Gmund. The Austrians attempted to flee into the nearby mountains, but Uros’ men, with a significant advantage in speed due to their horse archers, raced ahead to cut off their retreat. With the horse archers of Zivota Chavic in the van, the Serbian force then ruthlessly rode the Schaunbergs down. 41 Austrians were killed for the loss of just one Serb.

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/1104-AustriaVictory.jpg

Austria now joined Venice and Croatia as Serbian conquests.

With this victory fresh in his mind, Tzar Vukan now felt that the time was right to challenge the might of Hungary. The Hungarian army had been worn down through the long running war with the Cumans in the east, and could not field anything like the numbers that they would have boasted in days gone by.

“The Cumans have pulled a great many of the Hungarian Wolf’s teeth,” noted Vukan to his generals, clearly intending to stick with his favourite metaphor for his northern adversaries. “Now is the time for us to strike.”

The Battle of Maribor Bridge

Tzar Vukan assembled a substantial army, and marched north in 1108. His army met the Hungarians at Maribor Bridge on the River Drava. With only the one crossing available, his trusted advisor, Vasa Jimovic, pleaded with the Tzar to reconsider. “My Lord, please reconsider. We can face the Hungarians on another day, on a field more conducive to victory.”

Vukan would have done well to heed the counsel of his general. After many hours of bloody combat, 465 Hungarians and 614 Serbs lay dead, and the bridge remained firmly in Hungarian hands. The waters of the Drava ran red for many leagues upstream, and the wailings of widows and mothers on both sides of the Drava were to rent the air for weeks to come.

This defeat did not deter Vukan, however, and in 1109 he launched a second invasion of Hungary. This time the Serb army marched east from Austria, under the leadership of Prince Uros.

The dissatisfaction and depression of Prince Stefan reached new depths with news of this appointment. Not only was his elder brother, Vukan, the next in line to the throne and in perfect health, but now he had been overlooked for his younger brother! He retreated further into the bottle.

The Battle of Szombathely

The Hungarians chose to make their stand at Szombathely, in the western region of the province. Uros enjoyed an advantage that had been denied his father the preceding year – open ground. The Hungarians were no longer protected from his horse archers and mounted crossbowmen by the natural barrier of a river, and he meant to take full advantage of this opportunity.

He directed a troop of horse archers and one of mounted crossbows to skirt around either flank of the Hungarian force. The remnants of a troop of Hungarian horse archers tried in vain to fend off one such pairing, but the simple mathematics of 40 horse archers and 40 crossbows against 24 horse archers dictated that the Hungarians were soon eliminated from the battle. On the opposing flank, the Hungarians had but 18 archers to call upon for support, and these men too, were soon dead or fleeing.

The Hungarians now faced 155 archers and crossbowmen to their rear, and 120 archers and 40 horse archers to their front. Knights, javelin men, Slav Warriors, Urban Militia, and Spearmen alike died under the hail of arrows that rained down upon their position, before the Serbs charged their depleted foes. Again Vasa Jimovic and his Voynuk swordsmen led the way, eager to avenge their fallen comrades from Maribor. Uros and his army had won the day! 471 Hungarian dead littered the field, alongside 243 sons of Serbia. 86 Hungarian prisoners gloomily awaited their fate. With the Cumans on the march in the east, it was unlikely that the Hungarian King would be able to spare a ransom for their release, even if he were able to hold Carpathia.

Those Hungarians that survived the battle at Szombathely retreated to the sanctuary of Esztergom Castle. It was to provide them with precious little respite, falling to Prince Uros after the briefest of sieges. Hungary had fallen! While it was true that a state of war still existed between Hungary and Serbia, the sole remaining Hungarian loyalists were now under siege in Carpathia, with that province, together with neighbouring Wallachia under Cuman control. As a consequence, Tzar Vukan was secure in the knowledge that the Hungarians posed little (if any) real threat. Fortunately for those at court, his Chamberlain successfully advised against yet another tedious "Hungarian Wolf" analogy.

In 1113 came the news of the death of the Hungarian king at the hands of the Cumans. With his demise, along with the last of his line, the Hungarians were no more. Tzar Vukan I ordered a great celebratory feast. The 34 years of his rule had seen Serbia grow from a single province nestled precariously between two mighty empires to five provinces – Serbia, Croatia, Venice, Austria, and Hungary. Vukan knew that if he could hold these territorial gains, his empire was in a very healthy position indeed. Sadly, the now elderly Tzar had precious little time in which to enjoy the fruits of his labours. In 1114, he passed away peacefully in his sleep, and his eldest son ascended the throne as Tzar Vukan II.

The reign of Tzar Vukan II would start in a healthier position than had that of his father, but threats and potential enemies and rivals still surrounded Serbia. Only time would tell if Vukan could live up to the exploits of his great father. Could he guide his people to prosperity? Would he be able to fend off enemy armies? Would the old computer hold together long enough to complete this campaign?

Perhaps the next 45 years would hold the answer….

https://i140.photobucket.com/albums/r32/bamffofbrissie/1115-TheSerbianEmpire.jpg

Bregil the Bowman

11-26-2007, 23:24

Welcome back Bamff, may your hard drive prosper.

r johnson

11-28-2007, 17:21

This is my attempt at writing a history of me Empire, I don't go whole hog and bother trying to win through domination. I play with the pomp and ignorance of the faction at that time, plus i'm lazy. Cheers to Ja mata TosaInu who fixed my account for me.

I am trying the Napoleonic Total War as a change for a while. I'm not a great writer and a worse MTW/NTW gamer.

Faction: English
Mod: Napoleonic Total War

King George II

King George II of Great Britain, Ireland and Hanover is an autocrat king who rules a small power Empire; a small badly equipped army and an incapable economy burden this Empire. The English realising that the French could quickly become a threat and with a weak economy and an unready army decide that an ally on the continent is best. The Dutch seem ideal, a country that England has had links with in the past that posses a strong navy and good army. An emissary is hired to negotiate an alliance with the Dutch against the French, failing this he instructed to propose a treaty of mutual support for each other should one be attack by the French. A Dutch fishing ship seeing a Royal navy ship sailing to Holland docks gets the wrong impression and instead of the alliance the Dutch king declares war. The initial battle along the English Channel saw an English 6-rate ship lost for 1 Dutch 5-rate ship; neither side gains an advantage.

The naval battle the next year however results in a very different outcome, the English fleet is caught deploying and all but one ship is destroyed, the Dutch people rejoice and the British panic. The same year the French join the war by invading (Dutch) Flanders, King George seeing them as a good short term ally offers his daughter in marriage. The French Emperor Louis I officially rejoices but both sides see this only as a temporary truce, although King George still thinks a permanent negotiation can be made. The French persuade the English that an attack on land would win the war quicker and cheaper than a navel fight. The English loosing most of their ships in a previous battle do not make an attempt to argue and the British Kings German Legion Army (BKGLA) is ordered to prepare an attack. The BKGLA’ general replies that he will not win if he does not get any artillery, the King and his advisors agree but decide not just to send two regiments of four-pounder artillery but the 1st British army which was based in the East Midlands at the time. The new allied force, now joined by the Swedish who are at war with the Danes, Know it’s only a matter of time before they are victorious and the Dutch realise that time is not on their side. In the year 1753 the Danish whilst struggling in the war with the Swedish receive a message from their Dutch ally requesting help in their struggles against the allies. Suggesting an immediate attack of the British in Hanover reasoning that their navy is tied up and economy is weak could only resist for so long. The Danish King bound by his alliance and short of troops himself he decides to attack Hanover the same year. The Danish army comprises of no artillery, cavalry of a lot of fighting spirit but little fighting value and infantry, which is average in everything. The BKGLA and the 1st BA British armies are multi-cultural forces, comprising of Germans, Englishman and Scotsman they have adequate artillery, cavalry that is good but only light Hussars and some of the best infantry in the Europe. The Danish King attacks in April 1753 and meets the British army at a river crossing where battle shall commence.

The Defence of Hanover

The battle stumbled into action early, the English held three bridges across the river, two of these bridges are close to each other because there’s a small town either side of the bank. The engagement begins with Danish hussars perhaps more than 3 regiments strong charging across one of the pair of bridges and engages British Highland Infantry. This regiment was chosen purposely by the British armies General Robin Neville as he knew BHI would be best in a melee engagement, which the battle might come to. The Hussars proved their fighting spirit but also their lack of fighting worth;the attack was a terrible failure taking nearly 100% killed.
https://img139.imageshack.us/img139/6992/73497497qi3.png (https://imageshack.us)
On the right side of the battlefield the Danish king marched across the bridge to see how well it was defended seeing 200 of the Kings German Legion he marched back across. The Danish king soon attacked again this time supported by 200 Danish line infantry. The king charged into the KGL taking no account of how much slower infantry is to cavalry, the Last Danish king was killed with all his bodyguards before the 200 Danish infantry could catch up to support him. The Danish infantry attacked, the KGL took this onslaught in their stride pushing the Danish back onto the bridge. By this point the Four-pounder artillery had been given enough time to position itself on the high ground, set up and had been long pounding the Danish infantry and those Danish Hussars that hadn’t attacked on the left.
https://img139.imageshack.us/img139/5350/37767834dh5.png (https://imageshack.us)
The near by houses took their fair share of the shells which damaged many houses and shielded some of the Danish army. On the right the KGL was fighting fiercely and the remaining 34 Danes ran from the field in determination to save their own necks chased by the remaining 189 KGL. With an improvised council now commanding the battle for the late king, it is decided with the right flank unprotected and as the king is dead the Danish are defeated a withdrawal is planned to end useless bloodshed unknown to the English General. The Danish council for war sent a regiment of Danish infantry to engage the Highland Infantry on the other side of the bridge to give the rest of the army time to withdraw, the Danish regiment ran away in no time but the British did not pursue the Danish. The figures released by neutral observers seem to be the best, the British killed 580 mostly by artillery and lost 40 themselves. The Danish faction was eliminated although Denmark remains independent, ruled under the council of war retitled Government, Robin Neville is praised for providing a decisive English victory and the Dutch loose their ally and face the war alone.

King George II

The Dutch took their new-found solitary stance in their stride when in 1754 a fleet that consisted of both French and British ships was almost entirely defeated by the outnumbered Dutch fleet. The entire English Navy was sunk and all but one French naval ship in the English Channel was sunk, however the Dutch took losses of their own and unlike the British of French didn’t have the finances or the resources to replace their losses. The British Government questioned the slow advance of the army and the army blamed the poor state of the economy and failings of the navy. General Neville realising he needed to provide a victory, made even more so by the recent delivery of two regiments of eight-pounder artillery and the kings son Prince Alfred to command one of the armies under Neville. While the British bickered one of her allies Prussia was locked in a war with Poland, being pushed out of Prussia itself in summer 1755. Although not apart of the allies, the Prussians are naturally close to Britain because of the British involvement in Hanover. By the end of 1755 Neville had come up with a plan to invade the province of Holland and in early 1756 a re-born allied fleet destroyed the Dutch navy. The beginning of the end has come, the Dutch have no means of replacing their losses at sea and it becomes obvious it’s simply a matter of time. Such time comes in the spring of 1759 when two British armies commanded by Prince Alfred and supreme commander Robin Neville attack the small but potent Dutch army.

The battle starts with two regiments, ten eight-pounder guns being ordered to bombard the Dutch line principally to kill the large amount of Dutch cavalry employed. Over the course of the bombardment the artillery regiments are ordered to fire at different Hussar regiments and thin out their numbers effectively. As the English line Infantry and KGL line up the bombardment is support by two regiments of Four-pounder artillery tasked with attacking the Dutch line infantry. Two regiments of Kings German Legion Hussars march towards some trees near the Dutch left flank, as the thin red wall of infantry begins to advance. As this wall passes the artillery, each artillery regiment is ordered to cease-fire respectively finishing with the four-pounders.
https://img405.imageshack.us/img405/1116/93932327lk2.png (https://imageshack.us)
Each British Line regiment is tasked with Dutch or Belgian line regiment in front of them they must head for, the engagement of infantry is short but decisive. General Neville avoids capturing as many men as possible in order to keep the Dutch garrison large enough to starve out rather than having to try and storm the fort, he realises he doesn’t have siege artillery at all and would take huge casualties trying to break in. Instead he uses his Hussars to intimidate the Dutch to carry on running. The Dutch are in a siege and although the Dutch king was killed in the bombardment, he was replaced by his son and has no reason to call for peace as it is likely that Holland could rebel against the English. The war isn’t over an MP in the commons is heard saying and true it might be.

https://img507.imageshack.us/img507/6762/69031813nh2.png (https://imageshack.us)
https://img507.imageshack.us/img507/6762/69031813nh2.33821a96be.jpg (http://g.imageshack.us/g.php?h=507&i=69031813nh2.png)

UltraWar

11-28-2007, 23:57

Napoleonic Total War looks great, I really should get back to rebuilding my Medieval Empires. :2thumbsup:

seireikhaan

12-01-2007, 08:11

Alright, a bit of news. Due to some mod-hopping(and my bad case of restart-itis, I will no longer be continuing my French campaign. However, I have detirmined to try and narrate the entire tale of the line of the Grand Princes of Kiev next, courtesy of VikingHorde's XL v. 3.0 mod.

The Tale of the Grand Princes of Kiev.

Chapter One- The tale of Ysevolod the Great

The Rise of Eastern Orthodoxy.

In the year 1080 of our Lord, Ysevolod I ascended to the rank of Grand Prince of Kiev. His subjects at the time consisted of a few ranks of loyal soldiers, and the provinces of Kiev and Pereyslavl. To his north and south, Pagans ruled in the forms of the Lithuanians and Cumans, respectively. Several less powerful kingdoms ruled over several of the nearby provinces. Likewise, all were Pagan. Ysevolod was determined to expand his rule, to ensure the continuity of his blood, and to convert the savage pagans. However, he needed to prioritize first. Immediately upon his coronation to the rank of Grand Prince, he sent diplomats to the southern pagans, the Cumans, to persuade them to an alliance. Efforts proved successful, with the Cuman Khan vowing his support for Ysevolod. Meanwhile, he raised what troops he could in Kiev, in preparation for an invasion of Lithuania. He would need the rich areas for income, in addition to destroying a potential rival. His opportunity occured just two years after his coronation. The Lithuanian king sent many of his best troops to subdue the native people of Cherginov, leaving his home province with little defense. Pouncing on the opportunity, Ysevolod led an invasion of Lithuania himself. The Lithuanian troops, outnumbered and out commanded, retreated back to the keep. However, it would not be long before the garrison soon began running out of supplies. Lithuania was unable to counter attack the larger force, and after two years of seige, Ysevolod captured Lithuania. After two years of consolidation his rule in Lithuania, Ysevolod gathered his army, and with reinforcements from Kiev, invaded Cherginov, and destroyed the outnumbered Lithuanian army absolutely.

