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Thread: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

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    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Lakonike is (slowly) coming along but I had to share this. As I was typing, i noticed this:
    Lakedaemon. And the Eurotas valley used to be feature a Lake rather than a river according to some accounts. Funny ha?
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

    Completed EB Campaigns on VH/M: ALL... now working for EBII!

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  2. #182
    Member Member RAWROMNOM's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Keep 'em coming! I'm happy to continue entering them in.
    "The state of human ethics can be summarized in two sentences: We ought to. But we don't." -Tucholsky

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    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Lakonike will be delivered sometime next week if all goes well. I have gone completely overboard as far as length is concerned, but moderators may edit out all material they see fit. I expect my first draft to be finished today and I'll spend some time during the next few days correcting and polishing.
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

    Completed EB Campaigns on VH/M: ALL... now working for EBII!

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  4. #184
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    As promised.
    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Province Lakonike
    Traveler’s Log
    Travelling by ship from Crete to Laconia the traveler will probably stop at the beautiful Kythira Island, where Aphrodite was born. This island has always been an in-between station for the ancient route to and from northwestern Crete and the Peloponnesus. Reaching the edge of the mainland, beautiful scenic small bays and coves contrast the impressive mountain masses in the background. Images such as this, display clearly the isolation of the different parts of the Peloponnesus provided by overlapping mountain ranges and their plateaus and valleys. Though relatively small in size, this part of Hellas has harbored many city-state cultures. Entering the bay to the north where the Eurotas meets the sea and travelling up the valley it forms, between the Taygetos to the west and Parnon to the east, the traveler reaches the glorious, unwalled (until sometime in the third century BC and soon after enslaved) city of Sparta. Perhaps not much in the way of sightseeing, it still holds something spectacular to observe: its people!
    Geography
    Even though it is still not proven, it is possible that the name Lakonia is composited by the words Las and Konos, meaning stone and cone respectively, inspired by the view of Taygetos’s pyramidal highest peak. The Eurotas valley from north to south dominates the province. The river originates in the mountains and rolls gently to the sea. The reeds from its banks provided the material for the “beds” of the Spartans. The mountains on either side are rough and form a natural barrier that somewhat isolates the province. Taygetos, named after Taygetis a daughter of Atlas, holds the highest peak at over 2400m with a permanent snowcap and a very clear atmosphere that made it ideal for astronomic observation. In fact, Anaximandros installed an observatory and devices used to measure stellar and planetary movement, equinoxes and solstices, according to Cicero and Diogenis Laertios. Parnon is no small mountain just under 2000m and separates Lakonike from Arcadia. Stone and sunlight are ever present in Lakonike and against this background, olive trees, vineyards, orange and other fruit trees complete the scene of the Spartan countryside.
    The People, Society and Government
    No Dorian is more Doric than the Spartans. That perhaps is all that needs to be said about the Spartan stock. And if contrary to the human condition, which it is, this culture remained so for the better part of three centuries and furthermore it was enforced by law.
    A layered society featured the slave land-workers, called helots, at the bottom, whose life was worth only as much as the care they took of their lords’ land and other needs. Notably, they belonged to the state, not to individual Spartans. The second social layer consisted of the perioikoi. These were free and somewhat independent living in settlements around the city itself. They were craftsmen and traders and as such were the only ones that were allowed to travel outside Lakedaimonian dominion. In war they fought as hoplites, although they were not up to the standard of discipline and effectiveness of the core Spartan army. That core consisted of Spartan full citizens, the Homoioi. These were born into their class, but could lose their rights for cowardice in battle or misconduct. They also received especially brave soldiers from lower classes into their numbers, who would usually have to go through the Spartan Agoge first. The general assembly of the Homoioi was the Apella, that voted on a voice, on issues such as campaign leaders or motions put forth by the Kings or the elders. While many details on its function are not clear, its most important task perhaps was electing the five Ephoroi responsible for maintaining public order and general oversight of Lykourgos’s laws. The Ephoroi served for one year at a time. They had the right to remain seated in the presence of the Kings whom they also kept an eye on for any digressions. Even so they were not all powerful. They could not get reelected and they could be judged by the next Ephoroi even to receive the death penalty on extreme occasions. The Apella also voted on a voice for the lifelong members of the Gerousia or the Senate. It included twenty eight men plus the two Kings for a total of thirty. Its responsibilities were mostly legislative and occasionally judicial. The dual kingship formed the top of the Spartan pyramid of power and predated Lykourgos’s reforms. It provided a balance between the two oldest and powerful families in Sparta. The Agiades and the Euripontides.
    Lykourgos: In answer to the man who was insistent that he establish a democracy in the State Lycurgus said, "Do you first establish a democracy in your own house."
    Charillos: When one of the Helots conducted himself rather boldly toward him, he said, "If I were not angry, I would kill you."

    Perhaps the most important institution of the Spartan state was the Agoge. The fundamental principle for any army is discipline. And discipline is an acquired skill. It takes time and training. In Sparta, boys were passed over to the state, at the age of seven and were no longer the responsibility of their parents. Until their twentieth year they were rigorously trained, both physically and mentally. From the age of thirteen years old, they were taught to fight, survive and face adverse weather conditions. They ate the Melanas Zomos, or black broth made of pork, salt, blood and vinegar. They were also encouraged to steal for food and were only punished when caught on the act, not for stealing but for having been caught. They slept on reeds from the banks of the Eurotas and faced all kinds of brutality that makes for the terrible face of war, such as the Diamastigosis a test of endurance and perseverance for the body and the spirit. They were also taught to be brief and concise in their words. This skill was called “lakonizein”. They were also taught to scorn music, art and money. Trade and the arts flourished prior to the reforms. Initially there was no currency and no need for it either since the state provided for everything. Later on, Spartan coins were made of iron and disproportionaly heavy, so that when a lot of money was accumulated it would require a wagon to move it, inevitably drawing attention.
    Androcleidas the Spartan, who had a crippled leg, enrolled himself among the fighting-men. And when some persons were insistent that he be not accepted because he was crippled, he said, "But I do not have to run away, but to stay where I am when I fight the opposing foe."
    The Spartans gave particular attention to their hair, recalling a saying of Lycurgus in reference to it, that it made the handsome more comely and the ugly more frightful.
    Demaratos: In a council meeting he was asked whether it was due to foolishness or lack of words that he said nothing. "But a fool, would not be able to hold his tongue."
    When a Spartan soldier was about to strike down an enemy a trumpet sounded recalling him to his unit so he stayed his blow. When asked why he let the man live he replied that is was better to follow an order than to slay an enemy.

    Another institution of sorts was the Crypteia. Probably introduced by Lykourgos the Crypteia took place once every year. Young Spartans would be unleashed in the countryside with the objective to kill helots. The Spartans would be unarmed or lightly armed and should seek out the strongest among the helots. This institution introduced the younger Homoioi to bloodshed, which they had perhaps experienced during the Agoge, but also kept the helot population in check, since estimates put it at about twenty times that of the Homoioi.
    The Spartans hoped to maintain their way of life by insulating their city from aliens. Strangers were only allowed to stay with the city under special permission. This was called Xenilasia and was not unique to Sparta; it has also been noted among Cretan Dorians. Women in Sparta enjoyed special priviliges, when compared to other cities. They trained in sports so they might be strong and healthy and bear strong and healthy offspring. Young women were allowed to walk where they pleased unveiled so that suitors could observe their beauty. Not so married women that had to wear a veil at all times and offer their beauty only to their husbands. On that note, young husbands were not allowed to stay with their wives during the day and stormed their own bedrooms at night to enjoy their wives. This kept their passion fresh. On the other hand, if a Spartan could not produce any offspring it was not shameful to ask a fellow Spartan to impregnate his wife so that he too might have sons to offer Sparta.
    The Spartans were very religious. All gods statues and images bore arms more often than not so that men would not go before them unarmed. They sacrificed to Heros before battle and especially revered Heracles and quite unexpectedly, Athena, their archrival’s namesake. Athena Optilletis got her epithet from an unfortunate event in her temple, during which Lykourgos, trying to implement his reforms nearly lost an eye when stricken by a rich man who stood to lose his wealth. He retained his vision and attributed his fortune to the goddess (optilos is a doric word for eye). Later on the rich man in question was handed over by the assembly to Lykourgos to kill if he so saw fit. Lykourgos took him into his household and overwhelmed him by means of his virtue to the point that he became Lykourgos greatest admirer.
    Cleomenes son of Anaxandridas: When somebody inquired of him why Spartans do not dedicate to the gods the spoils from their enemies, he said, "Because they are taken from cowards."
    Cleomenes son of Anaxandridas: When someone said, "Why have you not killed off the people of Argos who wage war against you so often?" he said, "Oh, we would not kill them off, for we want to have some trainers for our young men."