With Lithuania no longer a threat, Ysevolod could focus on consolidating his territory. He sent diplomats to the independant peoples of Smolensk, and, with a monetary incentive, convinced the troops in the region to declare their loyalty to Ysevolod. Now with a sizable economic base, Ysevolod began looking elsewhere for further conquest. To the north were his allies and fellow Orthodoxy followers, the Princes of Novgorod. He was still allied to the pagan Cumans to the south. However, to the west, conflict opened the door. In 1093, the Cumans launched their first invasion of the Polish kingdom. Poland was not one of the kingdoms that Ysevolod counted in his favor. Gathering a great army, he prepared to help his allies, by assisting in destroying Poland. He put his son, Ysevolod II, in charge of the army. Ysevolod II was, like his father, a sound military mind. He was at once considered to be a skilled warrior, but the luxuries of courtly life took their tolls on his physique. By the time of the planned invasion, he was grossly overweight, reducing his battlefield activity to that of a supervisor.

However, it would turn out that Ysevolod II would not need to fight much in the coming battles. In 1096, Ysevolod II led a large invasion of Volhynia. The Polish army, despite having comparable numbers, could not match Ysevolod II's army, and knew it. While the Kievan army was composed of many heavy Rus Spears and mounted crossbowmen and horse archers, the Polish army consisted mostly of slavic conscripts and fragile militia troops. The Polish army retreated, and surrendered the province without a fight. Two years later, Ysevolod II was once again on the move. This time, his target was Prussia. The native Prussians were attempting to withstand a Polish seige at that moment. Once again, despite having comparable numbers, the Polish retreated from the province, which soon fell to Kievan forces, as the garrison had already been stretched to the limit. In the south, Poland was just holding off Cuman forces in lesser Poland, exchanging the province back and forth before finally expelling Cuman forces for good. However, during the battles, the Polish king fell ill, and his son, Wladyslaw, took over. It seemd Wladyslaw did not have his father's caution, as he immediately ordered forces stationed in greater Poland to retake Prussia, despite having a slight numerical disadvantage, and a great disadvantage in the professionality of his army. And it would be at the battle of Prussia that the Polish army would be broken.

Battle of Prussia

Ysevolod II, still in command of the grand army, was much surprised when he learned from his scouts that Wladyslaw had sent a force to attack him. He arranged his troops in a straight line, with his heavy Rus spears dominating the middle of the formation, and woodsmen levied from Lithuania hedging the flanks. In front were mounted crossbowmen and horse archers, and at the very edge of the formation wee his elite cavarly, the Druzhinas. The Polish army, seeing a straight formation matched against them, attempted to copy it for their attack. Polish troops, most of whom were levied slavs and militias, had little resolve in comparison to the stalwart heavy infantry of the Kievans. Furthermore, the few Polish troops which could have matched up on the Kievan troop had to walk through a hail of arrow and crossbow fire. The battle became a slaughter. The heavy Rus spearmen easily repelled the light Polish infantry, many of whom routed quickly in the face of such professional soldiers. The effect became near instantaneous. The Polish formation crumbled as troops ran off wholesale, so much so that soon, even the Polish general fled. Seing his fleeing enemy, Ysevolod II ordered all of his cavalry to run the enemy down, with his infantry advancing behind them. In all, over 500 Polish soldiers were captured, all of whom were summarily executed.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/BattleofPrussia.jpg

The Polish army would never truly recover from Wladyslaw's disastrous decision. However, Ysevolod cared not for the territories of Greater and Lesser Poland. He was of the opinion that it would unnecessarily open him to more potential enemies and give more territories to defend. So, he offered Wladyslaw the opportunity for peace. However, Wladyslaw would decline Ysevolod's offer three times. Upon the third denial, Ysevolod threw a fit of rage, and sent orders to his son to march his army through both Greater and Lesser Poland, and destroy anything and everything. Ysevolod II took the opportunity, and marched his force south from Prussia, into Greater Poland. Nearly all Polish resistance in the region was still shattered from the disastrous invasion of Prussia. Polish troops retreated, and Ysevolod II yet another province without a fight. Once there, Ysevolod II gave the orders to his troops to destroy, pillage, and burn everything of value. In all, over 2,000 Florins would be added to the Kievan coffers, florins which were badly needed due to the economic strain caused by constant warfare. With everything in Greater Poland razed, Ysevolod II continued his march south, into Lesser Poland. Lesser Poland was the last bastion of Polish strength, and offered the only hope of resistance against Ysevolod II and the Kievan army. It would be here that Wladyslaw would make his stand.

Battle of Krakow.

Despite Wladyslaw's numerical superiority, Ysevolod II was once again confident that the battle would be a short one. The Polish army consisted of yet more slavic conscripts, although this army would field more cavalry than previous ones, with a fair number of mounted crossbows and regular horsemen, in addion to Wladyslaw's royal guard. It should be noted that the Polish army finally had fielded a few professional soldiers, in the form of two units of armoured spears. However, the heavy Rus spears offered good counted to Wladyslaw's cavalry, as well as being superior in both numbers and quality to the armoured spears.

The Polish army had gathered itself at a natural enclave, a grassy pasture surrounded on two sides by forest, which offered good cover. However, Ysevolod II instead marched through the grassy opening, to give his horse archers and mounted crossbows adequate room to fire. He set the crossbows in front, with the horse archers behind them. The battle would open with many bloody volleys from the Kievan forces, as the Polish simply couldn't match up volley for volley. After nearly emptying his ranged troops ammunition, Ysevolod II marched his forces towards the enclave, in tight ranks and formation, forming a wall of spears, with cavalry, woodsmen, and tribal voi swordsmen coming behind. The Polish troops finally attempted a charge at the Kievan frontline, offering stiff resistance to the Kievan march As Ysevolod II's forces continued onwards, an ambush of Polish mounted crossbows and horsemen suddenly materialized on the flank of his army. The Polish cavalry inflicted severe damage before they were finally repelled back into the forests. Meanwhile, the few professional soldiers of the Polish army had long been defeated, and the slavic conscripts were offering little resistance. Wladyslaw, with defeat seeming near inevitable, managed to pick a moment at which the Kievan troops were least organized, and made a last charge into Kievan ranks. Wladyslaw would turn out to be a valourous foe, slaying many Kievans and fighting continously for nearly 15 minutes, despite being surrounded on all sides. In the end, Wladyslaw would meet his end at the hand of a tribal voi soldier, just as Polish reinforcements were coming to the field. By this time, the battle was all but over, but the Polish troops, with no province to retreat to, offered as fierce a resistance as possible, before finally fleeing the field for good.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/destructionofPoland.jpg

Following the battle of Krakow, Ysevolod heard word that his ally, the Cumans, were faltering under the pressure of Hungarian invasion. The Hungarians had invaded Moldavia, and put in under their rule. While his sone was besieging the survivors in Lesser Poland, Ysevolod sent his his daughter, Svetlana, to the Hungarain court of King Bela. As the keep near Krakow fell to Kievan rule, Svetlana was officially wed to Bela's son, Bela II. Ysevolod II sent a messenger to his father, sending word that he was saddened to miss the beatiful wedding(and the bounteous feast that was bound to ensue). And as per the marriage agreement, Ysevolod agreed to cancel his alliance with the Cumans, in favor of Bela. Meanwhile, bandits had risen up in Greater Poland, and taken the province for themselves. Once again, Ysevolod II razed the infrastructure of yet another province, pulling in yet more income to aid the strained Kievan coffers. Ysevolod II pulled his army out of Lesser Poland, into Volhynia, and once again left it to any rebels who might take the opportunity. Unfortunately, as luck would have it for the now aging Ysevolod, Polish loyalist instead took control of Lesser Poland, and also convinced the bandit troops in Greater Poland to convert to the Polish Banner as well. However, it mattered little, as Poland was still effectively rendered impetent, with little infrastructure, and few troops.

With Poland effectively out of the picture, and with little reason to not do so, Ysevolod, now in his 60's, took advantage of the situation with the Cumans. The Cumans, under intense pressure from Hungary, suffered a bitter civil war, with their troops in Leser Khazar rebelling. With his coffers now somewhat less strained, Ysevolod felt confident in convincing the rebels to join the Kievan banner, with a little incentive, of course. The next year, he heard good word that the rebels had joined his ranks, netting him Leswer Khazar a well, once the transition was complete. Meanwhile, he gathered a small army in Kiev to invade Levidia, which consisted mostly of Rus spearmen and Druzhina cavalry. He sent them, along with few units of woodsmen from Volhynia, to take Levidia. However, this battle would not be under the leadership of either Ysevolod or Ysevolod II, and instead were under the leadership of the promising but raw commander, Mikhail Shchukin. Furthermore, the Cumans were an entirely different threat than the Poles.

Battle of Levidia

The Cuman forces had chosen a vast, grassy plain on which to fight the battle. Concerened about the Cuman cavarly's mobility and ferocity, Shchukin attempted to keep his spearmen close together, and prevent holes from opening up. However, he hadn't taken into account the few units of Cuman warriors, armed with the fearsome recurve bow. The warriors, at the far front of the Cuman army, began inflicting severe casualties. Shchuking sent a unit of Druzhinas to charge the warriors, and break them. The warriors began to fall back in the face of the charge, but failed to retreat orderly. The unit fell into chaos, and routed. However, as the Druzhinas were attempting to run them down, a unit of Cuman Heavy Cavalry charged towards them. Shchukin sent the signal for the feigned retreat. He ordered the Druzhinas to pretend to panick, running away from the Cuman cavalry, leading the cavalry straight to the Kievan main body. The Cuman cavalry abliged, chasing the Druzhinas into a wall of spears. The Rus spears were shocked by the ferocity in which the Cuman cavalry slammed into them, and suffered casualties despite their inherent advantage. However, not Shchukin ordered a unit woodsmen to wheel around, and the woodsmen let loose a terrible charge into the Cuman's ranks, tearing through the Cuman armor with their axes. With one of the Cuman heavy cavalry routed, Shchukin felt confident, and sent roughly half of his force, including the Druzhinas, towardst the rest of the Cuman cavarlymen, and another unit of Cuman warriors. The rest were to guard against a flank attack from the Cuman warriors who had recovered from being routed earlier. However, half the force prooved insufficient, as the Druzhina's were routed, and many spearmen died. Not until the woodsmen were once again able to hit the Cuman flank with their charge were the Cuman cavalry all defeated. With their cavalry gone, the Cumans were left with few troops, only standard archers, the unit of warriors, and no more. With so little in their favor, and their general perished under the strike of an axe, the remaining Cumans fled the field. In all, the Kievans won, but never had a win been so bloody, relatively, for them.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/BattleforLevidia.jpg

However, Ysevolod would not hear the results of Shchukin's efforts. During the winter of 1118, he fell ill, and at the venerable age of 67, died. Although he did not lead many of the battles that would make him legend, the scope of his conquests, as well as the leadership he provided, gave the territories under the Kievan princes an astounding start to secure their future as serious players in world conflicts. At the beginnin of his reign, in 1080, he held only Kiev and Pereyaslavl. At the time of his death, in 1118, he had expanded his realm into the Baltics, put Levidia under siege and taken Lesser Khazar, secured many small independant realms for Kiev, rendered the Poland impetent, and nearly completely vanquished Paganism, with the aid of his allies, the Princes of Novgorod. Now his son, the war hero, Ysevolod II, would take the throne. Could he mimick his father's success, despite taking the throne at a much older age? Only time would tell.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/legacyofthefirstgrandprince.jpg
The dark blue line represents the original boundaries of Kiev at the start of Ysevolod I's reign. The light blue lines represents the boundaries of Kiev upon his death.

r johnson

12-02-2007, 15:00

The year 1760 to 1765

General Neville, after his victory, wanted to command the forces in Holland for the siege but was ordered by King George to return him and his army to England and prepare his forces to attack Iberia. Prince Alfred was given command of the BKGLA in Holland, he was instructed to prevent rebellions in Holland, this task he succeed with a combination of pardons and capital punishments. Neville arrived back in England in 1762 and in the same year Christian III of Denmark returned to his Kingdom of Denmark to try and remove the evil `democratic` government that had become a dictatorship. With a combination of numerical and better forces Christian III sent the Rebel army, which was equipped with old muskets and rationed gunpowder, reeling back into Copenhagen national fort. Here a waiting game ensued. England’s spell of isolationism is quickly disappearing as, in the year 1763 King George hosts a banquet for an emissary employed by the Austria Emperor in the hope that an alliance can be struck. This news initially came as a surprise to George not expecting such a great empire to acknowledge such a small power, perhaps the war with the Dutch has, however slightly, put England on the map and the King accepts gracefully. During the celebrations of the new friendship news is brought to the King’s attention that his son has successfully starved the garrison of Holland to surrender whilst avoiding rebellion. The English proudly announces the news while the Austrians confirm with themselves that England was the better nation to ally with. King George however is still concerned by the poor state of his navy, even though it has recently beaten a Dutch fleet it was allied with the French and realises that isolationism has resulted in an old-fashioned and badly lead navy that could become a liability in a coming war. At the next parliament, that year, the King announces his plans to rebuild and improve the navy with new technology, with better and in the short term more ships. Not all of parliament wants to expand the navy, seeing it as a form of aggression but these are mainly old school MPs of the isolationist period and the bill is passed.

The King sees expanding the navy as a way of contributing to the allied course, the British high command see it as a way of putting the French off attacking. While the King believes the French will keep their side of the treaty, the British still remember the many times either side failed to keep to the terms of agreements. The Kings beliefs lie in a simple belief that Europe will be divided between the three allies. The Swedish will hold the smallest slice mainly Scandinavia and northern Russia, the British will hold the next biggest slice roughly 40:60 to the French slice which will be the biggest. The British argue this is ridicules but all they have to back it up with is history which the King dismisses, the debate is briefly forgotten by the announcement by the Prussians that the Polish have been defeated on the date 1764. In the same year the Danes take Denmark from the rebels thus returning Denmark back to autocratic Danish rule. Early into 1765 aren’t good to Neville who is planning the invasion of Spanish Iberia because the Spanish announce the defeat of the Portuguese who Neville was hoping to ally with in Iberia. This is a blow to Neville realising that if the Portuguese can be defeated and the French aren’t taking any ground the British army might struggle, for the first time Neville is siding against the war, it is officially recognised that he is `very honest`. However despite these reservations by more and more people England still prepares for war, cannon foundries are founded, barracks set up and farms raised. At a formal meeting of the three allies the King announces unofficially that he could attack in two years, the British look to see how the French react and the French aren‘t sure what to make of it naturally weary of British plans as the British high command expected.

Wars and alliances

In 1765 an emissary employed by the Russian tsar appeared at court to propose an alliance of `our two great nations`. The King is made aware by his advisors that the Russians are allied with the Spanish, the king believes the Russians would remain allied with him in any war with Spain and accepts the alliance after much thought. Britain prepares for war building, training its troops and improving its infrastructure. After the depravity, slumping economy and backward infrastructure of the isolationism England, since the war with the Dutch, is enjoying an economic boom. This is not halted even is 1766 when the Danish fleet attack a single English ship in the North Sea, the result is far different to the naval battles of old however a Danish ship is sunk for no English losses. The King was ready to attack the Spanish and had scheduled a date in 1767 for the attack, this why there was only one ship in the North Sea. Another of the king’s sons is about to emerge onto the military scene, Prince Rowland is a four star General appointed to take control of Prince Alfred’s BKGLA in 1769. Neville, unable to travel by sea to Hanover, is ordered to garrison Holland to release Prince Alfred’s BKGLA to protect Hanover. In 1767 the single British ship takes on the remaining Danish navy and sinks their entire fleet, this is a massive boost with the newspapers announcing the Navy is ready to right. This has a much more substantial effect on the British war effort as this means an old plan to invade Denmark can be revised. On 17 May 1768 with some light mist in the air a Danish light house catches a glimpse of a British convoy of ships carrying the Kings Own British Army, commanded by King George II and the BKGLA marches from Hanover to meet up with it. The Danish King with a small army of estimated 700 withdraws completely from Denmark and Christian III flees the country, a massive victory for the English more psychological more than anything as it proves the British can fight alone and win. Britain economy booms by the increase in jobs and work and the English discover the reason of the attack. It appears that King Christian III determined to remain on his throne authorised a war in the hope that if its successful it’ll unite the nation around him and win him allies. At the time the country had high unemployment and was suffering economically since the deposition of the Government and little recognition from the world with no allies. King George II celebrates and milks this victory for all he can but there are troubles ahead.
The French after great advance into Iberia, bringing justification to the Kings desire to attack, have fallen back and lost many troops and even briefly loosing Aquitaine to the Spanish. The British opposition to the Spanish war gains popularity and the King, impressed by the Spanish advance, questions his advisors if now is the time to break from the treaty with France and declare war against the French allied with the Spanish. His advisors come back with an interesting document just written it’s a proposed treaty of alliance between the Russian Tsar Alexander IV, Spanish King Ferdinand VII and Great Britain’s King George II, new allies and a new allied course. Britain would generally be closer to the Russians who share allies while the Spanish atm fight alone except for the Russians. The year 1770 is celebrated in Britain by the coming of age of another of the Kings sons, Prince Stephen is another four star General who wants to take after his father and so joins his fathers army as a under general. Also the Spanish offer an alliance with England however after long and deep thought the King, still confident about his victory against the Danes, declines the offer although he implies it may not be permanent. For the next two years the labours labour away making guns, wheat and beer while the King and officials debate about the coming war. Many people propose no war at all but the King insists while others, generally young MPs say England must keep her word with France and France shall keep hers in return. The last is those who are pro Spanish and pro war with the French, traditionalist who still believe England has an ancient right to control France and try to persuade with fantasies of a new `French Empire` like the old Plantagenet Empire stretching from Normandy to Aquitaine via Anjou. The Kings advisors insist he has two options, if he still wants to attack he must decide whom and do it before 1774. Failing this he must wait and see what comes from the two fighting nations, perhaps Ferdinand’s luck will come to an end and the French regain their losses. Britain confidentially prepares for war.

seireikhaan

12-04-2007, 00:45

Chapter Two-The Tale of Ysevolod the Unfortunate

Ysevolod II, War Hero in the Kievan-Polish War, son of Ysevolod the Great, was coronated in Kiev in 1118 A.D. With his strong legacy as a great field commander, many of the nobles of the court expected great things in his reign as Grand Prince, even if it was shortened by the age at which he aquired the throne. With the Polish and Cumans no longer a threat, and the Byzantines and Turks locked with one another in a fierce war, Ysevolod II found he had little place to turn for conquests. He doubted the nobles would approve of an invasion of Novgorod, as they were brothers in faith, and on top of that, allies. A similar situation occured with the Byzantine province of Crimea, which Ysevolod II badly wanted, to reduce the potential threat against the underbelly of the Empire. For much of his first year, the only actions were the continued efforts to subdue the garrison of Levidia, through bribery, and the consolidation of Lesser Khazar. In the end, Ysevolod II would never reach a plan of conquests. As circumstances would have it, Ysevolod II's years of binging on the finer delicasies of the world, would catch up to him. In 1119, merely one year after his coronation, his body, broken from years of warfare and indulgence, could take no more, and Ysevolod II, son of Ysevolod the Great, War Hero of the Kievan-Polish War, died of of illness. It seemed that his heart, strained from his gross gluttony and stress of warfare, simply could go no more. The nobles of the court weeped, as they had lost a great mind, one that they had thought would take them to greater heights.

Ysevolod II died with no living heirs, partly due to his constant military campaigning, and also due to the fact that his horribly overweight body disgusted his wife, Catherine, who was orinally of the court of Aragon. Thus, the Empire was left to his younger brother, Yuri. Yuri, in comparison to his brother, was of average stock. He had not particated in any military campaigns, as Ysevolod the Great had assigned him to the defense of Cherginov, which was never invaded. He was not especially bright, known more for his steely gaze than his mathematics. Furthermore, although few knew it, he had long been involved in affairs with women of the courts of Novgorod. Having spent as much time as he did near the borders of the two kingdoms, it is little wonder that he was only involved with a single Novgoridian, by the name of Svetlana. This relationship would prove to be a major impetus in future events...

Tales of the Kievan Kingdom
Chapter One- Ysevolod the Great (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1764556&postcount=1227)

PershsNhpios

12-19-2007, 09:59

Great Bohemia, a home of the most famous valour, and the middle of the Earth!

There are many hundreds of accounts portraying the historical ventures of the Bohemian Kingdom,
but these are all falsified, written with biased and drunken views.
Some of them scorn and bear too harshly of the central Royalty, others praise too liberally - to the eclipse of sycophancy!

This construction, anonymously scribed so that the observer may view only the words I digress,
(And not the foretellings and assumations of their own mind), writes a history of the Bohemian Kingdom's greatest achievements.

It reports the Battle for Munich, preaches the true events that occurred on the crossing of Franconia, my file honours the name Vratislav with the virtuous tales it has served,
and censures it for the grave misfortunes it represented in Bohemia.
I have even translated here, the battles within Bohemia itself, (Otherwise known as the War of the Compass, for the numerous directions from which Bohemia was attacked),
and the fine ability and tact that gave the Kingdom notice in courts as distant as Sicilia.

Before my prologue ends, and I allow you to devour my notes, I wish that my reader would put out of his mind, all the previous and dishonourable fiction he has believed on the reign of King Vratislav I.

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In the very first years of it's ascent in the political scale, Bohemia was a Kingdom it is generally agreed, smaller than the Italian Provence & Genoa.
When Vratislav I came to Feudal power during the Polish Reign of King Wladyslaw I, he had many feuds outside and amongst the borders of his rule.
His son, and future ruler, Vratislav II, was an ignoble, ignorant, and ignored young man who was so ill-spoken and so incapable of all arts he was considered by most of the Bohemian nobility to be inbred.

This pressured the King, his father, into the decision of demoting him to a captain in the Royal Lancers.
Almost disowned, yet by his life, entitled to his fathers possessions - Vratislav II hated his father, and his many young brothers who aspired in talents numerous and awesome.

Yet dissent in the Royal family was only a minor flaw in comparison to the reality of the Bohemian Kingdoms' situation.

Though Vratislav himself had no intent or ambition internationally, and was incessantly occupied with domestic affairs, the Kingdom of Bohemia was surrounded on all sides by young leaders, militaristic and willful.
The King was not ignorant of this, but he was intimidated by the very discussion, or shaded possibility of warfare so early in his reign.
Nonetheless, under constant advice and guidance, he leant his power upon the lower class Bohemians, and succeeded in forcing them into permanent military service.
Within two years there was a standing garrison of approximately 550 men stationed in the Kingdom, trained well and weekly, some in skirmishing and use of the javelin.
Others in the use of the spear and tactics against cavalry, some of the nobility were persuaded to recruit themselves to the Royal Lancers, and the Middle class contributed to the addition of an Armoured Spears regiment.

Yet all these things were still being accomplished, and the land south of the Bohemian Keep being cleared in hope of farming, when the Polish King Waldyslaw I invaded with 600 men in the late autumn of 1088.
This was the first battle in what was to be style the, "War of the Compass", a title still used to describe an overwhelming diffculty or situation.
The Polish ruler came with his own selected cavalry, three regiments of spears, two being armoured well, a company of archers and in addition,
a new levy of town Militia and local horse archers.

King Vratislav I was overcome, for the Hungarian Kingdom south of Bohemia was in alliance with Poland, and was equally optimistic in the acquisition of new claims.
If the Bohemian divisions survived the Polish offensive, Hungary would control an army of between 800 and 900 men capable of uprooting the very Keep Vratislav dwelt within.
This was overshadowed by the standind army idling within Lesser Poland, and the great hordes of Militia that bored themselves in the West - amongst the Holy Roman Empire!

The War of the Compass began in the middle of a great storm, and Vratislav possessed himself of an eminence that gentled and then dropped into a great valley which braced itself against the Polish advance.
Confidence however, gripped the Eastern invader, and Wladyslaw shouted his spears over the rise opposite Vratislav, before climbing it himself.
Here, with a thin, but greatly steep valley between, and in the assault of the weather the two militaries were allowed to view each other.

Vratislav I had experienced himself as deeply in war as he had in management of a Kingdom, and the disobedience of his son aided no one.

He positioned the three spears in one great line of five ranks in front of all, with the Armoured regiment holding a slightly larger ground on the left.
The rest, the lower class gathered behind the spears with their javelins in a cluster, and Vratislav himself took the Royal Lancers, with young Vratislav, and formed a line seperate from the army on the left flank.

The Polish formation was thus;

The Spears were sent forward in ranks six deep, with the Militia circling far on the Polish right flank, and the archers forming up on the left due to their despise of the Bohemian Lancers.
Wladyslaw himself followed neatly behind with his personal guard of vassals, as they advanced the horse archers attempted to find an easier route on the far right Polish flank.

When both men had surveyed the valley and their foes readily enough, the Bohemians raised a shouted and Wladyslaw,
in his heaviest tone, pushed his infantry into the valley and followed once they had begun to climb the other side.
It was as this happened, the spears lowered themselves and the javelinmen cast their weapons down into the valley with great effect on the Polish advance.
King Wladyslaw I was forced to repair to one of his willing vassals' horses, when a javelin felled his own and pinned the steed against the bank.

With the Royal guard itself losing half it's number by the weight of a single volley, the lower class spearmen fled immediately and began to spread far from each other in search of the easiest retreat to the side wherefore they came.
The Armoured regiments, though suffering as greatly, pressed up the hill as Wladyslaw summoned on the routing spearmen and another rank of javelins loosed upon the attackers.
The Militia, who, due to their lightness and also the small value of their shields preventing them from forming a phalanx similar to the spears,
were the more anxious to advance upon the Bohemians, and on the Polish right took themselves with great speed up the steeples.

The Lancers, induced by Vratislav's demeanour against the Polish, and by the havoc wrought upon the phalanx in the valley, began to almost chant a request to charge from the King.
Vratislav, quite willing to allow anything that would put him in the favour of his men, saw nothing but weakness in the exhausted Militia, and his horse sprung ahead of all.
The Javelins were now exhausted, yet the phalanx formed below the Bohemian line was reduced by more than half, and the spearmen, though recovered from their rout, now were spread across the entire valley,
and hard pressed to navigate and find formation again.

Wladyslaw, seeing the danger of his Militia at the sudden charge, and spurred by emotions - fear and anger - called his entire infantry to the banner of the Bohemian king.
As the Polish spears became a loose herd in a rush to seek revenge on calamity, the Bohemian spears and lesser men, despising their enemy, flung themselves into the valley, some against the archers, (Who were no use to the Poles),
yet most ran amongst the Polish colours and ripped apart the tired, encumbered spearmen.

The Horse Archers, seeing this, and their King surrounded on all sides by cavalry and spears, routed into the Eastern forests.
Wladyslaw, seeing his vassals fighting upon foot and many heaped in the cupped pit of the valley, the Bohemians covering the hills and the purple banners dominating the sky, found it above his predetermined virtue to allow his death to occur in this place.
The Polish King impaled the rider of a Bohemian horse, mounted, and fled after the remainder of his cavalry.

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It was testimonial to Wladyslaw's true destiny, and rewarding to the Bohemian valour, that the Polish King contracted a disease in that battle, and died within a month.
The Polish honour was in ruin, Vratislav I entertained guests from kingdoms all over Europe pleading alliance with the rogue and daring Kingdom of Bohemia.
This War of the Compass was won upon the Eastern point, yet there were two leaders who did not beg alliance and treaty with King Vratislav.

seireikhaan

12-20-2007, 03:16

Chapter 3- The Tale of Yuri the Vengeful

Trouble brewing

In the year 1119, Yuri, son of Ysevolod the Great, and younger brother of Ysevolod the Unfortunate, took the throne amidst turmoil. Whispers were abound in the royal courts that Yuri lacked the consitution for war that his brother and father had. Yuri's agents caught more than one noble who whispered a tad too loudly, and said nobles were summarily executed for their attitudes toward the Grand Prince. For Yuri, nothing more than supreme loyalty would be allowed.

Further turmoil erupted a mere two years later. Yuri's mistress, Svetlana, who was wife of the Novgoridian nobleman, Alexander of Muscovy, was caught during attempting to sneak into Yuri's territory when her husband had unexpectedly returned not long after leaving for war council, as he was intercepted by a messenger with news that the council had been called off due to illness of the Grand Prince of Novgorod, Mstislav. Alexander was outraged to learn that his wife, for 25 years now, had been going behind his back to visit the Prince, and now ruler, of an opposing kingdom. Svetlana was immediately executed for treason as a spy against the crown of Novgorod. It did not take long for Yuri to hear news of his love's tragic demise. The court witnessed a terrible display of anger from Yuri when he recieved the news from a messenger. Yuri bolted upright immediately, fire in his eyes. He beheaded the hapless messenger for daring to bring him such terrible news. Immediately, Yuri shouted in anger, "Bring me my horse! Rally the troops! THIS IS WAR!"

War With Novgorod

From his position in Lithuania, Yuri immediately gathered every available troop he had, over 1,600 troops in total, and set course straight for the Novgoridian homeland. Mstislav, with only 1,000 troops of his own, ordered a withdrawal from the province, with a loyal one hundred troops staying to garrison the keep. Meanwhile, in the Baltic sea, a terrible naval war raged. As part of his invasion, Yuri ordered his entire fleet in the Baltic to engage the Novgorod fleet, to hold no quarter, to destroy every Novgoridian ship they saw. The navy, whether inspired by awe of Yuri, or fear of him, accomplished their job admirably, sinking the entire Novgoridian Baltic fleet in less than one year. And lastly, before leading the army himself into Novgorod, Yuri left orders to his governors that they were to train and conscript every soldier they could.

The efforts of Yuri paid off. In Novgorod, Mstislav launched three different counter attacks to attempt to relieve his trapped troops. However, each time, Yuri led his troops to victory. Every time, Yuri, with a larger force, was able to wrapj his light infantry around the flanks of the smalller Novgoridian army, while his heavy Rus spearmen held the central of the battlefield admirably. However, unlike his older brother, Yuri took to the field with the full intention of combat. Upon each counter attack, he manuvered himself and his bodyguard to the flank of the enemy formation, letting loose many arrows before closing in. However, each time, Mstislav escaped, as well as Alexander. After four years of siege, and three different counter attacks, the city of Novgorod fell to Yuri. Not to mention, Yuri was quickly disspelling fears that he was not able to hold up to his legendary brother and father. After the fall of Novgorod, and a new influx of fresh troops, Yuri took the offensive into Muscovy, while he sent a newly gathered force in Cherginov to take Ryazan. In Ryazan, the Novgoridian forces handed the province over without a fight, retreating to Muscovy. However, Yuri had not taken into account this possibility, and decided to call off the attack for the time being. Off in the west, Yuri's allis, the Danish, were also attacking Novgorod positions. They had taken both Finland and Estonia. Yuri soon decided it would be best to make sure he didn't let Denmark establish too strong of a foothold, and the year after calling off the attack of Muscovy, he invaded Livonia from Novgorod. Novgoridian troops in Livonia retreated to the fort, and after two years of siege, surrendered the province to Yuri's rule. Thus, all that was left of the Novgoridian territories was Muscovy, where both Mstislav and Alexander lay cowering from Yuri's wrath. Leaving a sizable garrison to ensure loyalty of the province, Yuri returned to Novgorod. He joined up with fresh troops from Lithuania and Smolensk, and planned his final revenge for Mstislav and Alexander.