    History
    Neolithic ceramic evidence near the location of Sparta marks the beginning of inhabitation in this southernmost part of the Peloponnesus. While archaeology is somewhat limited in what it can tell us about the earlier years, myth is not. The Lakedaemonians have a rich mythology for their kingly lineage. A short version of the laconic age of myth has Las, one the first men created by the stones thrown behind them by Deucalion and Pyrra after the Cataclysm, settling in the location of what was to be Sparta, but was then called Las. In the Dorian dialect Las means stone. In the earlier Pelasgean dialect it can be interpreted to mean heavenly spirit. At any rate Las was killed by Achilles when the latter was visiting Sparta as Helen’s suitor. So here the line continues with Menelaos, though Las’s position is not clarified in this version of the myth and the lengthy catalog of mythic kings preceding Menelaos is not incorporated.
    The longer version begins with Lelex as the first indigenous king of Sparta who interestingly enough was also considered primogenitor of the Messenians. His dynasty, the lelegides, is short with a total of three kings: himself, Mylis inventor of the mill and Eurotas who gave his name to the river. Eurotas was survived by no son, but had a daughter named Sparta! Sparta married Lakedaemon, a son of Zeus and Taygetis daughter of Atlas the Titan. Thus began the second dynasty and a new name was given the land: Lacedaemonia. Lakedaemon was succeded by Amyklas, founder of the Amykles settlement, who had three sons. Of these Argalos became king first and Kynortas after him. Then Perieres and after him Oibalos who begot Ikarios (Penelope’s father), Tyndareos (Helen and Clytemnestra’s father) and Arnes (mother of Boeotos). In this generation, the pre-Dorian familial connection of what is now the Ionian Islands, Boeotia and the Peloponnesus, is established. Oibalos had another son named Ippokoon (the horse whisperer) who took the throne and exiled his brothers. An invasion mounted by Herakles, but aborted after his injury, is placed at this point in the timeline. A second invasion assisted by the Arcadian Argonaut Kefeus was successful; an echo of the first Dorian incursions. Ippokoon and his offspring were killed and Tyndareos became King, but had no sons. Here ended the second pre Dorian dynasty. Menelaos married Helen, after her brothers the Dioskouroi took turns climbing Olympos and plunging into Hades, and so became King in Sparta introducing the dynasty of the Atreides. This is where myth touches history, as in all probability King Atreus, Menelaos’s father, is the Atarisiyas mentioned in the Hittite royal archives. The Spartan line of the Atreides mirrors the troubled time of the successive Dorian invasions into the realm of the Mycenaean world (also referred to as the invasion of the Herakleidae). Menelaos was one of the few lucky survivors both of the Trojan War and the nostos, the return trip home, the other prominent examples being Odysseas and Nestor. Still he had no sons and his daughter Hermione was married to his nephew Orestis. Orestis ruled over Argos, Mycenae and Lakonia. His son Tisamenos was the last King of the dynasty; he died fighting the Dorian invaders after being confined to Amykles. Of the Dorian Herakleidae, Aristodemos took Lakonia as his own. When he died his sons were not of age to rule, so his brother in law Thyras became steward. Meanwhile he colonized the island Kalliste (most beautiful) which he named after himself, Thyra (Santorini). Entering history….
    Aristodemos’s sons who according to some accounts were twins (and they had to be to provide equality to the two lines of kings) were Eurysthenes of the Agiades (leaders) and Prokles of the Eurypontides (wide sea). They became kings to rule jointly. Counting the names of the kings and allowing for an average time of ruling, places the first joint kingship around the 800s BC. This institution was unique; still it is not attributed to Lykourgos’ reforms as other institutions particular to Sparta are. Assuming he is a historical figure - and many ancient sources agree he was, not the least of which is Aristotle - a younger brother of a deceased king and guardian of his nephew Harilaos Eyropontides or Leovotos Agiades. This changes the estimates somewhat and places him later in the late 7th century following a period of instability for Sparta, hence the need for change. At any rate, credited with bringing the Spartans out of the darkness and into the light (of justice) as his name suggests, he is far more appealing as a historic person that entered the realm of myth. It was Lykourgos that transformed Sparta into the unique state that was to survive with little change for centuries. Sparta was destined to enjoy eternal glory and be defined by war.
    Messenian Wars: A state of recurring animosity existed between Sparta and its neighbors, a common occurrence with Hellenic states. Messena, Tegea, Sikion and Argos were all in an on-and-off state of war with Sparta. However the conflicts that really changed the balance of power in the Peloponnesus and propelled Sparta to regional power status were the first and second Messenian Wars. The first war was inconclusive, but in the second the Spartans managed to defeat the Messenians who were led by the energetic and perhaps mythical Aristomenes for the better part of fifteen years. The remnants of the Messenians were forced to take refuge at the fortified city of Eira and hold out for a few more years. However, they were both unable to turn the tide and secure a place in the post defeat environment, so they ended up fleeing to Epeiros and Sicily at Zagle, which later was renamed Messena. Aristomenes is said to have fled to Rhodes.
    Polydorus: As he was leading out his army to Messene, someone asked him if he was going to fight against his brothers. He said that he was not, but was merely proceeding to the unassigned portion of the land.
    The newly conquered lands and the accompanying slaves perhaps provided the Spartan citizens with such means of sustenance as were required in order for them to remain practically lifelong soldiers in the service of the state. It is not inconceivable that this thread of events led to the reforms of Lykourgos, especially since the 8th and 7th centuries BC are considered a tumultuous period of Spartan history. After this conquest Sparta initially tried to expand to the North with mixed results that dictated a change of strategy in favor of political means rather than military. After subduing Tegea and perhaps more importantly Argos, Sparta was manifestly not only the strongest power in the Peloponnesus, but also recognized as such in Hellas. To that effect there was little to no debate when Sparta was granted PanHellenic leadership of both land and naval forces in the landmark conflict that followed: The Persian Wars.
    In the meantime an interesting incident occurred that led to a notable change in Spartan law and planted the seed for Hellenic civil war on a grand scale, the magnitude of which had never come to pass until then, but would become all too familiar in centuries to come. While Sparta was trying to expand its sphere of influence beyond the Isthmos, it found a pretext to interfere in Athenian politics and did so not too subtly. A Spartan contingent under King Kleomenes I, marched to Attica in support of a political faction in 510 BC. This led to the exile of “democracy’s father” Kleisthenes but later also to the expulsion of Kleomenes from the city. While a full scale invasion under both Spartan kings and with the assistance of Peloponnesian allies was brewing, the plan fell through and the coalition began to unravel when Corinthos refused to be a part of it and King Dimaratos also decided to abort and return to Lakedaimona. This case of royal discord led to a law stipulating that only one Spartan king would be allowed to campaign beyond the border.
    Polycratidas: Polycratidas was sent, along with others, as ambassador to the king's generals, and when these asked whether they were there as private citizens or had been sent as public representatives, he said, "If we succeed, public; if not, private."
    Persian Wars: By this time and indeed quite some time before the Spartan army had made its reputation for superiority, if not outright invincibility in Hellas. In 492 BC the Great King Darius advanced victorious through Thrace and Makedonia before returning home. In 490 BC a Persian fleet crossed the Aegean before burning Eretria to the ground and landed at Marathon only to be soundly defeated and forced to return whence it came from. Both these operations took place before any PanHellenic resistance could be organized, so the opportunity was not given for Spartan leadership. In 480 BC however a vast army poured into Thessaly and bottlenecked at Thermopylae (a site of mixed results for attacker and defender both before and since) in the face of a small Spartan led coalition. Part of the defenders fled when they learned that the Persians had found their way around their position. Others, including all 300 Spartans but one (or so tradition would have it), stood their ground and were slain to a man, King Leonidas I with them. The 300 were called “Hippeis” though they always fought on foot, perhaps a relic of old times, just as the Dioskouroi, considered Spartan progenitors are always depicted on horses, an image reminiscent of an oligarch class, wealthy enough to support horses.
    Leonidas, son of Anaxandridas: When the Ephors said that he was taking but few men to Thermopylae, he said, "Too many for the enterprise on which we going." His wife Gorgo inquired, at the time when he was setting forth to Thermopylae to fight the Persian, if he had any instructions to give her, and he said, "To marry good men and bear good children."
    Leonidas, son of Anaxandridas: When Xerxes wrote, "Hand over your arms," he wrote in reply, "Come and take them".
    Diinekes: When someone said, "Because of the arrows of the barbarians it is impossible to see the sun," he said, "Won't it be nice, then, if we shall have shade in which to fight them?"
    Paedaretus: When he was not chosen as one of the three hundred, which was rated as the highest honour in the State, he went away cheerful and smiling; but when the Ephors called him back, and asked why he was laughing, he said, "Because I congratulate the State for having three hundred citizens better than myself."

    At any rate, the Persians advanced past a neutral Thebes and flooded into Attica. Athens, mostly defenseless was set alight and the Spartans in a characteristically self-serving manner begun fortifying the Isthmos. The Athenians did it again albeit under nominal Spartan leadership and effectively trashed Persian plans for a thorough conquest of Hellas. During the next campaigning season the combined Hellenic forces under Spartan leadership counterattacked in Boetia and destroyed the remaining Persian forces near Plataea, killing in the process their leader Mardonius, a prince and son in law of Xerxes. A full complement of Spartan hoplites was present that day as opposed to the 300-men-limited royal bodyguard of Leonidas I. Mostly Athenian hoplites faced Theban formations on their side of the battlefield, but it was the Spartan heavy hoplite phalanx that led an opportune yet unplanned charge which routed the Persians. Casualties were very heavy on the Persian side. Among the Spartan dead was the survivor of Thermopylae redeemed from shame, but not praiseworthy either, since he charged the enemy line in a non-Spartan frenzy. Another Spartan-led success was the Battle of Mycale, which was rather noteworthy, as naval warfare put Spartans out of their element. It resulted in the destruction of the Persian fleet and thus put an end to the second Persian invasion.
    Pausanias son of Kleombrotos: When some people were amazed at the costliness of the raiment found among the spoils of the barbarians, he said that it would have been better for them to be themselves men of worth than to possess things of worth. After the victory at Plataea over the Persians he ordered that the dinner which had been prepared for the Persians should be served to himself and his officers. As this had a wondrous sumptuousness, he said, "By Heaven, the Persian was a greedy fellow who, when he had all this, came after our barley-cake."
    The initiative now belonged to the Hellenes. And the Spartans were leading… at first. The fleet fought successfully near Cyprus and Byzantion, which prompted the Ionian coast of Asia Minor to consider rebelling against the Persian yoke. However, the Spartans rejected their pleas and instead sailed home, in their traditional militaristic isolationism, probably satisfied with being considered the best fighting force in Hellas and beyond. Pausanias was at first recalled due to his arrogance and independent ways. But the damage had been done and his replacement was not able to turn the mood. It was Athens that answered the call of the Iones and thus set the foundation for its future maritime “empire”. In 473 BC Tegea seized the opportunity to rebel against Spartan suzerainty as did Argos only to be brought to heel soon afterward in 471 BC. These events perhaps justify Spartan introversion. In 464 BC a great earthquake claimed many lives of Spartan citizens and provided the Helotes an opportunity to rebel against their lifelong masters. It was many years before Spartan authority was fully restored over its power base, but all the while Athenian power grew throughout the Aegean and mainland Hellas. The Spartan opposed where they could and incited dissent among disillusioned Athenian allies with considerable success. It was an antagonism kept at low level intensity and mostly regional conflict, a Cold War of sorts. However, when no alternative remained and the Athenian league was on the verge of growing too powerful to resist, a Spartan army marched to Attica under the pretext of liberating all Greeks and thus initiated the Peloponnesian War. Ironically, in the years of the Helot revolt, mostly well-off Athenian hoplites marched to help the Spartans take a fortified position of the Helots, only to turn back on learning that the Helots were Hellenes just like themselves.
    Peloponnesian War: The Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) ravaged irreparably the Hellenic world from Sicily to the Euxinos Pontos and let the Persians meddle in Hellenic affairs with their overwhelming wealth. It is roughly divided in three stages and the immediate result was a decisive, but particularly short lived Spartan victory. King Archidamos who had led his people out of their city just prior to the major earthquake of 464 BC, thus saving their lives and subsequently also against the Helots and Perioikoi, was a cautious and reasonable man. He had discussed options with Perikles as his guest in Athens and even faced scrutiny back home because of his interest in negotiation. In the end he invaded Attica and besieged Athens in a very predictable, but reasonable move, in typical Spartan fashion. The Athenians declined battle of course and under Perikles’s guidance counterattacked using their naval and economic superiority… of course. During these operations a Spartan detachment surrendered after being cut off, an unprecedented event of extraordinary importance. In Athens a typhoid plague claimed many lives including Perikles’s. When a truce was agreed upon in 421 BC Athens could claim victory, if only marginally, since the Spartans who had attacked first had achieved very little and a return to status quo ante bellum was accepted.
    In this first stage the Spartan general Vrasidas marched in Makedonia to assist Perdikas II of Makedonia, but found himself abandoned by the undisciplined Makedonians of the time and surrounded by the wild raiding Illyrians. He formed a defensive square formation perhaps for the first time in history that, with the uncompromising discipline of his men, allowed him to retreat unmolested by the barbarians. He died in operations against the Athenians in Makedonia. He was buried in Amphipolis, but a cenotaph was awarded him next to the graves of Leonidas I and Pausanias. The place of his death bears his name to this day (General Vrasidas’s Cape). According to Thucydides he fully embodied Spartan ideals. By comparison his counterpart of the time, the Athenian Kleon was enough of a dick to be ridiculed by Aristophanes in his Hippeis. (//strike comment and edit )
    During the second stage of 415 - 413 BC the Athenians were convinced by the multi-talented and charismatic Alcibiades to mount a campaign in Sicily to intervene in a conflict between two cities there, Egesta and Selinounda. Beyond the surface, the objective was to expand the Athenian sphere of influence to the West and deprive the Spartans and their allies of its resources. Three leaders were chosen from all political factions Alcibiades among them. After the fleet sailed, however, Alcibiades was accused of mutilating the Hermaic stelae during a drunken stupor (or rage). These were basically road signs posted at corners and squares, nothing too important except that they featured the face of a major god. Blown out of proportion in the face of public discontent the matter warranted swift justice and Alcibiades was recalled immediately to stand trial. Whether this was provocation or actually his doing has not been determined, but at any rate he then defected to Sparta fearing for his life and with good reason. He was condemned in absentia. What was not evident at the time was that the Athenians were condemning themselves. Alcibiades adapted remarkably well and fast. This new “Spartan” gave a much needed touch of genius to the otherwise mundane Spartan strategic maneuvering, both in the west and the mainland. He suggested that Gylippos a Spartan ex commander then living in Magna Grecia be put in charge of defending Syracuse and Sicily. Also he suggested that Dekeleia in Attica be fortified so that Athens would only be able to resupply by sea. Gylippos was able to turn the tide in Sicily mostly relying on counter-investment efforts, racing time against Athenian fortifications aimed at isolating Syracuse. Both armies ceaselessly fought, harassed, built and destroyed, until Gylippos was able to use part of the Athenian efforts to his advantage. The Athenian expeditionary force found itself surrounded by land. When the fleet was also defeated they surrendered. The commanders were executed and the rest died in the mines under terrible conditions. This was a terrible blow for Athens.
    During the third phase 413-404 BC the Spartan endeavors were too grand for their means so they turned to the Persians for financial aid. Athens was in panic even changing its form of government to an oligarchy in 411 BC for a year and a half. It was Alcibiades, who in the meantime had taken refuge in the Persian court in Asia Minor that advised the Persians to keep the war going. A Spartan fleet was built with Persian funds and the theater of operations moved to the northern Aegean and the Hellespont. Perhaps Alcibiades hoped that if Athens were hard pressed the city would pardon and summon him. And it did.
    Alcibiades returned to Athens and took command of the fleet. The Athenians won a victory in Abydos in 411 BC and when the Spartans regrouped, a combined land and sea engagement in Kyzikos in 410BC. The Athenian fleet destroyed the Spartan fleet using a stratagem of Alcibiades and the army under Hares defeated the Persians on land. A report back to Sparta read: “The ships are destroyed. Mindaros (the commander) is dead. The men are starving. We know not what to do.”(//Drums in the deep… they are coming!) Democracy was restored in Athens. In 407 BC the Spartans under Lysandros defeated the Athenians with a newly rebuilt fleet using Persian gold near Samos and the Athenians blamed Alcibiades who decided to go on exile. Konon was placed in charge of the fleet, but was hard pressed by the new Spartan admiral, Lysandros’s replacement, Kallikratidas, a somewhat junior commander. Konon was forced to offer battle and suffered a bitter defeat, which resulted in him being hopelessly isolated and barely able to send a message home. The Athenians mobilized all resourced even granting citizen rights to metoikoi and slaves overnight, so that crews might be available for a new fleet sponsored by the molten golden statue of Nike. (//The goddess, not the brand). This makeshift fleet was trained and drilled en route and won the engagement in the Arginouses near Lesbos in 406BC. Conditions appeared unfavorable for the Spartans, but to his deputies’ advice Kallikratidas responded in typical cold laconic manner: “If I die, Sparta will be unharmed. If I shy away from battle, Sparta will be disgraced.” He was right. He died, but Sparta won the war eventually. The victors however had their hands full. Part of the enemy fleet escaped and had to be pursued, Konon was still cut off by some 50 Spartan vessels and almost 5000 of the fleet’s crew were drowning as their commanders were trying to make up their minds. The weather cared little for their deliberations and a storm forced the fleet to abandon any survivors still at sea and take to port. Bodies were seen floating in the sea and ashore as far south as Phokaia. The psychological impact was such that after much deliberating the Athenian authorities sentenced all the generals to death and executed the six that were present in Athens, in typical Athenian fashion. The Spartans sued for peace maintaining the status quo, which was unpalatable to the Athenians since it meant that many islands would not be under their control and they now felt confident enough to finally win the war. Lysandros was back in charge of the Spartan forces even against stipulations of the Spartan constitution. Cyrus the Younger was on friendly terms with him and provided the gold to rebuild the Spartan fleet once more. This fleet annihilated the Athenian fleet in 404 BC at Aigos potamoi and later blockaded Athens by sea. Cut off from land and sea the city was starved to submission and capitulated. Lysandros sent a laconic dispatch home: “Athens has fallen”
    Antalcidas: When an Athenian said to him, "You must admit that we have many a time put you to rout from the Cephisus," he retorted, "But we have never put you to rout from the Eurotas."
    The invincible Spartan phalanx was given little chance to prove its overwhelming superiority. And while the unwillingness of its enemies to face it is testament to that superiority, the surrender of Spartan hoplites definitely put a dent to its reputation. When the Athenians were not busy killing or neutralizing their successful leaders (as they always did) they enjoyed notable success even in particularly adverse conditions, made possible by the other Athenian advantage over Sparta, wealth. The balance was tipped as many times as needed by the vastly greater Persian wealth and it took a mediocre strategist, but capable negotiator and diplomat, Lysandros, to finalize the outcome.
    The iconic Spartan super soldier notwithstanding, people are people. Vrasidas perhaps matched the Spartan role-model, but other important men of the era did not. A brief account on Gylippos and Lysandros follows:
    Gylippos was born around 450 BC so that would put him in his mid-thirties when he took command of the Spartan force in Sicily. He is reported in the sources as being a “mothax” which is a term to describe Spartans of non-citizen descent, who are still raised as such, adopted or otherwise. His father was Kleandridas (not the one of Arginouses) a general and an advisor to the young King Pleistoanax that led the siege of Athens during the first stage of the war. Both Kleandridas and Pleistoanax were accused of receiving the secret government fund that Perikles of Athens could use according to law in any way he saw fit without reporting to anyone. The accusation was that they were bribed to lift the siege, but in all probability they were victimized by the rival faction in Sparta to be weakened at home and also to justify why the mighty Spartan army had achieved nothing before returning home and accepting peace. At any rate Kleandridas was condemned to death in absentia and Pleistoanax was severely fined so that, unable to pay, went into exile. Kleandridas had fled to Athens and from there to the Athenian colony in Thurioi. He became a general there and had his share of success. When Alcibiades defected the Spartans charged Gylippos with putting together a task force to relieve Syracuse, which he did, using Corinthian and Leukadian crews. Corinth was directly harmed by the Athenian expedition in Sicily since most trade with the West was conducted by Corinthian merchants. Gylippos was able to turn the tables on the Athenian force and gradually forced them into surrender. He wanted to spare the Athenian leaders but was accused of having a personal financial interest for doing so, since Nikias, one of the Athenian generals was a very wealthy man. This perhaps was an all too familiar accusation for Gylippos. There is however no record of a conviction and no indication either, since he continued to serve Sparta with all citizen rights. Some ten years later in 404 BC Gylippos was tasked by his superior Lysandros with delivering sealed sacks full of money and spoils back to Sparta. He was accused of removing a small part from every sack and then sealing it anew, without knowing that there was a small note in each sack documenting the contents. In fact it was a servant of his that turned him in saying that “many owls gather under his roof”, the owl being featured on many coins of the time. Just like his father he served in war with considerable distinction, but was sentenced to death in absentia for treason involving money - bribery and embezzlement, respectively.
    Lysandros was a very capable political figure and a decent commander, yet unscrupulous and overly ambitious. His connections in the Persian court allowed him to build a powerful fleet which he handed over to his replacement Kallikratidas saying: “I give you a powerful fleet that rules the Aegean”, to which the new admiral replied: ”If so, take it from Samos to Miletos”, which were firmly in Athenian hands. Before withdrawing from his command Lysandros returned what remained of the Persian funds that had been allocated for the construction and maintenance of the fleet. He thus reassured authorities at home that he wasn’t taking any gold for his own, impressed the Persian with this gesture and stayed on good terms with them, made things harder for his successor and also sent a clear message that if he was being recalled (even as lawfully as he was), Sparta could not enjoy the full benefit of his services. When Kallikratidas was killed at the Battle of Arginouses, Lysandros was given free reign over the Spartan forces, but was not given the official title thus bypassing a legal obstacle. Such tricks were not beneath the upstanding Spartans. Lysandros used his influence with Cyrus the Younger and secured the funds needed to rebuild the fleet. Under his military leadership the Spartans captured the last Athenian fleet in 404BC and were therefore able to besiege it by land and sea into surrender. Having brought the Peloponnesian War to an end, Lysandros brought down the long walls of Athens, which had stood in the way of many a Spartan invasion. He installed a garrison and an oligarchy in Athens. Taking advantage of the turbulent political situation of the time he tried to overthrow the highly celebrated king Agisilaos II (also known as the Great), but failed. This was perhaps in self-defense since the Agiades seized every opportunity to curb his power and influence. He died in combat at the battle of Aliartos during the Boeotian War in 395BC. A true Spartan to the end he allegedly declared “Where there is no lion-hide, there is a fox-hide” displaying his skill in laconic speech. Lysandros is also an interesting case because he is the first verifiable example of a statesman receiving divine honors during his lifetime. This took place in Samos during the Lysandreia in his honor and it happened repeatedly. Previous examples oddly enough (or not) were Olympic winners. The same divine offers had been offered to Agisilaos II but he turned them down.
    Clearly factional infighting was not an Athenian prerogative.
    Lysandros: In answer to the Argives, who were disputing with the Spartans in regard to the boundaries of their land and said that they had the better of the case, he drew his sword and said, "He who is master of this talks best about boundaries of land."
    Three years after the end of the war, in 401 BC Cyrus cashed in his favors. He was going to march against his brother the Great King. To that end he required a substantial hoplite force, which was provided by the Spartans in return for his support during the war. These however were not Spartans, but mercenaries under a Spartan commander, Klearchos. The army marched east and the mercenaries were initially tricked, then convinced to keep marching east all the way to the empire’s heartland not far from Babylon. Battle was given near Kounaxa and Cyrus was killed. The myrioi (10K) won their part of the engagement, but moved far ahead of the main front forming the fatal opening on Cyrus’s right. The hoplites were practically unmolested after the battle, but found themselves isolated far away from home, farther than any Hellenic force had ever been. Eventually they were led to safety by an Athenian, Xenophon, who also wrote the account of their hardship and achievement.
    Korinthian War (395-387BC): The Spartans enjoyed considerable power in the years after the Peloponnesian War. In fact they were strong enough to attack the Persians in Asia Minor and wrest control of some cities from them. That gave enough cause for the Persians to support a new anti-Spartan alliance between Athens, Thebes, Argos and Corinth. The Spartans won victories on land but their fleet, essential to operations across the Aegean was badly damaged in the battle of Knidos against a mercenary Hellenic-Phoenician fleet that the Persian provided for the Athenians, a privilege reserved for the Spartans until that time. The Spartans did not give up easily, but when Konon raided the Peloponnesian coast he stirred the age-old fear of helot rebellion. Peace was in order. And it came to pass… for a while.
    Agisilaos (the Great): Inasmuch as the Persian coinage was stamped with the figure of a bowman, he said, as he was breaking camp, that he was being driven out of Asia by the king with thirty thousand bowmen; for such was the number of gold pieces brought to Athens and Thebes.
    Theban (Boeotian) War: The Spartans gave up the cities of the Ionian coast and Cyprus to have peace with the Persians and therefore concentrated their efforts in the mainland. In 382 BC, on a detour during a campaign Olynthos in Chalcidice, a Spartan force under Phoibidas destroyed the Theban acropolis, the Kadmeia, and installed a pro-Lakedaimonian faction in power. This was in clear violation of the peace agreed upon just five years before. The Thebans rebelled and war ensued, during which the Spartans unsuccessfully attacked the port of Piraeus, thus forcing the Athenians to the Theban side. The Spartans were the dominant regional power so they had the initiative, but they largely failed to achieve their goals, i.e. the complete submission of Thebes. Later in 376 BC they were defeated in a sea battle off of Naxos by a combined fleet lead by the Athenians and again in 374 BC in Alysia in Western Hellas. In 375BC the Theban Sacred Band of 300 men with cavalry support was able to defeat a larger Spartan force of nearly 800 hoplites in an unexcpected battle in Tegyra, as Pelopidas, the famous Theban commander, was trying to retake Orchomenos when it was vacated of its Spartan garrison. It was a proud victory for the Thebans and one that brought prestige to the Sacred Band. The result of the aforementioned facts was that the Spartans were not able to avert the formation of the “Koino ton Boeoton” or the Second Athenian League. In 371 BC after negotiations in Sparta, the Thebans would not surrender their consolidated position in Boeotia and the Spartans decided to invade once more, this time under Kleomvrotos I. The two armies fought at Leuctra where the phalanx in Echelon formation, invented by Epaminondas gave the victory to the Thebans. The other great Theban general and statesman Pelopidas was also present and was leading the Sacred Band of 300 men. The Spartans and their allies fielded about 11000 men, while the Thebans nearly half that number. However, the Spartans had the majority of the 1000 dead on their side, since they were fiercely engaged by the elite and strategically hard-pressed Thebans. These casualties were a terrible blow to the Spartans, not only for their ability to project power outside their heartland, but also to internal stability. During the winter of the next year the Spartan King Agisilaos II, launched an assault against Arcadia, which was stirring up. The Arcadians, predictably, reached to the Thebans for help and they answered the call. Epaminondas marched to Messenia, where the helots had revolted again, and fortified their capital Messena. The Spartans mobilized their forces against the invaders and met them in the battle of Mantinea. An uncommon occurrence was that Athens’ proximity to Boeotia forced it to side with the Spartans in this particular conflict. Feigning a degree of unpreparedness Epaminondas was able to both surprise them and effectively use the Echelon formation, which his enemies did expect him to employ, but were unable to counter under the circumstances. The Spartan front collapsed and victory went to the Thebans albeit at the price of losing their leader Epaminondas. When his companions remarked that he left no heir behind, he replied that he was leaving behind two daughters: Leuctra and Mantineia. Two years later Pelopidas died too, leaving the nascent Theban Hegemony headless and doomed to be very short lived.
    These two defeats weighed heavily on the scarce human resources available to the Spartans and they never quite recovered. From that point on they were restricted to their homeland and its surroundings with only a few attempts at former glory.
    When Agesilaus was wounded in battle by the Thebans, Androcleidas said to his face, "You have your just reward for the lessons in fighting you have given to that people who had no desire to fight and no knowledge even of fighting." For it appeared that they had been made warlike by the continual campaigns of Agesilaus against them.
    Agisilaos II ruled from 444 to 361 BC. In 396 BC he campaigned in Ionia against the Persians to free Hellenic cities. Starting with Ephesos he marched on to Phrygia despite entering negotiations with the satrap Tissafernis. The satrap Pharnavazos was there with a strong cavalry force and Agisilaos was forced to fall back to Ephesos. Later on he set out again reaching the river Paktolos, where he defeated a Persian force. The new satrap of Karia Tithraustis convinced him to leave Karia by paying him 30 talants. In 394 BC, while preparing for a campaign deep in Asia he received a message to return, because Sparta was in danger. He reached Koroneia in Boeotia, where he fought a combined army of Thebans and Athenians. They had received gold from the Persians to attack, so that Agisilaos would be forced to leave Persian lands. He won the battle, if only marginally. He then campaigned in Egypt leading a mercenary force. He died in Cyrene, as he was preparing to return to Sparta. Agisilaos agreed to the humiliating terms of the Antalkideios Peace. Xenophon, an Athenian, states in his work that it is hard to write praise worthy of Agisilaos, nevertheless he will attempt.
    Agisilaos (the Great): When he was still a boy, at a celebration of the festival of the naked boys the director of the dance assigned him to an inconspicuous place; and he obeyed, although he was destined to be king, saying,e"Good! I shall show that it is not the places that make men to be held in honour, but the men the places."
    Agisilaos (the Great): Desiring to bring about the war against the Persian for the sake of setting free the Greeks living in Asia, he consulted the oracle of Zeus at Dodona, and when the god bade him to go on, he reported the answer to the Ephors. And they bade him go to Delphi and ask the same question. Accordingly he proceeded to the prophetic shrine and put his question in this form: "Apollo, are you of the same opinion as your father?" And Apollo concurring, Agesilaus was chosen, and began the campaign.
    Agisilaos (the Great): Being asked once how far the bounds of Sparta extended, he said, with a flourish of his spear, "As far as this can reach."
    Agisilaos (the Great): When someone else wished to know why Sparta was without walls, he pointed to the citizens in full armour and said, "These are the Spartans' walls."
    Agisilaos (the Great): In answer to a man who said that the Spartans were becoming pro-Persian, Agesilaus said that rather the Persians were becoming pro-Spartan!
    Agisilaos (the Great): On his way home from Egypt death came to him, and in his last hours he gave directions to those with him that they should not cause to be made any sculptured or painted or imitative representation of his person. "For if I have done any goodly deed, that shall be my memorial; but if not, then not all the statues in the world, the works of menial and worthless men, will avail."