Yuri's Revenge

Now that Mstislav and Alexander had nowhere else to go, Yuri was finally ready to finish them once and for all. With over 1,000 troops, Yuri departed from Novgorod towards Muscovy, where Mstislav lay in wait with 550 troops, most whom were either severly battered from war, or else slavic conscripts with little true taste for battle. Upon taking the battlefield, Yuri ordered his soldiers in prototypical formation. His heavier Rus spears in the middle, with tribal woodsmen and voi on the flanks. Behind the spears was Yuri, along with two regiments of Druzhina cavalry. The battle of Muscovy was not so much a battle as a slaughter. The slavic conscripts, for all practical purposes, bounced off of the Rus spearmen in the middle. The Druzhina cavalry departed from Yuri's side to deal with two impudent units of archers. Much to Yuri's dissapointment, Alexander fell early in battle when his unit of druzhina foot soldiers was flanked by tribal woodsmen while Alexander was attempting to break the line of spearmen. Yuri had truly hoped to slay him himself. However, he did gain some consolation when the soldier who slew Alexander brought his head to Yuri following the battle. Before Mstislav knew it, he was practically by himself, his army crumbling in front of his very eyes. The Kievan line advanced forward towards Mstislav, who attempted to fall back while continuing to fire arrows with the remnants of his bodyguard. However, he soon found himself encircled on three sides by spears and Druzhina cavalry, while Yuri and his bodyguard launched volley after volley of arrow fire at him. The encirclement folded on Mstislav, and it took approximately 2.4 seconds for Mstislav to finally lose all nerve, and flee from battle, towards his fort. However, the fort would provide little haven from Yuri. After three years, the fort's supplies ran out, and the guards opened the gates to Yuri's army. Yuri had finally captured the ruler who slew his now deceased love. With Mstislav bound and kneeling at his feet, Yuri took great pleasure in bringing his sword down with all his might through Mstislav's neck. However, Yuri's rage proved to destablize his swing, and thus, the beheading was botched. Yuri became further incensed by Mstislav's apparent refusal to die, and immediately took one of the axes from a nearby druzhina guard. He brought the axe down on Mstislav with all his fury, hacking and hacking until the body was no longer recognizable and his fury had abated. The nobles nearby were shocked, but not displeased, that Yuri had developed a taste for bloodshed and war.

Aftermath

With Novgorod vanquished and destroyed, Yuri had not only taken his revenge for his former love, but also added considerable territory and riches to his empire. Meanwhile, sons from his legitimate marriage had grown older and were nearing coming of age. However, Yuri had, in the course of his battles with Novgorod, developed an instinct to kill, a love of war. To the south of his kingdom, Yuri had decided the time was right to take Crimea from the Byzantine empire, who were otherwise occupied with the threat of the Seljuk Turks. He sent a force of 450 into Crimea, and the Byzantine army of 100 men handed the province over without a fight. Soon after, a ceasefire was established, and soon after that, an alliance, as the Byzantine's were all too happy to have Yuri on their side and not on the Seljuk. Not long after the occupation of Crimea, war erupted between two of Yuri's allies, the Danes and Swedes. Yuri maintained his alliance with Denmark, as he sensed an opportunity to grab the riches of Sweden. As much as he would have liked to removed Danish influence from Estonia and Finland, the two provinces simply were too poor for Yuri to care. Soon after declaring his alliance with Sweden null, he invaded Sweden, leading the army, once again, himself. Time, it seemed, had been on his side. As his troops were crossing the Baltic, the Swedish navy was off in the Skaggerak combatting the Danish fleet. At the same time, the Swedish king Hardeknud left his station in Sweden, taking all but 100 troops to invade Scania. The Danish army in Scania withdrew to their fort, while the Swedish army withdrew to their keep in Sweden. Thus, Hardeknud was left with no province completely under his control. To alleviate this, he immediately attacked the Danish fort in Scania, reducing it to rubble. However, Yuri sent one of his most eloqent diplomats to negotiate the surrender of Stockholm castle. Efforts proved successful, and Sweden fell to Yuri with no bloodshed. The year after these events, a large Danish army invdaded Scania, and overwhelmed Hardeknud, and thus, eliminating the Swedish kingdom completely. Yuri soon returned to his palace in Kiev following the conquest of Sweden. Now at a venerable age, Yuri's bones and soul had grown weary. The conquest of Sweden had brought no joy to him, and now, at the age of 58, he realized that his revenge against Mstislav and Alexander had brought him no joy either. More than anything, he just wished he could have Svetlana back. He felt 20 years senior of his actual age. His sorrow and age, combined with an illness he contracted back in Sweden, soon caught up to him. At the age of 60, in his palace at Kiev, Yuri the Vengeful died in his sleep. Once more, nobles of the Kievan court would weep for the loss of a great Grand Prince. A new change would come, no doubt, as Yuri's eldest son, Vladimir III, took the title of Grand Prince at the age of merely 20. Vladimir III was highly promising as a military man, having witnissed many of his father's campaigns while growing up, and soaking in advice from his father. Time would tell what feats this promising young ruler would accomplish, with hopefully many years more than his father on the throne.

[B]The Conquests of Yuri the Vengeful(not outlining Sweden or Crimea for reasons of the map not being big enough)(and me not wanting to put three different maps up, I'm a tad lazy about that:sweatdrop: )

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/legacyofYuri.jpg/B]

Chapters of the Kievan Empire

Chapter one- https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1764556&postcount=1227
Chapter two- https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1767718&postcount=1229

Innocentius

12-25-2007, 00:38

Excellent campaigns, folks~:cheers: I shouldn't have stopped reading here just because I quit playing...

Anyway, I guess it's a bit too long ago to resume my Polish campaign now, but I got tired of it anyway. It ended up with me and Spain being the two major factions (and almost the only two factions), and I didn't really look forward to a huge slugfest with the Spaniards.

The map when I quit playing (1330-1340-ish):
https://img442.imageshack.us/img442/8139/campmapzo9.png (https://imageshack.us)

I'm thinking of starting a new campaign in the Late period, so that it won't become too lengthy. I've modded my Late XL campaign pretty heavily, and I'm planning to follow some personal rules to make it more interesting. We'll see how it turns out.

Innocentius

12-25-2007, 23:51

The Holy Roman Empire - Normal - Late XL

First of all; what has been modded:

I like to tweak the game myself a lot, and the Late XL campaign is probably the one which I've altered the most. Quite a few units have been altered (improved, mostly), but the only ones that have been changed enough to be brought up here are the handgunners (since I intend to use them a lot once possible): I was tired of the gunpowder units being so useless, so I decided to "boost" the coolest looking of the two, i.e. the handgunners. Handgunners now fire longer and more deadlier than arquebusiers (which are superfluous), and are almost as good as CMAA in melee (some testing has shown that in 1/5 of the cases, they will beat CMAA's in a head-on charge, without using their guns). As a result, they are now a lot more expensive to recruit (although the upkeep is still the same), and they now require a Swordsmith's Workshop and Gunsmith's Guild to recruit.

Second, I've changed the map quite a lot, both for historical and playable reasons (as you can see below). The GH and the HRE have lost a lot of ground, especially the HRE. This is to
1) Prevent the Horde from butchering the Poles right away
2) Prevent the HRE from being that boring big-but-fragile state that gets split between all the others
3) More or less historical reasons (the HRE wasn't a unified kingdom etc)

And finally, I've boosted every faction's homeland. This means I've added or improved a few buildings in each homeland province (Sweden for the Swedes, Bavaria for the Germans, Ile-de-France for the French etc), hoping that this will reduce the number of spearmen and UM's running around in the 15th century.

Oh, and one more thing: I'm planning to use one important personal rule. Realising that I lose interest in the game once I grow too big and powerful, I've decided that once/if I reach the number of 20 provinces, and my situation is good, I will trigger a cataclysm, like starting a stupid war and intentionally losing a major battle, getting myself ex-commed etc. If I survive the cataclysm, and proceed playing until I reach 30 provinces, I will trigger another cataclysm - and so on for every 10 provinces I conquer.

That's that, now onto:

The Reign of Ludwig IV: 1320 - 1340 A.D.

Europe in 1320 AD:
https://img88.imageshack.us/img88/5092/europe1320tv7.png (https://imageshack.us)

Over the last half-century, the once so glorious and mighty Holy Roman Empire has been reduced to a number of independent counties and duchies. Internal conflicts, "issues" with the Pope(s) and failed wars has lead to the disintegration of what was once the most powerful and prominent kingdom of all Christianity...

Emperor Ludwig, the fourth Holy Roman Emperor to carry that name, had grown up during these years of decline. He had seen what corruption and weakness that had torn the empire to pieces, reducing it to a mere shadow of it's former self. All his life, he had struggled to turn the tide, and in the year 1314 of our Lord, he was crowned king of the Germans in. Just six years later, in 1320 AD, he was crowned as Holy Roman Emperor, at the age of 38. And indeed, with his ascension to the throne, the tide did turn.

Ludwig's first action as emperor was the reorganization of the army and the construction of many watch towers and borders forts along the borders of the empire. The German army was outdated and ill-equipped, and needed a dramatic improvement if the empire was to survive the sandstorms of time at all. Also, the construction of a new navy was ordered in Saxony.

Already a year after his coronation, Ludwig considered himself ready to go to war. After Karl von Herden, leader of the Schaubergs in Austria declined his offer to put Austria under the direct rule of the emperor, Ludwig promptly marched into Austria with a grand army in the summer of 1321. von Herden, shocked and surprised by this drastic action by the emperor, dared not face his opponent in the open field, but preferred to let the emperor fight his way through Austria, while the Austrian troops remained safely in their castles. He was hoping that hid old friend and ally, the duke of Burgundy, would come to his aid, but in July that year, Arnold Merowinger, royal emissary of the Holy Roman Empire, negotiated and alliance with duke Phillipe II, nullifying his chance for rescue. Emperor Ludwig IV's campaigns in Austria continued for years, capturing castle after castle, until in 1324, when von Herden himself surrendered Vienna to the emperor, recognizing his authority. Austria was again put under the rule of the emperor.

The campaigns of Prince Ludwig

In 1323, there was a great famine in the lands of Franconia, but this bothered the emperor little, as he celebrated the sixteenth birthday of his eldest son, also named Ludwig. Ludwig was a man who enjoyed two things: war and beer, the latter perhaps somewhat too much. After keeping the prince with him for weeks, celebrating his birthday in a newly conquered Austrian castle, the emperor eventually let him go, sending him to oversee the recruitment and training of a new army. In late 1324, the emperor entrusted him with the new imperial army, raised in Bavaria. This army was small, but consisted of men well equipped and well trained.

According to his father's orders, prince Ludwig marched with this army to the lands of Friesland, which he reached not until late 1325, due to plenty of time spent drinking by the prince. The army rested for the winter, and the campaign was recommenced in early 1326. The border to Friesland was crossed in May that year, and the frightened Friesians decided to rather hide in their castles and forts. A stalemate began, due to difficulty in travelling through the marshy terrain and the slow advancement of the army, but the prince was not bothered by this, as he sent for reinforcements from Franconia. Prince Ludwig figured that it didn't take the finest soldiers of the empire to starve out a few Friesians who cowardly hid behind their walls, and instead marched south with his army in the summer of 1327, crossing the Rhine into the duchy of Lorraine.

The duke of Lorraine, Richard de Poitiers, was a man of greater courage than his Friesian neighbours, and decided to face the invaders, not wishing to become the subject of the emperor, who was his rightful master. On a small river running up to the Lippe, he met prince Ludwig with his force.

The summer day was cloudy, and right before the onset of battle, a heavy rainfall began. This worked in the favour of prince Ludwig however, as his arbalesters were not affected by the rain, whereas the crossbowmen of de Poitiers would have difficulties aiming and shooting properly with their wet bowstrings. A short bridge over a narrow river was all that separated the two forces, and although attacking across a bridge was never easy, the prince dealt excellently with the situation. His arbalesters moved up first, outranging the enemy crossbowmen, depleting them and annihilating an entire regiment of knights (these knights were however of lesser quality, and still fought with weapons and armour fit for the feudal era). This left de Poitiers with half a regiment of crossbowmen, one regiment of knights and his own spearmen.

Seeing that the enemy was weakened, prince Ludwig ordered his infantry across the stream, and de Poitiers and his men retreated to a nearby hill before the danger. The German infantry advanced towards de Poitiers and his men, but the surviving crossbowmen, who had withdrawn in a different direction, now fired at them in their flank. Realising the danger, Ludwig himself charged with his retinue across the bridge, chasing the crossbowmen off and capturing many of them. Meanwhile, the far superior halberdiers and noblemen of the Holy Roman Empire easily defeated de Poitiers and his men in melee combat, ultimately capturing de Poitiers himself, after which the remaining Lorrainians routed. de Poitiers, along with the other men captured, were duly executed as the rebels against the emperor they were.

https://img508.imageshack.us/img508/1599/battle1dc2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The war was not over yet however, and prince Ludwig continued to campaign in Lorraine, until finally in March 1328 when Nancy was stormed, captured and sacked. Thereafter, no man in Lorraine dared to oppose the might of the emperor.

The year 1329 of our Lord carried with it further triumphs for the Empire. Prince Ludwig married Princess Ruta of Lithuania in that year, and his younger brother Rudolf, only aged 17, married Teresa of Aragon. And finally, in September, Groningen, the last Friesian stronghold to fight the empire, fell.

The years of hardships

Although the first ten years of emperor Ludwig's reign were to be crowned by success, the last ten years were not to be quite as glorious.

In 1330, a famine plagued the people of Saxony, and the same year, king Wladyslaw IV of Poland invaded and conquered Brandenburg. Although Ludwig was not yet supreme ruler of Brandenburg, these lands were contested by the empire, and has once been an important part of it - and now the Polish had beaten him to it! It was no wonder that the emperor declined the proposal for an alliance presented to him by king Wladyslaw later that year.

It would however take years before Ludwig was ready to strike, and not until 1333 had he assembled an army powerful enough to throw the Poles out of Brandenburg. Commanding the army was prince Rudolf, and his opponent, prince Wladyslaw retreated in all haste, not even leaving troops to defend the castles and towns, when he realised the Germans were upon him. Brandenburg had been taken without the loss of a single life.