    Phillip and Alexander
    In the years that followed the Theban hegemony, Phillip managed to be widely recognized as leader of the Hellenes. The Spartans had only taken part in blockading Thermopylae against him in 353 BC, but that was as far as they went… or could go. They never fought him directly. Even so, instead of a compromise, they were adamant and would not accept an overlord. Still, Phillip knew better than to just invade Lakonike for the sake of pride. The Spartans were too weak to pose a threat by themselves or in a coalition that wasn’t eminent anyway, but would fight fiercely in their homeland and probably to the death, taking as many of the invaders as possible. If anything, the Spartans could prove quite useful in the coming invasion of Asia Minor. So prudent King Philip tried a mixture of persuasion and threat. He sent an envoy with a reasonable message: ”Would you prefer I came as a friend or an enemy?” To which the Spartans replied: “Neither”. Then Philip sent a new message, more a bluff than a threat: “If I invade I will raze Sparta to the ground.” The Spartans coolly called his bluff. They replied “If”. Philip did not invade. Neither did Alexander after him. The Spartans would not take part in any coalition which they would not lead. Alexander later sent 300 Persian suits of armor with the inscription: “Alexander son of Philip, and the Hellenes, excluding Spartans, from the barbarians that dwell in Asia”. They were not moved. But they did rebel.
    Antipatros
    In 331 BC Alexander the Great had been marching for three years in triumph through the mighty Persian Empire. King Agis III of Sparta decided it was the time for rebellion and contacted the Persians for aid and to coordinate their actions. The Macedonian regent Antipatros had just quelled a rebellion in Thrace when he received word of the rebellion brewing in the south. In a swift march that was trademark of the military machine organized by Philip he reached Peloponnesus with 40000 men to deal with the 22000 of the Spartan coalition. They clashed in Megalopolis and the Spartan force was no match for the Makedones, even if it hadn’t been outnumbered. More than 5000 died on the Spartan side including King Agis III and more than 3500 fell for the victorious Antipatros. Alexander the Great called this the Battle of Mice in contempt.
    When someone said to Astycratidas, after the defeat of Agis their king in the battle against Antipater in the vicinity of Megalopolis, "What will you do, men of Sparta? Will you be subject to the Macedonians? he said, "What! Is there any way in which Antipater can forbid us to die fighting for Sparta?"
    The devastating defeat in the hands of Antipatros drove a point home and during the Lamian War of 323-323 BC the Spartans remained neutral.
    Later in 294 BC, under Archidamos IV, Sparta tried to stop a roaming Demetrios I, the Besieger, as the latter was attempting to reestablish his power base in Makedonia. A shadow of its former power Sparta was defeated twice and there was nothing to block the way to the city itself. However, Demetrios upon receiving alarming news turned his attention to Lysimachos and Ptolemy who were counterattacking against his holdings in Asia Minor and Cyprus respectively.
    Archidamus: When he invaded Arcadia, he learned that the Eleans were supporting the Arcadians, and so he sent this letter to them: "Archidamus to the Eleans. Quiet is a good thing."
    In 280 BC a force campaigning near Delpoi, under Areus I, was scattered and soundly defeated by the Aitolians. In 272 BC Areus I, was in Crete that still maintained links with the Doric Spartans. At that time Pyrrhos of Epeiros returned from his Italian campaign and assaulted the hastily built fortifications prepared by the King’s son Akrotatos and manned (so to speak) by women and old men next to what remained of an able fighting force in the city. The invaders were repulsed and their King was killed ingloriously in Argos. In 264 BC during the Chremonideian War, Areus I, died in battle against Antigonos Gonatas. In 263 BC his son and successor Akrotatos attacked Mantineia in Arcadia and was killed in the battle that followed against the Arcadians. His death effectively put the Spartans out of the war. In 244 BC an Aitolian force raided through Lakonike and took many captives, as many as 50000 according to some reports. Agis IV tried to effect reforms to remedy the many problems of the Spartan polity at the time. Wealth was accumulated in the hands of less than a hundred families and the Spartan citizens “Homoioi “ numbered around 700, a far cry from the almost 10000 at the height of Spartan power. Striking debt and land redistribution did not sit well with the ruling elite and the King stood a parody of trial and was summarily executed. The son of the other King, the executed King’s enemy in many ways, was Cleomenes III. In 229 BC he led an attack on Megalopolis. The Achaean League’s general, Aratos, was quite famous at the time and while he took a cautious approach against the King he was defeated. Cleomenes III seized the political momentum offered by his victory and leaving the Spartan citizens in camp took the mercenary part of his army and marched to Sparta. He took control of all power structures in Sparta and in the process killed four of the five Ephoroi and dissolved the institution. Debt was stricken and land was redistributed allowing more people to participate in civil life and of course share the burden and honor of military service. Sfairos, a stoic from the Bosporos and consultant of the King was charged with reinvigorating Lykourgian law and practice that had become dead letter by that time. Tellingly, he was not a Spartan. The masses took hope, but the elite observed in apprehension. Cleomenes III took to the field again with considerable success and Ptolemaic funding. Aratos turned to Makedonia for help and Antigonos III Doson was more than happy to oblige. The Battle of Sellasia in 222 BC (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showt...ttle-paintings) put Cleomenes’s ambition to rest after a crushing defeat. He fled to Alexandreia, where he commited suicide in 219 BC. The other King Eukleidas died a Spartan’s death, killed in the battle. Antigonos entered Sparta in triumph, a shame never before suffered by its inhabitants. The institution of the Ephoroi returned, but a child, Pelopidas, was named king of Sparta. In fact tyrants, hailing from the royal houses nevertheless, under the pretext of being stewards to the throne, ruled in Sparta and one of the first of them was ironically called Lykourgos.
    From this point on, Sparta interacted with the Achaean League and its strategos Philopoimen, an admirer of the other bane of Sparta, Epaminondas. Philopoimen fought in Sellasia in charge of Achaean cavalry and was instrumental in bringing about the Spartans’ defeat. Later in 207 BC in the battle of Mantinea, he also defeated and beheaded another steward of King Pelopidas, Mahanidas. Navis seized power in Sparta after that using mercenary troops and held on to it until 192 BC. Navis saw the need for further social reforms, which he did manage to effect. Striking debt, redistributing land and freeing slaves were all measures to that effect and he applied them to cities under his power such as Argos granted to him by the Makedonian King Phillip V, in return for his alliance. In 195 BC the Romans invaded Sparta with many allies from Hellenic cities and forced Navis to capitulate and accept their humiliating terms, including demolishing a significant part of the wall that he had ordered to be built around Sparta. In 192 BC Navis tried his luck again. He attempted to reconquer lands in the Peloponnesus, but his advance was checked once more by Philopoimen, who had defeated him twice in the past. The Spartan army was crushed and Navis was brutally killed by Aetolian troops under Philopoimen receiving multiple sword and spear wounds. After the battle, Philopoimen forced Sparta to join the Achaean League and in 188 BC to even accept its laws (bye bye ever-desired autonomia). The Achaean League was a roman ally, but in a couple of decades’ time, the senate decreed a number of cities out of the League, Sparta included, practically declaring war on the League. In 146 BC the Romans defeated an army and destroyed Corinth. All lands south of Makedonia were incorporated in the province of Achaea. Roman aristocrats visited Sparta in the years that followed, as tourists to observe their iconic way of life. Antiquity’s most disciplined soldiers, by any measure, had become a stop for sightseeing.
    Strategy
    The land of the Spartans offers a link between mainland Hellas and Crete, but it is not unique that way. Securing Lakonike is usually a closing chapter rather than a beginning of a campaign in the region. To the right faction though it offers an invaluable resource: its men.
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

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  5. #185
    EBII Bricklayer Member V.T. Marvin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Wow!