Despite the initial success of the war against Poland, it was soon to prove a mistake, as a league of Catholic nations soon allied with Poland in an attempt to prevent the Holy Roman Empire from ever regaining its former strength. In the summer of 1334, the Swedes in Pomerania sent a poorly prepared army under the inexperienced commander Lord Knutsson raiding into Saxony, where it was ambushed by German troops and driven away.

https://img182.imageshack.us/img182/6013/battle2vk8.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The result of this attack was a German naval blockade of all Sweden. This blockade was raised in 1336 however, as a Swedish fleet in the Baltic Sea defeated its German counterpart. In the same year, the empire saw a slight glimpse of of light though, as prince Herrmann came of age. An event which was greatly celebrated - or at least to the degree that the heavily strained treasury allowed it to be celebrated. The setback in the Baltic was followed by other disastrous naval defeats in the English Channel in 1337, and again in the Baltic in 1339. Only one naval victory did the empire claim, as it in 1339 defeated a Swedish fleet in Skagerakk. This was not enough to reinstate the blockade at sea however, and Swedish reinforcements continued to arrive in Pomerania.

At land, things were going somewhat better, although the empire now lacked all initiative as Bohemia and Venice joined the anti-German coalition in 1337 and 1338 respectively. The imperial troops were outnumbered, and with the exception of the grand armies recruited in the 1320-ies badly equipped. Still, they managed to repel the Bohemian invasion of Bavaria in 1337, and the Venetian invasion of Swabia in 1338. The Venetian army in particular was decisively beaten by a much smaller force, even with superior ground for the invaders, and Doge Giovanni VI, who commanded the army himself, was slain at the battle of Lindau, well known to be the smallest battle in history to claim the life of a such a prominent ruler.

The Battle of Lindau
https://img155.imageshack.us/img155/4493/battle4av9.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Despite the triumph at Lindau, 1338 AD was a black year for the empire, as its most important conquest over the last few years, Austria, was invaded by the combined forces of Bohemia and Venice. Emperor Ludwig saw no other way than to retreat, leaving only a minor force to defend Vienna itself. The city was stormed and fell in early 1339 however. In a bold move, emperor Ludwig now sought to strike against the poorly defended lands of Bohemia proper, and himself led an army from Bavaria into Bohemia, leaving Bavaria nearly undefended. The outnumbered defenders retreated behind their walls, but were rescued in the autumn of 1340, as a huge Polish army came to their aid from the east. The emperor saw no other way than to retreat, but the cold and tiresome march back home through the autumn cold caused him a fever, which he never recovered from, and the old emperor drew his last breath in December in the year 1340 of our Lord.

Emperor Ludwig IV had been a man of great ambition, and initially his grand plans had met with great success, but towards the end of his life, his enemies gathered, and against their combined force it was not very much that he could do. He would however be remembered and praised as the man who finally dealt with the internal issues of the Holy Roman Empire, and who returned several provinces to the empire's domains. He was succeeded by his son, Ludwig, who was crowned emperor in early 1341 at the age of 33. He faced war on three fronts, and the empire he inherited was only slightly stronger than the weak and scattered state his father had come to rule before him. Would he be up to the task to repel the power of the coalition and restore the empire to its former strength?

The Holy Roman Empire in 1341:
https://img151.imageshack.us/img151/6836/germany1341bn9.png (https://imageshack.us)

Emperor Ludwig V:
https://img146.imageshack.us/img146/3567/ludwigve4.th.png (https://img146.imageshack.us/my.php?image=ludwigve4.png)

It feels like I've lost all my writing skills during my time off. Hopefully I'll regain them once I get back into it. This episode became a lot more bare and stiff than I had hoped for:thumbsdown:

seireikhaan

01-02-2008, 07:00

Alrighty, first post of the new year in this thread!:thumbsup:

Chapter 4- The Tale of Vladimir the Righteous

In the year 1138, Vladimir III, eldest son of Yuri the Vengeful, ascended to the rank of Grand Prince of Kiev. He took over a very strong kingdom which occupied nearly all of the open steppes, as well as prominent cities such as Kiev, Novgorod, and Muscovy. His borders were few, allies many, and a strong econonomy to boot. However, the course of his reign, which would last over thirty years, would take Kiev through a whirlwind of ups, downs, and adventures aplenty.

Upon his coronation, Vladimir announced to the nobles of the court the new objective for the Kingdom of Kiev. He wanted to complete his father's conquests of the steppes, to lessen his boundaries, and perhaps, if possible, complete conquests of Scandinavia. In 1139, he sent diplomats to Georgia, to convince the local troops to join Kievan rule, and found great success. At the same time, yet more diplomats were sent to Khazar to negotiate with the Khazars. Efforts in both provinces proved successful, and in 1140, both provinces joined the grand kingdom of Kiev. This left just Volga Bulgaria free from Kievan control in the great open steppes. However, Vladimir would need no excuse to invade. In 1141, the Volga Bulgarian army invaded the weakly garrisoned Ryazan, perhaps in an attempt to try and take advantage of the change in power in Kiev. Vladimir was secretly glad the Volga Bulgarian army had invaded, as it gave him a great excuse to erase them off of the map. However, in the same year, Vladimir's spies and diplomats returned to the royal palace with grim news in western Europe. The Almoravid kingdom had completed conquests of Spain and Aragon, and was now launching a new offensive into France with seemingly little resistance. France, which had been on the brink of eliminating England, was stopped cold in its tracks, with a vastly superior Almoravid navy cutting off troops in the British Isles, and soon lost both Wales and Wessex. Vladimir was alarmed that the Islamic world seemed bent on the conquests of Europe altogether. In 1142, he ordered his recently expanded navy to cut off Almoravid support to the British Isles and the Norman coast. In the meantime, he gathered troops from Muscovy and Lesser Khazar. However, his attempt to relieve the siege in Ryazan was put on hold due to communication and discipline problems with the troops from Lesser Khazar, many of whom were either Cuman or descended from Cuman troops whom Vladimir's father had bribed previously. The Kievan navy met success in the waters of the English Channel against Almoravid ships. Similar success was won off the western coast of France, opening up a path to an invasion of the British Isles, to liberate the people from Islamic rule. In Ryazan, the Volga Bulgarian army made a most puzzling move. They attempted to assault the defenders of the fort, only to change their mind just a mere 500 yards from the fort itself, and withdrew. The following year would prove decisive for Vladimir and the fortunes of the Kievan kingdom.

In 1143, with the path to the British Isles clear, Vladimir sent a large force, led by his brother, Sviatopolk, to take the province of Wales. The force was comprised of a great variety of mercenaries, as well as Viking Huscarles recruited from Sweden, a few of the ever faithful Rus spears, a unit of mounted crossbows, and a unit of light Cherny Kobluki lancers recruited from Muscovy. As Sviatopolk was setting sail, Vladimir was arranging for the destruction of Volga Bulgaria. He marched in a a small force from Muscovy, led by himself, to meet up with a the force from Lesser Khazar. Meanwhile, he sent a moderately large force into Volga Bulgaria itself, a balanced force featuring tribal Vois, heavier Rus spearmen, as well mounted crossbowmen and a few Cherny Kobluki. The Khan, who led troops in Ryazan, attempted to retreat from the Kievan force that came to relieve the siege. However, he, like his Islamic bretheren in the west, met an unpleasant surprise.

Battle of Wales

The Battle of Wales would be revered as a turning point in the timespan of Europe. The forces were relatively evenly matched, with just under 1,000 Almoravid troops defending against around 1,100 Kievan soldiers. The Kievan force included at least five regiments of Rus spearmen, two regiments of Steppe Heavy Cavalry, a regiment of mounted crossbows, a regiment of Cherny Kobluki, a regiment of horse archers, two regiments of Huscarles from Sweden, as well as a conglomoration of other troops, in addition, of course, to Prince Sviatopolk and his unit of Boyars. The Almoravid army consisted of a few regiments of archers and desert archers, as well as many Muwahid Foot Soldiers and Almoravid Urban Militia, among others. However, the Almoravids had little in the way of mounted forces.

The battle began with Almoravid forces repositioning themselves, whilst the unit of Kievan horse archers harrassed their soldiers all the way as they manuevered themselves to a small hill. With the Almoravids now entrenched, Sviatopolk pulled the horse archers back, and marched his entire army in earnest. He divided his forces into two overall segments. The Steppe Heavy Cavalry joined the horse archers, as well as the two regiments of Huscarles, and marched through a small forest which had presented itself obtrusivly upon the battlefield. Meanwhile the other segment, which comprised of a solid line of Rus spears, fronted by mounted crossbows, and backed by Sviatopolk and the Cherny Kobluki, until they found a position on a small hill which overlooked a ridge that formed between the Almoravids and Kievans. The western forces, led by the Steppe heavies, marched on the eastern flank of the Almoravid army, and poured arrows onto the Almoravid foot soldiers. The Almoravid commander had foolishly placed his archers behind his foot soldiers, thus rendering them unable to respond properly. Seeing this, Sviatopolk sent his mounted crossbows from the other segment ahead, to pour crossbow fire into the Almoravid front line. The Almoravids, unable to properly return fire, thus marched their foot soldiers out to meet the challenge. Several units marched to the mounted crossbows, who drew back, and let the heavier Rus spears take the frontal charge of the Almoravid infantry. Meanwhile, two units of Almoravid Urban Militia had marched out to attack the Steppe heavies. However, unbeknownst to them, the Viking Huscarles had remained hidden at the edge of the forest, rather than following the cavalry further. The Steppe Heavies fell back to the forest, and the Almoravid Urban Militia gave chase. However, as soon as they came to the forest edge, they were ambushed by the axe-armed Huscarles. The Huscalres proved their fearsome reputation by slaughtering many Almoravids, destroying the units nearly entirely. Meanwhile, to the east, the Rus spears had engaged the majority of the Almoravid front line, and the eastern side turned into a bog of spears and swords, neither side able to push the other back. Sviatopolk now sent the order to the Cherny Kobluki, and they began march. The Cherny's marched clear around the pit of battle, manuevered clear around a unit of Muwahid foot soldiers which had been hanging to the rear, and let loose a spectacular display. They took the hill which the Almoravids had abandoned, and charged down it to the archers who were attempting to fire into the mass of Rus spears. Coming down the hill, the Cherny's ripped the archers apart, shattering the unit in a single charge. The Cherny's then ran through yet another unit of archers, once again nearly annihiliating the entire unit through its charge. Now, the entire rear of the Almoravid front line was exposed. The Cherny's picked up speed once again, and practically squered the Almoravid frontline. Now, the entire Almoravid frontline panicked and fled, and the units which had attempted to hang back began withdrawing. Now, Sviatopolk ordered every single one of his mounted units to run down the Almoravid army. They did so with great success, capturing over 400 enemy soldiers. The day was Sviatopolk's, with a great and resounding victory.

Battle of Volga Bulgaria

The Battle of Volga Bulgaria proved to be much less eventful than the Battle of Wales. The Volga Bulgars were heavily outnumbered, fighting only because there was no option of retreat. However, they did possess superior cavarly to the Kievans. Unfortunately, on the River Kalka, this advantage proved to be nill. The Kievan army began by marching a unit of Rus spears accross the river, whilst being covered by two units of mounted crossbows. The Rus spears proved far to strong to dislodge, despite the best efforts of the Volga Bulgarian cavalry. The spears slowly mulched their way accross the edge of the bridge, with aid from the mounted crossbows. Once the path accross was clear, the battle turned into a rout, as the far outnumbered Volga Bulgars became surrounded and run off the field.

https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/destructionofVolgaBulgars.jpg

Vladimir recieved word of the victories, and became greatly pleased. His last threat to his flank had been eliminated, and he had established a foothold with which to use against the Islamic threat in Britain. However, his joy was short lived. He received word that the Almoravids had replaced their navies in the English channel and the coast of western France. Meanwhile, he received shocking word from the diplomats of his neigbors. England and Denmark both allies of Kiev, canceld their alliance with Vladimir in favor of, of all people, the Muslims of the Almoravids. This Vladimir had not planned for. England could ruin his foothold on the Isles, and Denmark's navy could severely hamper his efforts in staving off the Almoravids. The next 30 years would be the most stressful times of Vladimir's life. He constantly beseeched both Knud II of Denmark, and William III of England to listen to reason, and to join in his efforts of saving Europe from the Islamic tide. However, both Denmark and England at the least did not declare war on Kiev. Meanwhile, an epic naval war emerged between Kiev and the Caliphate. Both sides were producing navies at optimum speed, and neither was able to make consistent headway against the other. On the Isles, Sviatopolk became stranded, as his army was not large enough to displace the Almoravid army in Wessex, yet was strong enough that he himself could not be displaced. Thus, for 30 years, the Almoravid Caliphate and Kievan Kingdom warred, with neither side making any progress against the other. However, France continued to deteriorate in the mainland, as Kiev was unable to assist beyond the shoreline. During this time, the Caliphate made small progress against France, as well as warring against the Genoans. However, it was being shown that it was indeed possible to resist the Caliphate.

After 30 years of stalemate, Vladimir finally broke through. He finally convinved the Kingdom of Denmark to ally with him rather than the Almoravids. A year later, he garnered a similar committment from England. Furthermore, the aging Caliph Yusuf II, who had achieved nearly legendary status for his conquests, died two years following England's decision. As Yusuf died, the Danish finally committed. Their navy and armies joined in the war against the Caliphate, and Danish armies soon ran down the coast of western Europe, liberating the people from their Islamic ruler. The Almoravid navy was now contending with both Danish and Kievan competition, and soon was becoming overwhelmed. In central Europe, the Kingdom of France had finally stabilized, and was beginning to counter attack in earnest. The Caliphate was still immensely powerful, but the tide of war had now turned. It seemed that Christians had finally united against their Islamic foes.

On the home front, Vladimir put forth programs to modernize the provinces under Kievan rule. Building was put forth an an impressive clip, especially considering the funds going to the war against the Caliphate. Additionally, a large navy was taking place in the eastern mediterrenean, in an attempt to increase the Kievan range of influence. Somewhat conveniently, the island of Rhodes had recently established independance from the Byzantine empire, and was taken over so as to serve as a naval base for Vladimir's ships. However, modernization and naval power came at a hefty price. The Kievan reserves, which upon his coronation had been estimated at 24,000 florins, was soon rendered to a paltry 4,000, on average. Not often had the kingdom been so close to bankruptcy, but, in the eyes of Vladimir, it was worth every florin to keep Kiev up to date on weaponry and training facilities.

Now approaching his elder years, Vladimir was looked upon with awe and respect throuhout the known world. Many considered him a near equal to the Byzantine Emperor himself, though Vladimir rejected such claims, stating that he was nowhere near as powerful as Emperor Andronicus, who, like Vladimir, had taken up action against the muslims, and now ruled all of the middle east and Cairo as a result. Thus, the east now presided as a calm state of Orthodoxy, with the Andronicus and Vladimir ruling over nearly all of eastern Europe combined.

In 1176, at a wisened age, Vladimir the Righteous, son of Yuri the vengeful, died peacefully in his sleep. He had left Kiev in a state far different than what he left it in. It was stronger, more influential, and modern without question. However, he had left a near quagmire of a war against the Almoravids, in addition to a small treasury, which had been depleted by years of war, naval expansion, and modernization. His eldest son, Andrei II, took over the throne in his stead. There was a modicum of worry amonst the nobles, as some felt Andrei was not as worthy a candidate as his younger brother, Yaroslav. However, it was muted some due to the relative successes of nearly every Grand Prince since Mstislav the Great.

Legacy of Vladimir the Righteous
https://i182.photobucket.com/albums/x246/greaterkhaan/attemptingtoturnbacktheIslamictide.jpg

Tales of the Kievan Kingdom
Chapter one- Ysevolod the Great (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1764556&postcount=1227)
Chapter two- Ysevelod the Unfortunate (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1767718&postcount=1229)
Chapter three- Yuri the Vengeful (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1784523&postcount=1231)

Martok

01-02-2008, 07:44

Very nice write-up, kamikhaan! A great way to start 2008. :2thumbsup:

Innocentius

01-03-2008, 01:39

Seconded, Martok. Good to see the Kievans prospering (at least military-wise)!

The Reign of Ludwig V, The Victorious: 1341 - 1365 A.D.

In the year 1341 of our Lord, the 33 year old son of Emperor Ludwig IV, was elected as the Holy Roman Emperor. Yet, his domains were far from what could be called an empire. Most of his lands were underdeveloped and poor; his armies small, few and badly equipped and trained for most part; his rather small navy was severely limited, and on top of all this, he inherited no less than four wars from his father!

His father, Emperor Ludwig IV, who so bravely and nobly had set out to reunite the scattered provinces of the Holy Roman Empire, had met with great resistance and difficulties towards the end of his reign, as few kingdoms of the Catholic world wished to see the empire restored to its former splendour. Had it not been for the constant wars between them, the English, Burgundians and the Aragonese, the French would surely have joined the alliance of kingdoms which had set to utterly defeat the re-emerging empire. Perhaps it was only this that saved the Empire from total destruction. Thus, Ludwig V inherited a most delicate situation, with war on four fronts and with too few men to defend even one or two of them. He knew full well that a single mistake, one lost battle, one failed campaign, could - and probably would - mean the end of his empire.

Despite the odds, Ludwig did not seek for peace, and would rather fight his
enemies to the death, no matter how grim the situation. His first year as emperor was rather calm, but pleasant news arrived at court in July, as it was reported that a Venetian fleet, which had travelled all the way up to the North Sea, had been sunk by the imperial fleet. The entire year was spent preparing for the onslaught which Ludwig was sure would come, but the strained economy allowed hardly anything to be constructed, and all the money available to the Empire went to the recruiting and equipping of new soldiers. Indeed, during most of Emperor Ludwig's reign, the economy was extremely tight.

The Battle of Königshein

In 1342 A.D, Prince Wladyslaw of Poland marched with a great army into Brandenburg, the same province away from which he had been chased by Prince Rudolf in 1333. Now, he sought revenge, and Prince Rudolf marched with his outnumbered force to meet the Poles. The two armies clashed at Königshein.

Rudolf positioned his men atop a slight ridge, with some woods protecting his left flank. His army stood in three lines, with the polearm-armed infantry up front, arbalesters and crossbowmen behind and mounted crossbowmen in the third line. The lesser infantry, some men-at-arms and two regiments of militia sergeants, hid in the woods, protecting the left flank. His right flank was protected by two more regiments of mounted crossbowmen, and ultimately by himself and the rest of the cavalry.

Prince Wladyslaw marched his forces head on, while steering some cavalry - one unit of chivalric knights and one of Polish retainers - to the left, threatening Rudolf's right flank. The fire duel which opened the battle was largely to the favour of the Germans, though, as their advantageous position and superior firepower soon came to bare. Realising that the risk of being out-flanked by the Polish cavalry was great, Rudolf then decided to act first, and charged his cavalry into the Polish retainers, who had foolishly ridden ahead of their knights. The struggle was brief, and the retainers soon routed. The German cavalry didn’t give chase however, and regrouped, just in time to charge home at the now outnumbered Polish knights, who were also beaten, although at a greater cost than the retainers. Rudolf and his men now regrouped a second time, only to realise they were being attacked by Wladyslaw and his retinue. The foolish Polish prince charged against three times his own number, and was soon surrounded, dragged off his horse, and killed. The news of his death soon spread throughout the Polish army, which began to waver. Now, Rudolf ordered his troops to attack. His own cavalry smashed into the left flank of the enemy, and his men-at-arms revealed themselves and came out of the woods, attacking the Polish right flank. With the enemy advancing everywhere and their commander dead, the Polish army crumbled and collapsed, and they ran so fast that it was later said that not even horses could chase them down. Nonetheless, many were caught by the German mounted crossbowmen, and all prisoners were put to the sword, in order to show the Poles what happened to those who so ungallantly fought their Christian brethren. The victory that day was complete.

https://img256.imageshack.us/img256/2771/battle1uy9.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The year 1342 was not all victories however, as Emperor Ludwig himself marched in full force into Bohemia, again leaving Bavaria nearly undefended. He thus repeated the same mistake which had cost his father his life, and was forced to retreat back into Bavaria early the next spring, as great armies assembled at Bohemia's borders.

The tide finally turns

With the defeat at Königshein in 1342, Poland's effective participation in the war ended, and a truce was signed between the Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of Poland in 1347. In 1344, the German fleet in the North Sea defeated yet another Venetian one, and the empire gained naval supremacy over the Swedes in the Baltic in the same year, as the Swedish fleet was effectively destroyed, never to recover. In 1345, Prince Rudolf conducted a raid into the Bohemian lands of Silesia, burning and pillaging his way through the land. The imperial treasury was in a desperate need of Florins by this point as the costly wars raged on, but the raid thankfully prevented complete bankruptcy. In the year 1346 of our Lord, Prince Jon of Sweden invaded Saxony with a massive army, perhaps in an attempt to lift the German naval blockade, which had isolated him and his troops in Pomerania, as most German ships were built in Saxony. His attempt was thwarted however, as John of Bohemia decisively defeated the Swedes, and managed to kill Jon himself, in the Battle of Wittenburg.

https://img247.imageshack.us/img247/5819/battle2pl3.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

The effects of the victory were somewhat lessened by the disastrous plague that swept through the Empire, and all of Europe that year. People died in the thousands, and only a few were spared. Farms, villages, towns even, were emptied and one could travel for miles, even through the densely populated lands of Bavaria, without meeting or finding a living soul. The ruling elite of the Empire luckily escaped this horrible plague, but some were not as lucky, as the King of Bohemia fell ill and died shortly after in 1346. All across Europe, people - from the most paltry of peasants to the wisest of clerics - asked themselves what they could have done to anger God so? To Emperor Ludwig it was very clear however: This was indeed God's punishment for the disunity of his people, who fought among themselves for power and riches, while the pagan Mongols threatened Europe from the east, and the Muslim Mameluks from the south. Even so, no Catholic lords took reason, and thus it was up to the Holy Roman Emperor to teach his neighbours not to fight their brethren.

Although the economy struggled, the empire managed to launch an invasion of the now leaderless and weakened Swedes in Pomerania in 1347. Prince Rudolf commanded the army, and destroyed what was left of the Swedish army at the Battle of Marlow. Rudolf used his mounted crossbowmen to flank and distract the Swedes, while his arbalesters poured volley after volley of lethal and accurate bolts upon the from the front. For the first time in the 14th century, it was the Germans who enjoyed the numerical superiority, and Rudolf used this to his advantage as his line stretched far longer and wider than the Swedish one. After having been decimated by the German arbalests and crossbows, the Swedes then found themselves completely outflanked, and they fled the field, retreating back to their castles and towns. Prince Rudolf continued to campaign in Pomerania for nearly a year, until the next summer when he was finally able to storm and capture Mikilinborg, the last Swedish stronghold, effectively putting and end to Swedish rule in Pomerania, and to the war between the empire and Sweden.

https://img407.imageshack.us/img407/9094/battle3lj8.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

In the same year as the great victory at Marlow was fought, the Bohemians broke their own back as they invaded Bavaria, the heart of the empire, in December 1347. They were met by Winrich von Kniprode on a bridge across a small, nameless, river. The struggle was brief, and ended in disaster for the Bohemians, as not only did they lose the battle, but also their king. Thus, two kings of Bohemia and perished in as many years.

https://img407.imageshack.us/img407/4296/battle4fp2.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Thereafter followed a few calm year, the first in a long time, and the economy of the empire slowly recovered, even though Venetian fleets kept disrupting trade in the North Sea. In 1351, the young Prince Lothair, the Emperor's oldest son, conquered the rebellious Piasts in Silesia. A minor battle was fought, of which no detailed account exists today, but it is certain that the Germans were victorious, and easily slaughtered the outnumbered Silesians.

Prince Friedrich, Lothair's younger brother, came of age in 1351 as well, and during the year the German fleet in Skaerrak twice fought their Venetian enemies. During the first battle they were victorious, but were later in the year defeated and driven away from Skagerrak. The war at sea continued in 1353 as German fleets destroyed Venetian ones in both the North and the Baltic Sea. For this act however, Emperor Ludwig was excommunicated by the Pope. This affected neither him nor his neighbouring kingdoms much though, as the Pope had little influence, and was well known to be nothing but a puppet in the hands of the Venetian Doge. The war at sea eventually came to an end in 1355 as the last Venetian fleet still present outside the Adriatic Ocean was defeated in Skagerrak.

In 1354, the Emperor achieved what he himself considered his greatest victory, as he personally led and army into Austria, which fell without a fight. The cowardly Bohemians ran like the true dogs they were, leaving an impoverished Austria behind them for the Emperor to rebuild. Years of relative peace now followed, with minor border raids being the only actions between the Empire and its remaining enemies.

The Battle of Kolovec

By 1359, King Borivoj I of Bohemia had been reduced to a minor player in the politics of Europe. His forefathers’ conquests at the expense of the Holy Roman Empire were all lost, and he had fled like a hound when his own castle in Vienna was threatened in 1354. Now, he remained content in Bohemia with what was left of his armies, not daring to strike against the mighty Emperor. It was that year, 1359, that Emperor Ludwig finally deemed that Bohemia's time had come. Massive troops were mustered, and under the command of the young Prince Otto, they marched into Bohemia in the summer. The invasion would seem rather foolish, even with their great numbers, as the Germans were still heavily outnumbered, and the Bohemians fielded plenty of their infamous Bohemian bowmen, whom, with the added range of the hills of Bohemia, could tear any invading force to pieces. Nonetheless, the Germans marched, and drew King Borivoj to meet them in the hills near the village of Kolovec.

Borivoj placed his army atop a great hill to the right of the valley were Otto and his troops stood. His army consisted of little regular infantry, and most of his men were bowmen, crossbowmen or javelinmen. Realising that it would be foolish to attack straight up the hill, Otto sent most of his infantry into the woods that were supposed to protect the Bohemian left flank. Thus, many Germans stood in the cover of the trees, on level ground with the Bohemians. The Bohemian bowmen tried to lure the Germans out of the woods by firing at them, but the forest protected the Germans, and the few arrows that were not caught by the trees actually bounced off of the armour of the German halberdiers. Meanwhile, the German arbalesters marched up the valley, with the cavalry close behind and a regiment of handgunners on their right flank. An archery duel soon commenced, in which the Bohemians were far superior as their numbers were greater and their range also, due to the hill on which they were positioned. Then, the imperial infantry charged into their flank. The attack was slow, and somewhat uncoordinated, which bought the Bohemians some time, and Bohemian sergeants and armoured spearmen attacked down the hill against the German arbalesters. Realising the threat, Otto rode himself to meet the enemy, but was nearly slain in doing so as his retinue clashed with the enemy before the rest of the cavalry could arrive. He was surrounded, but fought bravely and managed to keep the enemy at bay until reinforcements came upon the Bohemians in their rear. The entire battlefield was a mess by now, as some Bohemians had already routed and fled, while reinforcements were arriving from the woods to the left of the battle, where they had been waiting until a critical moment. Many Bohemians remained on the hill, fighting the German infantry however, but the German superiority in arms and armour soon paid off, and the Bohemians were slaughtered. Then, as the situation was dire for the Bohemians, a cry echoed among their ranks: "The King is dead! The King has fallen!". Yes, the foolish Borivoj, in his last and only act of bravery - or stupidity - had charged home into the German infantry. He was quickly surrounded and the imperial nobility on foot soon slew him with their poleaxes and halberds. Now, the remains of the Bohemian army routed, and the exhausted Germans reformed and regrouped atop the hill which they had now conquered.

The battle was not yet over however, as a second wave of Bohemian troops arrived from the forests. They were not very inclined to fight uphill, and instead marched into position atop the other side of the valley. Otto now had to resituate his entire army, and the Germans marched back into their initial position. From here, it was easy to weaken the already demoralized Bohemians with crossbow fire and constant harassment by the mounted crossbowmen. As the Bohemians began to waver, Otto charged his infantry head-on. A somewhat clumsy move, but the severely weakened Bohemians offered little resistance and were routed. They were chased for some while, but many managed to escape into the woods. Even so, the battle was over, and the German victory was complete.

https://img210.imageshack.us/img210/4585/battle5rv1.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

With the death of Borivoj I, the Bohemian line of kings ended, and the Kingdom of Bohemia was no more. Some Bohemians still fought for independancy against the Germans however, but eventually in 1361 Prague fell to Prince Otto, and with it all of Bohemia.

Trying to exploit the absence of troops in Bavaria, Doge Giovanni IV, the last of the Catholic leaders to oppose the Holy Roman Empire, invaded the said province in 1362 with a minor force. The Germans knew better than to take him on in the open field, and the few troops in Bavaria instead hid in a wood overlooking the road on which the Doge travelled. As the Italians passed, they were ambushed and driven away. Unfortunately however, the Germans were unable to capture or kill the Doge as they had done at Lindau in 1338. In 1363, a Mongol fleet in the Baltic dared to attack the imperial ships there, but were rewarded for their stupidity with utter defeat. Only a year later however, they defeated the Teutonic Knights in Prussia, bringing their border next to that of the Empire. They remained neutral for the time being however, which was fortunate for the Empire as it lacked the resources to commence yet another war at the time.

In 1364, Doge Giovanni passed away in an illness. He was succeeded by his brother, Lorenzo. Lorenzo was not to rule for long however, as the Germans finally took offensive against the Venetians and invaded Tyrolia in 1364, and Lorenzo was slain in the fierce Battle of Reutte that summer.

https://img529.imageshack.us/img529/4582/battle6go6.jpg (https://imageshack.us)

Emperor Ludwig V did not live to see the final outcome of the war in Tyrolia however, as he passed away peacefully in his sleep on August 5, 1365, before all of Tyrolia had been subdued. Nonetheless, he died a happy man. He had completed what his father had begun, as he had regained what the empire had lost during the latter half of the 13th century. He left it to his successors to stabilize his claims.

Years before his death however, Ludwig had been named the Victorius by his contemporaries, since he, against all odds, had time and again defeated his enemies, and had eventually shattered the coalition against the Empire. Despite war on four fronts, despite terrible finances and despite the Black Death that swept through Germany, the Empire had survived and was now on its way to prosperity. Indeed, Ludwig V would be remembered with great pride among his descendants. He was, however, not succeeded by any of his sons, as the Electors found his brother, Rudolf, the champion of Königshein and Marlow, to make a better Emperor. At the age of 53, he was crowned as Emperor Rudolf II in early 1366.