    Now I should apologize to Brennus for telling him once that his descriptions tend to be on the long side... Very good read though, lots of stuff I have had no idea about!

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  6. #186

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    the longer the better

  7. #187
    Member Member RAWROMNOM's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    OUTSTANDING! Looking forward to entering this in!
    "The state of human ethics can be summarized in two sentences: We ought to. But we don't." -Tucholsky

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  8. #188
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Are there any more province descriptions that have not been assigned yet? I thought I should ask since there has been quite some time since the last one came in and the list at the first page seems to not be up to date.
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
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  9. #189
    Uergobretos Senior Member Brennus's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Oh yes plenty. @Kull could you be so kind?



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  10. #190
    EBII Council Senior Member Kull's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Brennus View Post
    Oh yes plenty. @Kull could you be so kind?
    I've copied our ENTIRE tracking list into the first post. Everything with a red "To Do" is an area where help is welcome. On the completed or in-process items, most of the links won't work as they lead back to the EB2 Team work areas, but it's still a comprehensive list. And actually a rare insight into how the team tracks progress in various areas to ensure we stay on target and always know what needs doing and where.
    "Numidia Delenda Est!"

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  11. #191
    Uergobretos Senior Member Brennus's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    All I would add to that is if you are thinking of doing a Celtic province please run it past me first.



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  12. #192
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Brennus View Post
    All I would add to that is if you are thinking of doing a Celtic province please run it past me first.
    Dat "nitpicker" banner ^^

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  13. #193
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Kull View Post
    I've copied our ENTIRE tracking list into the first post. Everything with a red "To Do" is an area where help is welcome. On the completed or in-process items, most of the links won't work as they lead back to the EB2 Team work areas, but it's still a comprehensive list. And actually a rare insight into how the team tracks progress in various areas to ensure we stay on target and always know what needs doing and where.
    Why is Lakonike WIP? Unless you mean it is being edited...
    And btw if history and strategy for Thessalia are not being done. I'll do them. I'll also try Kilikia.
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
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  14. #194
    Tribunus Plebis Member Gaius Scribonius Curio's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    @kdrakak: with respect to Lakonike, it looks pretty comprehensive. I'll have a read/edit over the next week and add it to the build.

    Quote Originally Posted by Brennus View Post
    All I would add to that is if you are thinking of doing a Celtic province please run it past me first.
    Ditto for Italy, since Etruria and Umbria are now complete....
    Nihil nobis metuendum est, praeter metum ipsum. - Caesar
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    Ibant obscuri sola sub nocte per umbram
    perque domos Ditis vacuas et inania regna:
    quale per incertam lunam sub luce maligna
    est iter in silvis, ubi caelum condidit umbra
    Iuppiter, et rebus nox abstulit atra colorem.
    - Vergil

  15. #195
    Uergobretos Senior Member Brennus's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by kdrakak View Post
    Why is Lakonike WIP? Unless you mean it is being edited...
    And btw if history and strategy for Thessalia are not being done, I'll do them. I'll also try Kilikia.
    Yes, it is being edited (or rather it will be). Some of the provinces on that last, for example a few of the Gallic ones, have been done but just not added to the game yet.

    Many thanks.



    donated by ARCHIPPOS for being friendly to new people.
    donated by Macilrille for wit.
    donated by stratigos vasilios for starting new and interesting threads
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  16. #196
    Member Member Hax's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Have you had your Baltic provinces done yet?
    This space intentionally left blank.

  17. #197
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Just to be clear... Evocata is not doing Thessalia anymore?
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

    Completed EB Campaigns on VH/M: ALL... now working for EBII!

  18. #198
    EBII Bricklayer Member V.T. Marvin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Hax View Post
    Have you had your Baltic provinces done yet?
    Yes, those are done (or almost done) already.

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  19. #199

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Hey Guys,
    This is Dahyu Daha. This is my first regional description, so please critique and help me make it perfect. I did the best I could, but I may be missing a few things. Thanks!
    BTW, I can try my hand at Parthyia and/or Astauene is anyone hasn't taken them.
    Sources employed--
    Primary:
    Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Torgus
    Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander the Great
    Strabo, Geographia
    Ptolemy, Geographia

    Secondary:
    Encyclopedia Iranica
    Attalos.org
    Perseus.Tufts
    Studia Graeco-Parthica--Philippika
    Corpus Inscriptorum Iranicarum-Parthian Economic Documents from Nisa



    Traveler’s Log: Welcome to the land of the Daha. Do not be dismayed by the aridity of this region as there are many great things to be found here, in particular the men that this land boasts. As the inhabitants of these lands are primarily nomads, they make excellent allies (and foes) to be employed by a wealthy ruler with enemies.
    Entering from the south from Hyrkania or Astauene, to the west will be the Hyrkanian sea, while to the north there is a great desert, difficult for a large army to traverse, but with a few nomad guides, very much possible. However, following the Rivand Kuh mountains which divide Astauene proper from Dahyu Daha, there is the notable city of Nisaya. Despite the barbaric nature of the people in this land, some have sensibly settled themselves here. This will be the major city that will guarantee control over this region, and thus must be protected at all costs. It is here as well that mountain streams will keep the soldiers watered. East along the mountains is the region of Margiane. This land is good as an outpost to watch the nomadic Daha from the north; and owing to the many nomads living north of Nisaya, a source of nomad soldiers. But be watchful, for a man named Arsakes of the Aparni tribes has his designs to become his own king…

    Geography: The land that corresponds to Dahyu Daha is indeed very dry and altogether a very difficult to traverse with an army. The territorial district corresponds roughly to modern-day Turkmenistan. While the Caspian sea is to the west and can help to water an army, traversing the interior of the land will be difficult. Looking northwards, one will see the Karakum Desert that defines much of this land as it is in modern times and was in ancient times (Strabo 11.8.3). It is very dry, although there are indications of currently dried up streams that crossed the deserts. The Rivand Kuh mountain range covers much of the southern section of the region, but to the east and west of the province, one can enter this region. To go north and travel along-side the mountains one will reach the city of Nisaya. It is here that an army may be able to traverse owing to the mountain streams; the range also contains pomegranate, figs, prunes, and apples amongst other fruits and while they may not be able to feed a full army, they may be to delay a full famine. Going east from the mountains, there is a well-watered route that will lead to well watered Margiania. The mountains are home to many animals from leopards to gazelles.

    The People, Society, and Government: At 272 BC, very little can be said about this region in regards to its social structure. Strabo mentions that most of the population “are Skythian or nomadic tribes” (Strabo 11.8.2) specifically the “Däae” who are made of the Aparni and others; Strabo mentions Arsakes I took some Daha and Aparni and established his kingdom. As early as the Daiva inscription from Persepolis, the Persian king Xerxes I (r. 486-465 BC) references a tribe of “Dahae” that he rules over, while Herodotos mentions a nomadic “Dai” tribe in Persian service (Herodotos 1.125). From this, the “Däae”, the “Dai”, and the “Dahae” all appear to refer to the same tribe that we would call the “Daha.” The tribe appears to be a major nomadic tribe often in Persian service, even serving as part of Darios’ III army against Alexander (Arrian’s Anabasis 3.11.37). It appears that they lived next to the Aparni in this region, although Ptolemy remarks that below them was a desert, likely a fringe of the Karakum desert (Ptolemy Geographia 6.10). Ptolemy and Strabo mention other Skythian tribes live in this region as well, like the Messegetae and Sakae, although these tribes may have invaded well after 272 BC. For our purposes, the Aparni are an important tribe to examine, as they are the progenitor tribe to the Araskids. Strabo does refer to them being closes to Hyrkania, or the southwest of Dayhu Daha; however, because Strabo is writing in the first century AD, this movement may have occurred at a later point than 272 BC.
    Are there any other “ethnic” groups in this region? This is hard to tell, although because Arsakids employed Greek as the language of their coins, and that Nisaya was a major mint, it stands to reason that were some Greeks in this region, likely a mobile population of traders. For the most part, however this region was comprised of nomads of Indo-Iranian stock with a population of settled people in Nisaya. It is further difficult to know about the governmental situation of Dahyu Daha at 272 BC; Strabo mentions that the Aparni, Xanthii, and Pissuri tribes were tribes of the Daha, implying the there was a confederation of these groups (Strabo 8.2). After 272 BC, and especially after 247 BC, the Arsakids took an important interest in the region and specifically the city of Nisaya. Their very first coins were minted in Nisaya, implying a silver vein in the region. Furthermore, archaeological evidence suggests the existence of a major citadel in the city as well significant economic transactions; most of the artifacts and structures are dated to the 2nd and 1st century BC. From what we can tell about the citadel, was that it was a very important regal center for the Parthians. Initially, this may seem slightly counter-intuitive; why would the Arsakids choose, of all the places in their empire (by this point they ruled much of the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia), to build a citadel in an extremely northern part of their empire, next to ostensibly hostile nomads? The reason is hard to ascertain, and may owe to a political gesture to their nomadic “progenitors” to showcase that the Parthians are indeed mindful of their nomadic origins, and despite what their Hellenistic coins may imply, attuned to their past. Archaeologists have uncovered a major banquet hall that later turned into a royal treasury of royal objects. Interestingly, other archaeological artifacts like religious figurines have been found, often blending both Greek and Iranian elements; the existence of these artifacts has been suggested as an artistic residue of the prevalent motifs in these centuries, an artistic “koine” of sorts (Invernizzi 2010). Critically, we must not think of the Parthians recognizing the “superior” Greek culture and incorporating it into their imagery, but rather an organic process that involved coexistence and median point. Further evidence arises for ostraca found near the city; these ceramic pots contain economic information showing a high degree of trading in the region, especially of wine from estates. All these factors suggest that the after the Arsakid ascension, there was a strong royal presence in the region.