The Holy Roman Empire in 1366:
https://img514.imageshack.us/img514/9023/germany1366sg2.png (https://imageshack.us)

Emperor Rudolf II:
https://img81.imageshack.us/img81/2736/rudolfni5.th.png (https://img81.imageshack.us/my.php?image=rudolfni5.png)

seireikhaan

01-03-2008, 06:11

Thanks, guys. I can promise you, the Kievans are far from being out of the woods, as there is still the matter of the big nasty coming in 1231, not to mention a couple of other nifty surprises the game is throwing my way.:sweatdrop:
And great campaign there, Innocentius! Rather interesting map, looks like Portugal is really taking it to town over in the west! Not to mention the Horde putting a beat down on the Russian factions.

Martok

01-03-2008, 06:52

A superb AAR, Innocentius! I actually lost track of time reading that. ~:cheers:

bamff

01-24-2008, 03:33

Boy do I have some catching up to do! I have been travelling for the past month - I look forward to reading this mountain of accounts that have been posted in my absence!

for what it is worth, I managed to put together the second chapter of my Serbian campaign whilst travelling, so here we go....

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Serbs
~ A Campaign in XL ver 3.0 – Hard – GA ~

Chapter 2 – Carving an Empire

Tzar Vukan II paced impatiently, his mind awhirl with a myriad of conflicting ideas. His people were secure, and happy. The annexation of Hungary, Austria, and Venice had made his kingdom a very prosperous one indeed. He did not need to take any action…and yet….the opportunity to strike was there. The Cumans in the east were weakened from their long and bitter wars with Hungary, Poland, and Kiev. Now was the time to strike, before they could rebuild their forces. It was a chance to show his people – and in particular, his generals, that he was as able a strategist and military leader as his father.

As the thought of his generals flickered across his mind, Vukan frowned. He had been troubled by increasing rumours of disloyalty on the part of his military leaders. He stroked his beard thoughtfully for a moment. Another argument “for” military action – send the least loyal generals. If they are successful, the fame and booty that they win will increase their loyalty. If they were to fail….well, little lost…yes, that plan had some merit. Vukan did not like the feeling that he was being “rushed” into a decision, but he knew that quick action was in this case necessary. He did not know how long the Cumans would leave their border provinces so lightly garrisoned, nor did he know how long the hard drive on which his virtual world existed would last. There had been ominous portents and error messages for some time now, after all.

At that point, his trusted Chamberlain, Ognjeslaw Curuvija, entered the room. “Your Highness” he bowed.

“You have news?” queried the Tzar.

“Indeed, Majesty. Our agents in the east report a rebellion in Carpathia. The locals wish to shake off the Cuman yoke.”

“Rebellion you say? Carpathia?” Tzar Vukan strode purposefully to his map table. As his fingers traced the likely entry paths into the province in question, he continued “How many have taken up arms? Are they well equipped? Most important – are they well led? Who stands at the head of this rebel force?”

“It would appear that they are lead by a group of disaffected western knights my Lord. Most likely Hungarians. There are known to be professional soldiers amongst their number - armoured spearmen, backed by a good many archers. As to their leader, that we do not know.”

“Desa is already here in Hungary, is he not?”

A nod from his Chamberlain answered the Tzar’s question. Desa was Vukan’s younger brother, and had already established himself as a very capable military leader.

“Good. Send for him at once. We must act with all haste.”

And so it was that early in 1116, the Cuman garrison of Carpathia found itself facing a dual threat. Not only were there Carpathian rebels seeking to regain control of their homeland, but now Prince Desa of Serbia had brought a considerable army eastward into the troubled province. Many of the garrison’s number had already travelled east to defend other Cuman territories from the armies of Kiev, and with only a threadbare force to fend off a dual assault, the Cuman commander chose discretion over valour, and withdrew.

The Carpathians rejoiced, believing their independence had been won without the clash of swords. Their joy was short lived in the extreme, as it soon became apparent that the Serbs were in Carpathia as would-be conquerors, not as allies. The Serbian army, initially greeted as liberators, was now to be turned upon as invaders.

The local army positioned itself atop a hill near the township of Bistrita, and the ensuing battle was to take the name of this village.

The Battle of Bistrita

Prince Desa scanned the enemy force carefully and swore. In the centre of the enemy army was a troop of no less than 40 feudal knights. Such heavy cavalry was an ominous threat indeed to his force.

“Curuvija, Anastasijevic.” He called the two commanders of his mounted crossbows. “See there – knights. You are our best counter to such units. Draw them out, wear them down. Once you have lured them away from the main force we will deal with the rest. When the hill is ours, bring what is left of them back to us. A larger force is a danger, but a smaller, tired force we can deal with.”

Ognjeslaw Curuvija and Velko Anastasijevic nodded grimly. They knew the tried and tested Serbian method of dealing with heavy cavalry all too well. It had been very successful throughout the war with Hungary, but the mounted crossbowmen would be at considerable peril in implementing the plan. Curivija, the more senior of the two, turned to Anastasijevic “You take the right, we will go left. Whichever bait they take, the other must follow quickly.”

The battle, as it transpired, proved a textbook example of the Serbian tactical handbook. The enemy knights came under fire from the two units of crossbows, and it was not long at all before they impetuously charged Curuvija’s men. The Serbians wheeled away, outpacing the heavier knights. Anastasijevic’s men pursued, so that every time the knights charge came to an end, another volley of crossbow bolts would rip through their ranks from either side. They were too far away from the main force for the armoured spearmen, urban militia, or archers to be able to intervene, and they were not quite fast enough to catch their antagonists.

Meanwhile, atop the hill, Desa’s Carska Garda had routed the enemy archers by charging into their rear. The enemy spears and militia were tied down in a frontal assault by the Serbian spearmen, and when the full fury of two units of Voynuk swordsmen hit their flanks, they too, lost the stomach for a fight.

The battle was over surprisingly quickly. 246 Carpathians had perished in their vain bid for freedom. At least the 41 prisoners would live to see another Carpathian dawn, but they would do so as subjects of Serbia. 112 Serbians had died in the battle.

Word of Desa’s latest triumph spread across Europe, with King William III of England so impressed that he offered Desa the hand in marriage of his daughter Matilde. Tzar Vukan II accepted on behalf of his brother, but the nuptials would have to wait….because Desa still had work to do in the east.

In 1117, the Cumans attempted to reclaim Carpathia. It was a half hearted attempt, and the Khan had clearly grossly underestimated the Serbian strength in the province. One troop of Steppe cavalry was never going to carry the day. Still, these horsemen valiantly pressed home their charge. 27 saddles were emptied before the Cumans had covered half of the distance to the Serbian line. 6 more men were to die as the survivors turned to flee the field. Not a single Serbian life was lost.

Prince Desa’s success in Carpathia had lent his eastern push momentum, and as summer reached its height, he led his army into Wallachia. The Cuman defenders were over-run, but gave a good account of themselves. 108 Serbians and 121 Cumans died in the ensuing battle, as yet another province fell to Serbian control.

Moldavian Conquest

The Cumans had signalled their intention to remain a thorn in the side of Serbian interests in the newly conquered provinces of Carpathia and Wallachia. From their stronghold in Moldavia, they could continue to raid at their leisure. The Tzar was also well aware of the potential riches to be offered by Moldavia – fertile agricultural lands, and access to the trade routes of the Black Sea. With these factors in mind, an army was raised and placed under the leadership of Prince Stefan, the brother of Tzar Vukan II.

Stefan’s army marched into Moldavia in the Spring of 1119. Leaving nothing to chance, the serbs had advised their allies, the Kievans, of their intentions, and this nation had sent a supporting force of some 750 men to assist the Serbian army in the coming battle.

Khan Batu II finds his armies outnumbered by almost 2 to 1, but elects to stand and fight nonetheless. He has (quite understandably) great faith in the ability of his heavy cavalry to carry the day, even against such odds.

Prince Stefan is also acutely aware of the threat posed by the Cuman heavy horse. He orders his mounted crossbowmen to focus their fire on these units and these alone.

The slopes of Mt Cilianos are soon awash with blood and littered with the dead and dying. The Cumans put up stiff resistance under the able leadership of their Khan, and the Kievan force bears the brunt of their fury. The much feared Cuman heavy cavalry are soon enough swept from the field by volley after volley of Serbian crossbow bolts, and this opens the way for the allied force to claim the field.

Khan Batu II knows that the day is lost, and flees north to Volhynia, leaving Argu Mänäs to lead the defence of Jassy Castle.

News of the victory at Mt Cilianos reaches the Tzar amidst the celebrations associated with the coming of age of Prince Belos, and the kingdom’s joy is redoubled.

Argu Mänäs is a competent general, but his garrison is comprised of survivors from Mt Cilianos. A great many bear wounds suffered on that terrible day. The castle is ill prepared to withstand a siege, nor is it well provisioned enough to support such a large garrison as now fills its walls. Disease and fever claim many lives, and a great many more succumb to their wounds. Jassy Castle falls in 1120.

That same year, Prince Primislav reaches adulthood, and the celebrations throughout Serbia are truly something to behold.

Tzar Vukan II was destined to rule for a further 6 years. These years would pass with little incident, save for news from the western border provinces of the ongoing war between the Bohemians and the Holy Roman Empire. For Serbia, however, this period is one of peace, with the Tzar devoting his energies to building trade routes.

In 1126, with the death of Vukan II, Belos I is crowned in a lavish ceremony. Belos proves to be almost completely disinterested in military matters, and is content to focus all of his attentions on a campaign of building, the likes of which has never before been seen in Serbia. Four princes come of age during this period – Stefan in 1135, Uros in 1142, Vukan in 1144, and Stafan in 1145.

Serbia is well served by its leading emissaries. Zivota Maricic and Hurem Subasic between them have secured alliances with most of the major houses of Europe, and with kingdoms as far east as that of the Volga Bulgars and the Byzantines.

For many years, Poland has been at war with the peoples of Novgorod. This war has severely weakened both realms, both financially, and in terms of the numbers of soldiers sacrificed to the gods of war. Lesser Poland is lightly defended in 1145, with what remains of the Polish army engaged further north in the defence of Greater Poland. The temptation proves to much for Belos, and he sends an army north under the leadership of his eldest son, Stafan. The Poles retreat in disarray at the sight of the Serbian army. King Mieszko of Poland is acutely aware that he cannot afford to fight a war on two fronts, and immediately seeks to establish a ceasefire with Serbia. Indeed, so concerned is Mieszko at the prospect of the Serbian threat, that barely 5 years later, he offers the hand of his daughter, Princess Maria, to Prince Stafan, the conqueror of Lesser Poland. Tzar Belos accepts on behalf of his son. The wedding is celebrated throughout Serbia and Poland in 1150.

Treachery in the West

By 1150, the Bohemians are victorious in their war with the Holy Roman Empire. With that enemy vanquished, and a large army still available to him, their King’s gaze has shifted south to Austria. Ignoring the long standing alliance that has bound Serbia and Bohemia, he orders his son Prince Vladivoj to march. This army arrives in Austria in the summer of 1151.

Jovica Tadic, the commander of the Serbian forces in Austria is determined to hold the province. He is at a severe disadvantage, however – his army numbers no more than 840 men. Prince Vladivoj commands a force in excess of 1,900.

Tadic’s men fight bravely, but in the end are overwhelmed, as wave after wave of Bohemians crash upon the Serbian line. As that dreadful day drew to a close, 749 Bohemians and 612 Serbs lay dead on the field, bearing mute witness to the ferocity of the battle.

The fury of Tzar Belos at this outrage was terrible to behold, and it was matched throughout Serbia by the populace at large. The Tzar himself led a Serbian army north to reclaim Austria from the vile snake Vladivoj. At the same time, the army of Prince Stafan marched on Bohemia. The Bohemians would pay dearly for their treacherous act of betrayal.

The Bohemian army of Prince Vladivoj found itself trapped by Belos’ army near the town of Hieflau. The Serbs fell upon their foes from all sides, eager to exact vengeance for the unprovoked attacked of the previous year. No avenue of retreat was left for the Bohemians. 727 perished on the field, with a further 310 prisoners taken. 416 Serbs are lost in Belos’ victory at Hieflau. A ransom of 4,403 florins is received to spare the life of Prince Vladivoj, and the wretched Prince is sent back to his people.

Stafan’s army in Bohemia are also spectacularly successful, and the province is soon subdued. A handful of captured nobles amongst the 207 prisoners brings a ransom of some 3,108 florins to the Serbian treasury.

In two short years, the Bohemians had lost almost 2,000 troops, their treasury had been reduced by some 7,500 florins in ransom payments, and they had lost their home province of Bohemia. Their treachery had indeed cost them dearly, and the misery was to continue as the Venitians sought to capitalise, launching a series of raids from the south on the province of Bavaria.

By 1154, the Bohemians’ collective problems were so great that the nation was forced to accept the Serbian terms of a ceasefire agreement.

King Louis VI of France was so impressed with the Serbian response to Bohemian aggression that he offered the hand of his daughter, Princess Matilda, to Prince Uros in 1156, in order to seal an alliance between France and Serbia. A number of Catholic nations in the west had severed ties with Serbia following the Serbian invasion of Lesser Poland in 1145, and Tzar Belos was consequently most anxious to secure allies in the west to rebuild trade and secure his borders. As a result, the French proposal was duly accepted, and bells throughout the kingdom were soon tolling to spread the joyous news of a royal wedding.

Turmoil in the Mediterranean

The following year, riders bring news of a most unexpected development. Tensions between the two major powers in the Mediterranean, Sicily and Byzantium, had long been simmering, and in 1157 these tensions erupted into outright war. As might be expected, such a conflict was to have dire consequences on trade in the region. It was as well for Serbia that her Tzar had seen fit to devote such time and energy into developing the nation’s agricultural and mining resources.

The war between Sicily and Byzantium had other consequences as well. The people of Rhodes saw it as an opportunity to overthrow their Byzantine rulers. In 1159, they claimed their independence. Tzar Belos, ever the opportunist, issued orders to assemble a small invading army. Sreten Ogrijenovic was the general selected to lead this force, landing on Rhodes in 1161.

The invading Serbian army met the small local force to the south east of the coastal village of Cremasti that same year. After a short, violent struggle, 62 men lay dead, 28 of them Serbs. The island was now in Serbian hands, and Ogrijenovic was appointed the overlord of the island.

Barely 4 years later, Tzar Belos I dies peacefully in his sleep. His reign has spanned almost 40 years, an astounding feat for the time. His son Uros is crowned at the age of 39 years.

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 1 - https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1675822&postcount=1223

Martok

01-24-2008, 07:00

bamff

02-01-2008, 07:53

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Serbs
~ A Campaign in XL ver 3.0 – Hard – GA ~
Chapter 3 – Treachery & Triumph

The reign of Tzar Uros I had initially been peaceful, allowing the new ruler of Serbia precious time to settle into his position. It was as well, for in the year 1168 a series of events was to unfold which would truly test both his mettle as Tzar, and the strength of the Serbian kingdom.

As the winter snows of 1167-68 thawed, an army was gathering in the Papal States. In the spring this army marched north, with the intention of seizing the rich province of Venice. Fortunately for Tzar Uros, an Orthodox priest by the name of Cedomil Kordic had been travelling through the Papal territories in late 1167, and upon arriving in Croatia he had alerted the local authorities of the “Most unusually large encampment of troops” that he had witnessed. Uros had directed much of the Croatian and Austrian garrisons to Venice, although he found it hard to believe that the Pope would so readily cast aside the long-standing alliance which had bound the Papacy and Serbia.