    History: Based on Strabo’s account, by 272 BC, this region was settled by the Daha and other Skythian tribes. It is unknown what the details of their relationship to the southern Seleukid empire was, although it likely was hostile. Of the Dahaa, there are the Aparni, Xanthii, and Pissuri tribes (Strabo 11.8); the Aparni tribe under Arsakes I would invade Parthyia in 247 BC and establish the Arsakid empire. Justin refers to the Aparni, but calls them the “Parthii” but as it relates to them being Skythian exiles (Justin 42.1). In that sense, one can extrapolate that the Aparni tribe (Strabo’s term is likely more accurate) at some point migrated southwards to get away from the Skythian tribes from the north; it is hard to reconstruct the date of this movement, but at some point during the ascension of the Assyrians and Medes (roughly 900s-500s BC). After this, at some point (yet again, no concrete date, but I would argue before 272 BC), the Aparni settled “settled in the deserts betwixt Hyrcania, the Dahae, the Arei, the Sparni and Marsiani” i.e. Dayhu Daha(Justin 42.1). This passage implies that the Aparni are relatively “new” members of the Daha confederation; but at some point before 247 BC, they lived in this region. Strabo suggests that the Aparni were strongly in the Daha confederation, as when referring to Arsakes I and his tribe, he calls them Daha, but then says he really means the Aparni. Further teasing out Justin, he references the Aparni advancing their borders but meeting opposition by their neighbors; this statement is very vague but suggests the tribes slowly encroaching from Dahyu Daha along the edges of Seleukid territory. Finally in 247 BC with the defeat of Seleukos II by the Galatians, Araskes I with his Aparni tribe invaded Parthyia and Hyrkania, deposed Andagoras (Strabo 11.9), and founded the Arsakid kingdom. Despite Arsakes’ capital in Hekatomplyos, he likely still retained strong control over the region and Nisaya in particular.
    Here, the narrative history of this region ends, and the remaining reconstruction must rely on numismatics and archaeology. For the Arsakids, Nisaya was the focal point of the region, and it likely was an important bastion for their cause. We do know that the first Parthian coins were likely minted in Nisaya (categorized as Sellwood Types 1-4) suggesting not only the city being a royal citadel, but also having a Greek community. These Greeks might have been traders, or specifically mobile traders, perhaps involved with relations with trading goods with the northern traders. Nisaya was still used as a minting location, and especially under Mithridates I (r. 171-138 BC) of which the Sellwood Types 10 variants 4-5 contain a monogram suggesting the city. The use of this mint location occurs intermittingly from Phraates II (r. 138-127 BC) to Mithridates III (r. 57-54 BC); after this period, there is no evidence of coins coming from this city. Turning to the archeological evidence, we get strong indications that the city was a seat of royal power. Incidentally our evidence was dated around the 2nd and 1st century BCs corresponding to the reign of Mithridates I onwards; in fact, another name for Nisaya has been postulated to be Mithrandikert or the “Fortress of Mithridates ”, showcasing that Mithridates I may have been responsible for restructuring the city as a royal seat of power. From the outset, there appear to be two major excavation points: Old Nisa and New Nisa. From the archeology, New Nisa was a citadel and contained a funerary structure; however because the building is in extreme disrepair, it has been difficult to examine further (Pugachenkova, 1958). In contrast, much work has been done to study Old Nisa. The major structure is called the “Square House” and appears to have been a banquet house and then later in the 1st century BC because a royal treasury of valuable objects (Invernizzi 2000). These objects include Rhythons or really fancy drinking horns. The imagery on the horn is both Hellenic and Iranian, suggesting a sense of cohabitation in the iconography of both groups. Furthermore, preserved statues of Artemis, Aphrodite, and Dionysios have been found but the figures are dressed in decidedly Iranian fashion, once again showcasing an ideology that emphasized a medium between Iranian and Hellenic elements.
    According to Invernizzi, “The Arsacid citadel was at any rate an organism comparable to the great temple foundations of the ancient East and drew part of its wealth from a heritage, in which a large part was played by income from estates” (Invernizzi 2010) and this major point must be thought to reference the importance of this city, and by extension the region to the Arsakid court. It was clear that this city was not a border outpost in their empire, but instead something akin to a royal capital, where kings can showcase to all their subjects, their Iranian and Hellenic courtly and religious depictions. All these factors impose the importance of the city in Arsakid times as well as important notions of the Arsakid royal court and ideology. Logistically, it also implies that this region must have been somewhat safe and pacified during this time period; despite the ostensible hostility of the Arsakids with nomads (especially the Sakae), their kings feel safe enough to travel to this region. But that is not to say that tensions couldn’t arise, as there is evidence of a Parthian fortress in Igdy, Turkmenistan, roughly in the middle of the Karakum desert (or the middle of Dahyu Daha).

    Strategy: For a nomad king wishing to plunder the south, this region is an excellent staging area for your forces to prepare before they move south. Because of the mountains, a nomad kign may move east to Margiania or west to Hyrkania and Parthyia. In converse, a settled king may find this also a useful area should he wish to fight more nomads to the north, as the Daha soldiers here are very effective horseman and will help against their nomadic brethren. It is also a got frontier zone to coordinate strikes northward.
    Last edited by tobymoby; 05-17-2014 at 02:34.
    "Being assailed by the Romans, also, in three wars, under the conduct of the greatest generals, and at the most flourishing period of the republic, they alone, of all nations, were not only a match for them, but came off victorious;" -Justin 41.1. An almost reluctant admission that in the Parthians, the Romans had met their match...

    "Accordingly, when he was slain, he says that Arsaces, when he buried him, said- "Your courage and your drunkenness have ruined you, O Antiochus; for you hoped that, in your great cups, you would be able to drink up the kingdom of Arsaces."-Athenaeos quoting Apollodoros of Artemita on the burial of Antiochos VII Sidetes by Phraates II

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  20. #200

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Hey guys, here is Parthyaia. It was a lot of fun (and work!) but it should be good. Once again, if you find something wrong please tell me to fix. Thanks!
    I will probably move onto Media or Media Rhagiana if no one has taken them. I will also start to tweak Dahyu Daha.

    Sources employed---
    Primary:
    Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander the Great
    Herodotos, Histories
    Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus
    Plutarch, Life of Alexander the Great
    Polybios, World History
    Ptolemy, Geographia
    Strabo, Geographia

    Secondary--
    Encylopedia Iranica
    David Sellwood, An Introduction to Parthian coins
    Livius.org
    Perseus.Tufts
    Penelope of UChicago

    Traveler’s Log: Welcome to Parthyaia. Compared to neighboring Media, this land may seem very dry. However, the mountains that divide this region and Hyrkania have many water sources. Critically, a very important road traverses this land from Media in the South all the way to Margiana, Baktria, and beyond. Thus this land is a nexus point for a connection to the east. Likewise, a traveler coming from the east, can follow the roads that run alongside the mountains to the west. For this was the very route that Alexander the Great traversed going east. However, there are rumors that a rebellious satrap by the name of Andragoras is stirring up against his Seleukid overlords, so be warned....

    Geography: The territory formed by Parthyaia corresponds to modern day Semnan province, Iran. The northwestern section of the territory is covered by the mighty Elburz mountain range; as such, there is little rainfall beyond the mountains in the region proper, resulting in the Dasht-e Kavir or Salt desert that makes up the southern fringes of this region. However, because of the mountains, there are streams that can help to water the land. The north of the province is Astauene, and here some scattered elements of the Elburz mountains form a rough division point between the regions. Importantly, these ranges will provide water to soldiers. In regards to its agriculture, the region appears to have been limited, although close proximity to the Elburz mountains may have resulted in the use of canals. Polybios remarks that though Parthyaia has “no water visible on the surface... there are a number of underground channels communicating with wells unknown to those not acquainted with the country” (Polybios 28.2). Based on further archeological evidence, it appears that crops such as wheat and barley were cultivated in this region (Rezvani 1999). Strabo is rather vague and refers to whole territory of Parthyaia as “thickly wooded and mountainous” (Strabo 9.1), likely only referring to the mountainous part of the region.
    Logistically, the mountains are the most important landmark for this region as they provide the water and ability to do agriculture. As such, the most important road way will traverse this region and follow the mountains.

    People, Society, and Government: By 272 BC, little is known in this region as regards to social structure. We do know that this territory was indeed a satrapy. Justin remarks that the region was nominally subservient to Seleukos Nikator and his son Antiochos I, but around the early 250s, a lieutenant Andragoras revolted; in the ensuing confusion Arsakes I with his Aparni tribe invaded and formed the Arsakid dynasty. (Justin 41.4) But between the period of 272 to 247 BC, what do we know about this region? Little, in fact it is unclear when Adragoras had taken power or what the elements of this rule. His name does appear to be an Iranian name, suggesting that he had risen to a high status amongst the Seleukids to be given the satrapy. Although this may not mean much as Strabo remarks that the region was “poverty-stricken” so ruling over the region may not have been economically very beneficial. The social structure was probably very hierarchical with landed estates and peasants working the fields. After 247 BC and the accession of the Arsakid dynasty, this region gains massive importance in particular due to the city of Hekatompylos (or one-hundred gates in Greek) as Strabo remarks that it was the “royal seat of the Arsakids”(Strabo 11.9) According to Polybios, the city was named as such because it was “the meeting-place of all the roads leading to the surrounding districts” (Polybios 28.7). This remark is interesting, and may suggest that the city was a critical nexus point with overland traders moving between the east and the west. The numismatic evidence certainly suggests this as the city was an important mint of Arsakid coins; Sellwood asserts that the Type 5 variant coins of Arsakes II were likely minted in Hekatomplyos (Sellwood 1971). Owing to these details, it is likely that the Arsakids cultivated the region as a bastion of royal power. What this meant for the average person is harder to say. Strabo remarked that the people lived in poverty, and the Arsakid kings had to quickly pass through the region as it could not sustain them for a long time. However, being that Strabo is writing in the first century BC, it is unknown if this was the economic situation of the region in the early Arsakid era.
    One important element to examine with this region is in regards to its connections. We do know from Plutarch that Alexander the Great took his army through Parthia into Baktria (Plutrach Life of Alexander 6-7) and we know that Antiochos III will cut through Parthia when he goes to Baktria (Polybios 49.1). These two events are critical and support an important highway that connected the Iranian plateau to Baktria. Further based on the information that Arsakids used Hekatomplyos as an important mint and royal capital, suggests that they held a stake in controlling this road perhaps to get customs duties. Because by issuing coins, the Arsakids are in one way literally encouraging business but at the same time attempting to ideologically claim that their territory is a safe place to do business (further the titles and the iconography of these coins all are decidedly “Hellenistic”, implying that they targeted a specifically Greek audience). All these factors are strong in suggesting that region, more than anything, held importance by virtue of its ability to create a connection between the east and the west. Further, the types of coins showcases that a mobile population of traders existed that were likely eastern Hellenes especially from Seleukid territory. And central to this was the city of Hekatomplyos, of which the name of the city makes sense in being a figurative meeting point between different sections not of the district of Parthia, but of the Iranian plateau itself.

    History: For the historical region of Parthyaia, our first indications of its existence arise from Assyrian references to the region. Inscriptions refer to a “Parthakka” or “Partukka” as part of their subjects, roughly in the 900s to 600s BC. By the 500s BC, the region enters Achaemenid Persian control of which Herodotos remarks that the satrap pay 300 talents as tribute (Herodotos 3.90). Herodotos, when referring to Xerxes' army mentions a Parthian contingent, although says that they were dressed and had the same equipment as the Baktrians; whether this may showcase a cultural similarity or just a mere coincidence it is difficult to know. There is a little more information from Alexander's anabasis from Arrian; he recounts that at Guagamela, Phrataphernes led the Parthian contingent, which were all horsemen(Arrian 3.8). The passage is interesting, because the geography of the region does not suggest wide pastures for horse breeding or grazing; as such it may reference Parthyaia's close contacts with northern nomadic tribes and their mode of warfare. It appears that Alexander was intent on using Parthian horsemen as part of his Companion Cavalry-a reason for the Opis mutiny- implying the region may have provided good cavalry for the Makedonians, or at least good estates to rear them (Arrian 7.6). After Alexander's death, Justin remarks that the region was given over to Stasanor, a “foreign ally, because none of the Macedonians would deign to accept it ” (Justin 41.5); it appears that Stasanor may have been an Iranian or a non-Hellene. It appears that this satrapy (and likely satrap) joined the Antigonid side against Seleukos; after this the Seleukids reasserted their power over the region (Justin 41.4).
    Around the late 240s BC, owing to disturbances in the Seleukid empire (i.e. the civil war between Seleukos II and Antiochos II), a satrap by the name of Andagoras took over, only to be overthrown by Arsakes I and the Aparni in 247 BC (Justin 41.4). Justin remarks that Andragoras was the lieutenant of the Seleukids. We do know that he minted his coins (tetradrachmas), although no attestations of his willingness to be an independent king are expressed. Regardless, Arsakes' invasion is the staring point for the Arsakid dynasty of which most of its early history will be concentrated in Parthyaia, and in particular the citadel of Hekatomplyos. The city itself appears to have been founded by Seleukos I (Appian Syriaka 9.57) although archeological evidence suggests the city's foundation to me much older (Lendering 2005). Sellwood suggests that the first Arsakid coins were not minted in Hekatomplyos (Sellwood 1971); however, with Arsakes II (r. 211-191 BC), the Sellwood Type 5 coins likely were. This tiny detail of mint locations may suggest the Arsakids did not feel entirely comfortable with Parthyaia for some time; or it could be difficult in establishing the mint after Arsakes' I invasion. During the anabasis of Antiochos III Megas (209 BC), Polybios remarks that the Arsakes II didn't think Antiochos III would enter Parthyaia owing the dryness of the region; when he did, Arsakes II with haste tried to destroy wells in the region, but his forces where driven off by the Seleukid soldiers (Polybios 10.28). In desperation, Arsakes II fled out of the region(Polybios does not say where), and Antiochos III made it to the city of Hekatomplyos. With Seleukid authority reestablished in Parthyaia, Antiochos III traveled to Baktria though Justin remarks that Arsakes II was very brave and joined in an alliance (almost willingly) with Antiochos. (Polybios 10.29 and Justin 41.5) That the Arsakids managed to keep their rule over the region is interesting, and may highlight an unequal alliance designed to keep the Arsakids under nominal Seleukid control. When looking at the coins of Arsakes II, they support this story; none of his coins contain an titles and only show his name. Sellwood asserts that the minting of these coins was before 209 BC (the time of anabasis),and the lack of titles may have been a diplomatic game to appease the Seleukids as Polybios recounts how Arsakes II was surprised that Antiochos III had come to Parthytaia (Sellwood and Abgranians 1972).
    During the explosive growth of the Arsakid dynasty under Mithridates I (r. 171-138), Hekatompylos must have been an important city under the empire, as many of his coins were minted in the region (Sellwood types 7-11 coins). The sheer amount of types minted in this city may showcase not only the economic importance of the region but especially its purpose as a place for connections. Strabo doesn't suggest that the region had anything particular lucrative to offer (although the minting of coins may suggest a silver vein in the region) and based on the name Hekatomplyos, I would argue that the city and the region were very important in maintaining a connection between the east and the west. The argument arises from a few important points; for one, the physical minting of coins despite the region not containing any resources means that business is being done, but likely only in regards to basic supplies like water or food for traders. Further, based on Arsakid coin hoard evidence from the Media hoard (IGCH 1813) and the Gombad Hoard in ancient Hyrkania (IGCH 1814), all contain coins from Hekatomplyos despite being a distance from the city. These factors suggest that the city was an important mint location as a residue of the city (and region) being a prime nexus point to move between the east and west. After Mithridates I, there are sparse references to Parthyaia; Hekatomplyos no longer served as a mint location as no coins from this location after Mithridates I have been found. Isidore of Charax mentions the region, but appears to link it with Dayhu Daha as he talks about the city Nisaya; he also talks about villages, but does not refer to any stations (military outposts along the road) suggesting that the Arsakids felt safe with region that outposts would not necessary.

    Strategy: This region is an excellent connection point between the east into Margaiana and Baktria, or to the west to Media or Hyrkania. As such, a commander may find this region an excellent staging area to move between different regions.
    Last edited by tobymoby; 05-26-2014 at 05:06.
    "Being assailed by the Romans, also, in three wars, under the conduct of the greatest generals, and at the most flourishing period of the republic, they alone, of all nations, were not only a match for them, but came off victorious;" -Justin 41.1. An almost reluctant admission that in the Parthians, the Romans had met their match...

    "Accordingly, when he was slain, he says that Arsaces, when he buried him, said- "Your courage and your drunkenness have ruined you, O Antiochus; for you hoped that, in your great cups, you would be able to drink up the kingdom of Arsaces."-Athenaeos quoting Apollodoros of Artemita on the burial of Antiochos VII Sidetes by Phraates II

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  21. #201
    EBII Hod Carrier Member QuintusSertorius's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    To my shame, I realise it's been over a year since I started the description for Krete, but didn't finish it. I've copied it to my machine and will attempt to finish it in the coming weeks.
    It began on seven hills - an EB 1.1 Romani AAR with historical house-rules (now ceased)
    Heirs to Lysimachos - an EB 1.1 Epeiros-as-Pergamon AAR with semi-historical houserules (now ceased)
    Philetairos' Gift - a second EB 1.1 Epeiros-as-Pergamon AAR

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  22. #202

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Hey, i want to make the Di'amat and the Erythraia province. I will begin to study Ethiopology in Octobre and i will have acess to a library and educated professors. So if you can give me several months to research i will give you the descriptions.

    Btw., why you choosed Aksum as the provincial capital of Di' amat? There are no evidences that this city even existed in 272 bc and it's rise to importance began in the 1'st century AD. I would presume Yeha as the capital of the former Di'amat kingdom.

  23. #203
    EBII Bricklayer Member V.T. Marvin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Knowledge and experience in this field is is both hard to come by and most welcome! Please go ahead!

    Suggestions - such as the choice of province capitals etc. - are welcome as well as long as they are backed up with good evidence and argument.

  24. #204
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Grammar and syntax notwithstanding here's Adiabene :P

    Province: Adiabene

    Traveller's Log

    Crossing the Tigris River, where its tributary, the Lykos River, meets it, the traveller enters Adiabene. To be more precise this particular district is the plain of Atouria. In the vicinity lies the town of Mepsila, not far from the ruins of Nineue and Ashur. These once were the centers of the known world ruled by the Aturin, but today only the foundations of walls made of polished stone full of shells and others of brick stand. Nevertheless events and decisions shaping the order of things still took place in Atouria to our times. Indeed here is also located Gaugamela, meaning the Camel's House, founded in order for its revenues to sustain a camel that undergone the greatest possible labour and fatigue in the Persian invasion of Skythia, carrying royal baggage and provisions. More recently Alexandros Megas of Makedonia spear-won Asia on the surrounding field against Dārayavahuš III of Pârsa. Just to the south, past the Lykos River, lies Arbela, the only Assyrian settlement still flourishing. In fact it stands at a junction point of the major caravan routes and since the Persian conquest it had been a Satrapal seat, which Alexandros Megas awarded to his Strategos Amphimachos. However Seleukos has made it the center of power for the Hyparchia of Adiabene, often trusting local noblemen to lead it. Such preeminence for Arbela has been going hand in hand with the local cult of Ishtar, the Lady of the city. Served by sacred prostitutes and eunuch priests, her temple has always favoured trade, but it is also famous for its spring of naphtha and fires. Further east stand Mount Nikatorion, so named by Alexandros Megas after his victory, and also the settlement of Natounia, near Kuparisson, a plantation of Cypresses. Employed by Alexandros Megas to build a new fleet, which was supposed to ship his new army to conquer Arabia and beyond. Its location at the passage across the Kapros River has made it a most valuable resource, easily reached by the Mesopotamian fluvial traffic. To the South lies Korkura, an old city recently refounded by Seleukos I Nikator, who added a new and higher outerwall. He also paved the streets, settled there noble families and brought many craftsmen, who named the commercial streets after their trades and professions. He also built a beautiful palace inside the older fortress and erected a watchtower near it, in honour of Sardanapalos, the Aturian original founder. While North of the Adiabenian plains are lofty terrasses, separated by valleys, foothills of the Zagros Mountains. This region is called Korduene and is inhabited by the Kardukh, skilled builders who live in defiance of neighbouring powers. Their main settlements are Shareisha, Satalka and Pinaka, all formidable natural fortresses enclosed by walls, but they usually dwell in open villages. Korduene is also famous for its fine pastures, an aromatic plant called Amomon and deposits of Gangitis stone, which is said to drive away reptiles. To the North-East, at the border with Aturpatakan, Lake Mantiane is located, noteworthy for being the largest salt-water lake. That is the district of Sigriane, an important source of income, due to its salt pans for the concretion of salt.

    Geography

    Adiabene consists mainly of open shrub steppe and a mountainous region, characterised by several plateaus, resulting from the many rivers that cross it. This province is marked by very hot and long summers, mitigated by low humity throughout the year. Nevertheless many nights of frost occur, while winters are relatively cold and snowy. Spring and autumn can also experience a rise in temperatures, due to a hot and dusty wind coming from the south. In the plains are found scattered permanent and seasonal lakes, with riverine woodlands and reeds growing in the wetlands areas. With the advent of agriculture canals have been built to secure the availability of water, countering the intense evaporation during the summers. Large predators like wolves, sand foxes, caracals, jungle cats and wildcats can be encountered. In the vegetated areas roam arabian goitered gazelles and badgers, while reed thickets and semi-desert terrain are the natural habitat for wild boars. The river valleys are a major migration route for waterbirds and support a tremendous diversity of bird species like greater flamingos, pygmy cormorants, marbled teals, turtle doves and pin-tailed sandgrouses. The houbara bustard, great bustard and little bustard instead are found in the more arid areas. While the lesser kestrel, lanner falcon and Eurasian griffon vulture breed locally in the steppe areas.

    The People, Society and Government

    The Aturin after the fall of their empire were not massacred, quite the contrary. The new emerging powers recognised how highly developed Aturian society was, keeping their language for official documents and employing experienced workers, like goldsmiths and builders in the new urban centers. During Hakhāmanišiyā rule prominent individuals from Athura, as it was known in Persian, became even secretaries of crown princes. Although Akkadian was no longer spoken, scripts being recorded in Aramaic, traditions and culture from the imperial period were carried on. Ashur, the chief solar deity, was still being worshipped alongside Ishtar, goddess of all-consuming forces, fertility and war; Nannaya, a tutelary lunar goddess; Sherua, goddess of dawn; Bel, a syncretic Mesopotamian chief deity; Nabu, the deity of wisdom and patron of scribes; plus Nergal, lord of the underworld. Aturian priests with their distinctive long conical hats and tunics were still being depicted on monuments well into the advent of the Romani. The Aturian ideology of universal hegemony had simply been taken over by subjects of the same multinational power structure, whose new leaders considered Aturian rulers as their royal forefathers. Indeed it was this assimilation of Aturian culture that crystallised the supreme Persian deities, the imperial standards and measures, the artistic symbolism, the organisation of the court and its ceremonies, even taxation, the conscription system and the calendar with its Aturian month names. The Seleukidai themselves came to be referred to as Basileis of Syria, which was just the greek derived term to designate Athura. Indeed Atouria and Syria were largely interchangeable, it was only in later times with the fixation of Graeco-Roman and Persian borders that the cultural unity of Athura was split, resulting in two linguistic innovations as well. Together with the educated elite, there were also numerous Aturin serving as heavy infantrymen. Usually armed with shields and spears, they also carried single-edged swords and wooden clubs knotted with iron. Equipped with linen corselets or bronze lamellar armours and bronze conical helmets.