As it transpired, the lure of Venice’s wealth was far greater incentive for the Pope Benedict IX than any notions of loyalty or honour – particularly when it involved a non-Catholic nation. Unfortunately for the Pope, when his army arrived in Venice and found the defending Serbian army to be at least three times the strength reported by Papal agents, they wheeled about and marched back into the Papal States. In a fury, Pope Benedict ordered his sea captains to clear the seas of Serbian vessels – only to watch his entire fleet destroyed in a serious of disastrous naval actions in the battle of the Straits of Sicily in 1169 and the battle of the Tyrrhenian Sea in 1170.

Meanwhile, in 1169 came the news from the eastern province of Moldavia that an enormous Kievan army had marched on those territories. At the head of this force was none other than Grand Prince Sviatapolk III, the Kievan monarch. Kiev, whilst nominally an Orthodox state, had forged very close ties with the Papacy. It was later to emerge that the two nations had indeed colluded in their invasion plans. Sadly for the Kievans, news of the Papal defeats had not reached Levidea in time to halt the invading army...and the Serbian forces were not in anything like the state of disarray and confusion that the Kievan council of war had anticipated that they would be.

Even so, the Serbian army charged with defending Moldavia was far smaller than the Kievan force that they faced. Lord Bajic, commander of the Serbian force was painfully aware that not only would his men need to fight well to succeed, but they would need a healthy slice of good fortune as well. Even then, he knew that a great many of them would never live to see another dawn. With these grim thoughts pervading, he once again surveyed his chosen position. In the distance, to the left of his line, he could see the faint wisps of chimney smoke that signalled the position of the village of Vradievka. No doubt some would stay in the village no matter the outcome of this battle. Others he knew, had already departed, cramming the roads heading westward, fearing what the Kievans may do. It would be much the same in the township of Ananev to the rear of his position, he mused. He scanned the clear blue morning sky. A flock of birds suddenly took flight from the forest that stretched across the valley floor, quickly followed by another...and then Bajic could hear the drums...the Kievans were approaching.

The Battle of Berezovka Valley

Grand Prince Sviatopolk halted at the edge of the forest, and surveyed the Serbian position. He turned to his assembled generals.

“Barely half our number. I warrant most will flee in terror when they gaze at the size of our force emerging from these trees. Sweep them from our path!”

The great Kievan army lurched forwards, into a hail of arrows and crossbow bolts. A great number of Kievan troops never stepped further than the forest’s edge, but still the army pressed on doggedly. As the distance between the two forces closed, the Kievan archers began to return fire on their antagonists, and casualties on both sides rose. At this crucial juncture, Momsilo Komljenovic and his Voynuk Swordsmen fell upon the Kievan right flank with a fury that was terrible to behold. Meanwhile, on the opposing flank, the mounted crossbowmen of Zivojin Zuzoric, having expended all of their bolts, charged into the enemy’s horse archers, scattering all before them.

Recognising that the moment had arrived, Lord Bajic charged down the hill into the Kievan line. His Carska Garda had soon punched straight through the Kievan ranks, and they wheeled to attack the surviving Boyars of the Grand Prince’s personal guard. The Boyars were fighting a losing battle against the Serbian armoured spears, and the charge of the Carska Garda spelled their doom.

As Sviatopolk was pulled from his saddle, the Kievan force wilted, and the fled the field, racing in confusion for the sanctuary of the forest. Victory belonged to Lord Bajic!

The victory had been won, but at a terrible cost. 503 Serbs lay dead or dying. Bajic’s own regiment of Carska Garda now numbered only three men. A fourth horse followed the trio, apparently unaware that its rider was now lying dead on the field.

The Kievans had lost some 645 men, and a further 290 had surrendered, including the Grand Prince himself. He sat a broken man, muttering “Barely half our number...” over and over.

Sviatopolk was only to live a few months more. Serbian ransom demands were refused by the Kievans, and the former Kievan monarch was sentenced to be hanged in 1170. Following his death, the Kievans accepted the terms of the Serbian ceasefire, and peace was once again restored to the eastern borders of Serbia.

Some had criticised Uros for offering a ceasefire, but the Serbian monarch was unmoved, noting that the Moldavian garrison had been severely weakened by the actions of 1169, and that “other threats may soon enough emerge”.

A World at War

The world was indeed in a state of some turmoil. The long running war between Bohemia and Venice continued to rage in the west. In 1171, news arrived of the apparent re-emergence of the Peoples of Novgorod in a region known as Finland. The war between Sicily and the Byzantines had seen the Sicilian navy sink a large part of the Byzantine fleet, and in 1172, the people of Cyprus used their isolation to their advantage, rising up against the Byzantine garrison. With no reinforcement possible, the beleaguered troops withdrew to their stronghold.

The following year, Pope Benedict IX was also forced to accept Serbian ceasefire terms. Uros was a happy man indeed – his kingdom was once again enveloped in a blanket of peace, and he was free to indulge himself one more in his program of building and public works.

By the year 1175, the Cypriots had rid themselves completely of the Byzantines. Prince Vukan had been monitoring developments on the island carefully, and he now petitioned his father, presenting the argument that the access to further ports in the Mediterranean was most desirable, particularly those so agreeably positioned astride a major trade route. Uros eventually acquiesced, and in 1178 Prince Vukan landed in Cyprus. The Cypriots, under Theodore Cerularius, defended their homeland bravely, but were ultimately no match for the Serbian force. At the end of the small action, 41 Cypriots were dead and 17 captured. Only 6 Serb lives were sacrificed to the gods of war.

Treachery begets Trouble

For many years now, the Byzantines had been amassing their forces in Bulgaria, and in the year 1183, Lord Calaphates led an army of 2,160 men westwards into Serbia itself – notwithstanding the fact that Serbia had long been an ally of Byzantium!

The Serbian force under Stafan Djorovic fought determinedly in the defence of their homeland. The slopes of Mt Maganik soon were red with the blood of the invaders. Djorovic knew that the enemy Kataphraktoi posed the greatest threat to his army, and so he ordered all of his archers to concentrate their fire on these heavily armoured cavalry as they struggled up the slope. With the feared Byzantine cavalry thus neutralised, Djorovic ordered his archers to shift their fire to the Byzantine infantry and armoured spearmen.

The Vlastela cavalry of Cedomil Adzovic and Misa Obradovic had by this time fired all of their arrows, and they were now free to engage the enemy’s Trebizond archers more directly. This they did with a relish, riding down row after row of the hapless archers.

With their general dead, and their heavy cavalry and infantry units destroyed, the surviving Byzantine soldiers decided that discretion was the better part of valour, and they fled. They left behind 836 dead comrades, and 797 who had surrendered to the Serbs. The Serbian defenders had lost only 344 men. The Byzantine captives included a number of nobles, and a ransom of 4,671 florins was secured for their release. Djorovic had pulled off an outstanding victory – and one which was to have severe repercussions for the treacherous Byzantine aggressors.

The Byzantine army in Bulgaria had been severely weakened by their losses in Serbia, and the morale of the force had also been notably reduced. In 1186, Stafan Djorovic marched into the province, reinforced by a two more Serbian armies that marched south from the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia respectively. The Byzantine forces retreated without offering battle. Bulgaria was now in Serbian hands.

With two stunningly successful campaigns behind him, Djorovic was appointed governor of Bulgaria, and afforded the title Lord Djorovic. The redoubtable Serbian general was by no means finished yet, however.

As the Serbian assault gained momentum, Sicily had renewed its war with Byzantium with a new vigour. In 1187, The Sicilians launched a siege on Tripoli, and seized Palestine. Emperor John of Byzantium responded by directing part of the garrison of Greece to sail across the Mediterranean to raise the siege on Tripoli. It was a move he would come to regret. With the garrison of Greece reduced, the door was opened for Djorovic to continue his drive south, and in 1188 he seized Greece in the name of Tzar Uros I.

The capture of Greece was to prove the last hurrah for Tzar Uros. The ageing Tzar was found on the morning after the celebratory feast. Tzar Primislav I was crowned in 1188, and immediately sent word to Djorovic. Constantinople itself was soon to face the wrath of Serbia. The province itself fell quickly. Once again, the Byzantine troops proved to be more in danger of being trampled underfoot by their own panic-struck generals and comrades than from the advancing Serbs. The city of Constantinople came under siege from Djorovic’s army in 1189. The garrison would hold out for a further two years before finally succumbing in 1191.

The loss of Constantinople in the same year as the loss of Tripoli to a Castille-Leonese led Crusade proved too much for the Byzantine people. In 1192, Byzantium was rent asunder by civil war. In just under 10 years, the greatest power in the Mediterranean had been brought to her knees. It was a terrible price indeed to pay for that treacherous attack on an ally in 1183 – but one which many in Serbia thought was truly “justice done”.

In 1203, the new ruler of Byzantium petitioned Serbia for a ceasefire. This request was met favourably by Tzar Primislav, who wished nothing more than a peaceful existence for his realm. His wish was granted, with the Tzar enjoying a peaceful existence until suffering a hunting accident in 1212. Many had warned him against allowing “Myopic Milislav” Glaucomovic to join the party that day. He would have done well to heed his advisors on that point – or perhaps to wear something other than his favourite bearskin cape.

And so it was that in the year 1212, Tzar Stafan I was crowned at the tender age of 19 years of age. Serbia was in a far healthier position than it had been for many a year. The people were happy, the treasury was full to overflowing...but the rapid growth of the Castille-Leonese to the west, the Danes to the north, and Sicily to the south had many in Serbia concerned. How long would the peace last?

Military restructuring

Stafan may have been young, but the new Tzar was no fool. With the Serbian economy as strong as it had ever been, Stafan looked to augment the strength of his armies. The Serbian armies had long been deficient in the crucial area of heavy cavalry units. Long had Serbian rulers looked with envious eyes upon the Catholic armies of the west with their knights. The Kataphractoi of Byzantium and the heavy cavalry of the old Cuman empire had also drawn the envy of Serbian monarchs. Cost had always been an issue – but no more.

Drawing inspiration from the knights of his Catholic neighbours, Stafan now openly encouraged the training of Vlastela Heavy Cavalry units, and he ordered a complete overhaul of the various Carska Garda regiments. No longer would these troops be the most dangerous of mounted archers – they were now to become the most feared heavy cavalry in all of Europe!

The advances in the cavalry units of potential enemies had exposed a further area of concern for the Serbian armies. For many years, the staple unit of the defensive line had been regiments of armoured spearmen. Stafan’s father Uros had noted the Catholic trend towards a new type of footsoldier, called a “Halberdier”. He was impressed with the potential of such troops, and had ordered the development of an all-Serbian counterpart, to be known as a Voynuk Bladesman.

Finally, advances in archery and armour had resulted in two further new units undergoing training for deployment in Stafan’s new model army – shielded bowmen, and arbalesters.

The Serbian military would soon be a force of significant power indeed!

An Unexpected Windfall

Stafan’s building and military programmes had not gone unnoticed in the west. In 1216, word arrived at Stafan’s court that the King of Castile-Leon had offered the hand of his only daughter, Catherine, to the young Serbian monarch. Stafan could see the political advantages that such a union would afford. The armies of Spain were rampaging across western Europe – clearly this would make the Castile-Leonese formidable allies.

Stafan and Catherine were married later that year, and happily for both parties the union was one which proved to be far more than “mutually convenient”. In Catherine, Stafan believed that he had found a true soul-mate, and the Spanish princess was equally entranced with her dashing Serbian husband. Each learned the native tongue of the other, and Stafan even took the unusual step of visiting Catherine’s homeland with her on a number of occasions over the next few years. As a result, the royal couple were soon almost as popular with the people of Castile-Leon as they were with their Serbian subjects.

In the latter part of 1222, news arrived from Granada that King Pedro II of Castile-Leon was gravely ill. Catherine, with Stafan’s blessing, returned to her homeland to be at her father’s side. Upon her arrival in Castile in 1223, King Pedro was already on his death bed. His physicians had declared themselves helpless to save their beloved monarch. This was a troubling time for the Spanish nobility. Prince Phillip, the sole heir to the throne, had been killed in battle in Flanders barely two years previously, leaving the realm in a very precarious position indeed.

It was Catherine who offered the solution to King Pedro’s Chamberlain, Lord Sanchez, Duke of Algarve, a man who she had known as “Uncle Fernando” in her youth. Fernando Sanchez had long been a friend and confidant of King Pedro.

“The blood of my father flows through my veins as it did my dear brother Phillip’s. It also flows through the veins of my son. Stafan is a good man and a good King, and he is well loved by his own people and ours. If the monarchy were to pass to Stafan, both the royal line and the kingdom are secured.”

The Chamberlain listened intently.

Bishop Velazquez voiced his own concerns “My Lady, pardon my raising such a question, but would your husband be prepared to be baptised as Catholic?”

Catherine’s face flushed with anger “He is a Christian, not a pagan.”

Lord Sanchez intervened calmly “Quite so. I appreciate your concerns, Bishop, but better the kingdom remain united under a Christian ruler than fragment into rebellion, anarchy, and godlessness.”

The Bishop was not so easily dissuaded “Of course my Lord, but Orthodoxy is not Catholicism, and…”

“As I said, Bishop, I appreciate your concern.” Sanchez tone was notably firmer. “I will convene a meeting of the …” his voice trailed off as King Pedro raised his right hand.

When the king spoke, his voice was barely more than a whisper, but his resolve was clear. “Stafan is a good king and a just king….and a Christian King. He is also the husband of my daughter, and father of my grandson. He will hold our kingdom together. I anoint him as my ….. my rightful heir.”

King Pedro coughed. He turned to his daughter, and smiled. His lips moved as if to speak, and then he sighed loudly and his eyes fluttered closed.

The King’s surgeon examined the great man briefly before glancing towards Lord Sanchez and grimly shaking his head. Sanchez turned to Lord de la Cerda “You heard?”

De la Cerda nodded.

“Good. Call the heralds, we must spread word of the succession.”

Sanchez glance shifted to the quietly departing figure of Bishop Velazquez, and he motioned his aide, Don Enrique de Estrella.

“Enrique, I believe that Bishop Velazquez means to cause mischief in the matter of this succession. Arrange for our ‘friend’, d’Anghiera to see that he does not.”

“As you wish, my Lord.”

Bishop Velazquez’ body was found a week later by a Murcian fisherman.

And so it came to pass that in the year 1223, the nobility of Castile-Leon, and the peoples of the provinces of Algarve, Cordoba, Portucale, Leon, Castile, Granada, Valencia, Murcia, Aragon, Navarre, Tripoli, and Savoy all swore loyalty to their new monarch….Tzar Stafan of Serbia. There was much rejoicing throughout Serbia at this sudden unexpected increase in the kingdom.

Further good news was received by Tzar Stafan that very same year, and he announced to his subjects that after a series of successful trials, he was relocating his entire kingdom to the far more stable platform of a new laptop. Serbia should be in no further danger of the dreaded spectre of hard drive failure!

On the fringes of the kingdom, however, dark clouds brewed, as the Bohemians gathered their armies in secrecy....

Previous Chapters of This Campaign
Chapter 1 - A Place to Live (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1675822&postcount=1223)
Chapter 2 - Carving an Empire (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showpost.php?p=1675822&postcount=1239)