    The Kardukh were very independent minded mountaineers, who engaged in agriculture, viticulture, handicrafts and animal husbandry. Appreciated also as experienced builders, they may have been descendants of Bronze Age communities, likely Hurrian or Bianilian, who gradually mixed with Armenian and Iranian newcomers. Despite being subjugated by Kūruš of Pârsa, the Kardukh frequently rebelled against Hakhāmanišiyā suzerainty and ultimately achieved de facto independence. Extremely warlike they defeated royal armies almost effortlessly, owing to the difficult terrain they inhabited. Indeed the Khšaçapāvan at Arbela had to come to terms with them as equals, securing trade and favourable relations only at a personal level. In war the Kardukh are recorded as skilled slingers, hurling the largest possible stones, and archers armed with particularly large arrows, keeping to advantageous positions and adopting hit-and-run tactics.

    History

    Soon as the Seleukidai consolidated their power in Mesopotamia and Asia, Adiabene became a frontier zone, that throughout the 3rd century BCE was uneffected by political events. In was both in Hai and Seleukid interests to keep borders quite, while greater conflicts elapsed in other regions. It is unknown whether Ptolemaic influence reached Adiabene in the 240s BCE, if so it probably was just at a very flimsy nominal level. The peace agreements of 241 BCE brought Mesopotamia back in Seleukid hands anyway. Aturin in the late 220s BCE were likely mustered to defend the Tigris and its crossings during the revolt of the Satrapes of Media, Molon. Following Antiochos III Megas' defeat at Magnesia in 190 BCE Adiabene was still in the Seleukid sphere of influence. Local nobles had always been part of the local political life and profited by collaborating. Even during yet another Median uprising in 160 BCE, led by the Satrapes Timarchos who held royal ambitions over Mesopotamia. However he was quickly defeated by Demetrios I, who was named hailed as Soter and founded near Arbela a new city, named after himself Demetrias. Seleukid control in the region was very much alive and thriving, but outside of Mesopotamia the continuous rebellions had facilitated the rising of Pahlavan power. Led by Arshak V, or Mihrdat I who now styled himself a Philhellenic Basileus Megas, Pahlavan forces took control of Mesopotamia in 141 BCE. After Seleukid Basileis were defeated and captured by the Pahlava, Basileus Antiochos VII Sidetes rallied a mighty army in 131 BCE, possibly 80,000 men, and mounted a campaign to restore Seleukid Mesopotamia. He was initially successful against the Pahlavan Sâlâr Vidadat on the Lykos River, but the subsequent counteroffensive led by Arshak VI, or Frahāt II, marked the final change of power. He accomplished this also thanks to the support of the local inhabitants, who revolted against the Seleukid garrisons and chose to ally themselves with the Pahlava. This brought a resurgence of Aturian identity, for the new sovereigns were content in favouring local Dynastes, who assumed ever greater autonomy, under overseeing Pahlavan governors. These actually took residence in Ashur, rebuilding it with new temples and palace structures. From this center irradiated a stronger Iranian cultural influx, that resulted in new strong local figures taking active part in the international political life. Unfortunately the earliest names of the new Adiabeian Dynasteia that emerged were not recorded for the 1st century BCE. We only know that such a ruler sided with Tigran II Mets of Hayasdan, after the latter occupied Adiabene, supplying experts and materials to build the new Hai imperial capital in Sophene, together with soldiers to fight against the Romani. During the following years of war between the SPQR and the Pahlava, Artavadz II of Hayasdan had to take the Pahlavan side and Hai power waned to the point of dependency. Thus even the Adiabeian polity, in the first quarter of the 1st century CE, became a semi-dependent vassal state under the Pahlava. Yazata I of Adiabene is the first ruler recorded and his descendants would convert to Judaism and last for a century, taking part in proxy wars under Roman or Pahlavan influence.

    Strategy

    Adiabene stands on the crossroad of valuable trading routes and could be considered a gate to Mesopotamia and all its riches. A capable ruler should also mantain the best possible relations with the neighbouring highlanders, who can become invaluable allies. Thus the control of Adiabene is paramount for whoever holds ambitions over the whole of Asia.
    Last edited by Arjos; 06-25-2014 at 15:13.

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  25. #205

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Why go through all the unneccessary trouble of rewriting regional descriptions. Wasn't there already descriptions in EB1?
    Last edited by Lizardo; 06-18-2014 at 21:26.

  26. #206

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Lizardo View Post
    Why go through all the unneccessary trouble of rewriting regional descriptions. Wasn't there already descriptions in EB1?
    1 some provinced in eb1 dont exist in eb 2 (they were changed)
    2 from what i understand eb team wanted to create as many new things as possible rather use eb1 material
    3 new breakthrought in history made some descriptions absolute
    4 province descriptions are made either by historians (which this is their job) or by contributions

  27. #207
    EBII Bricklayer Member V.T. Marvin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    And none were there in EB1 - it is a new feature altogether.

  28. #208
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Province: Aturpatakan

    Traveller's Log

    Past the shores of Lake Kapauta, whose name means blue in the Persian tongue, the traveller finds himself in the beautiful country of Aturpatakan. Once this province was part of the large Satrapeia of Media, but events following Alexandros Megas' death caused the current political division. A fertile plain embraces the lake, dotted by numerous ash hills, on top of which fortications have been built. To the East an impressive settlement is located: Ganzak. Meaning treasury, it once was a Satrapal seat, but it has become a royal capital for the local Dynasteia. The surrounding country is very fertile and its pastures can feed several thousands horses, but the rest of Aturpatakan is mountainous, rugged and cold. Nevertheless these peaks contain mines of gold, quicksilver, lead, silver, orpiment and amethysts. To the North are the Parachoathras Mountains, volcanic in nature they are the continuation of Mount Choatras, which stands to the east of Lake Kapauta. Extention and connecting link between the Tauros and Antitauros Mountains is Mount Iasonion, where Yazona terraces are located and local worship takes place. These ranges are inhabited by several warlike mountain tribes, who conduct a semi-nomadic life and neighbours know them as predatory brigands. Marking the northern border is the Aras River, which cuts a fertile valley throughout its course. While to the East, like a twisting snake, runs the Amardos River, splitting Media in two regions. Overlooking the depth of the valley lies the fortress of Frahāspa, which controls superb hunting grounds and holds a fire temple. Āturpāta, the local ruler after whom this province is named, has made this fortification the residence for his wives and royal princes. By the Kaspion Sea a dry plateau can be found, infamous for having a treeless and chalky soil. This is the only Aturpatakanian access to the sea, particularly cold, the surrounding peaks are perpetually covered with snow, it also holds hot mineral springs. Finally to the South the Zagros Mountains act as a natural barrier between Aturpatakan and Mesopotamia. Here is located the fortress of Jis, built by a volcanic pool, whose bottom cannot be sounded. Remarkably earth soaked with its water, immediately becomes hard stone.

    Geography

    Aturpatakan is characterised mostly by forest steppes, interrupted by isolated mountain ranges, with occurrences of large flats and salt marshes. The climate is semi-arid, but temperate, with precipitations falling mostly in winter and spring. The winters are particularly severe and summers are marked by extreme aridity. The dominant tree species are oak and pistachio, while at lower altitudes the vegetation is steppic, with shrubs predominating. However it is animal life that is supported in a rich variety: brown bears, Asiatic black bears, Persian fallow deers, foxes, eagles, wild goats, sheeps, wolves, leopards, wild boars and lizards roam the mountain areas and forested hills. While in the semi-arid steppe the typical avifauna is comprised by rock partridges, see-see partridges, little bustards, houbara bustards, black-bellied sandgrouses and black vultures. Aturpatakan is also noted for its considerable volcanic constructions, such as large andesitic cones, some bearing the marks of glaciers, while in the lower plateaus are untouched by them. These numerous fractures are known as the "volcanic cicatrix", which follows the internal ridge of the Zagros and marks its contact with the central Iranian plateau.

    The People, Society and Government

    The Mada of Aturpatakan were a very ancient population already by the Hellenistic period, having began to settle in the area at the end of the 2nd millennium BCE. Coming into contact with the Assyrian polity, the Mada formed a highly developed bureucratic organisation, coordinating local chiefs. Even before the emergence of a Median state, the title of Khšaçapavān existed to describe these individuals. Later it would be adopted by the Hakhāmanišiyā to designate regional administrators. The Mada were also innovators of architecture, taking inspiration by Assyrian and Bianilian buildings that would develop the prototype for forts and the columned hall, typical of the Persian Apadāna. The basic Median economic occupations were the breeding of horses and hadicraft production. Despite being excellent horsemen, the Mada were also highly religious and it seems that the Magian tradition formed among them. The Maguva were belonged to an influencial priestly class, acting also as dream interpreters, soothsayers, tutors and teachers of royal sons. They performed cultic libations at natural settings, like rivers and mountains, as well as making sacrifices of livestock, but were also engaged in administrative and economic activities. At first the Maguva were not representatives of any particular religion, just technical experts, but in time they adopted Zoroastrianism and as Athravana tended sacred fires and perfomed chants. Āturpāta's own name means "protected by the fire", denoting a strong Zoroastrian credence, was widely accepted by the locals not only as the name of the land, but by the 1st century BCE as the official designation for the people living in it.

    The Kurtiya were a tribe dwelling mainly on the Zagros ridges of Aturpatakan. Their origins are uncertain, but their name denotes an association with mountains and dates back to Sumerian times. It is also possible that their name was a very generic term, denoting a collection of nomadic groups. By the Hellenistic period the Kurtiya were considered highly capable slingers, sought after by major powers to bolster their armies.

    The Galshu were another tribe of highlanders, living by the Parachoathras Mountains. Noted as excellent javelineers and as being most warlike, throughout Hakhāmanišiyā rule they were a continual source of revolts. Coming to terms only with charismatic individuals, but always at a personal level trusting their word and never recognising higher socio-political structures. They required constant attention and military intervention, but whenever the Galshu felt a danger looming over their lands, they would side with other Northerners and the Mada.

    The Asagartiya were an Iranian nomadic tribe, whose movements encompassed large tracks of land even outside of Aturpatakan, but their nobles often boasted Median origins. They were particularly famour for fighting unarmoured, carrying only with lassoes and daggers to finish their opponents.

    The Amarda dwelled in the ranges South of the Kaspion Sea and conducted a pastoral life. They were another Iranian nomadic tribe and are described as a bellicose people, who found shelter in caves dug in the mountains. Appreciated as mounted archers, they wore a distinctive head-dress around their foreheads, which in reality was a sling employed both in war and to drive away predators from their herds.

    The Tapara were an Iranian nomadic tribe, who might have had Skythian origins. They too dwelled south of the Kaspion Sea and were noted for having a custom, whereby the men dressed in black, wearing their hair long, while the women dressed in white and kept their hair short. They also practiced serial marriage, meaning that after few children were born and raised, the parents would marry other members of the tribe for several times during their lives.

    The Kaspiya were an ancient people dwelling along the southwestern shore of the Kaspion Sea. Unfortunately very little is known about them, except that much of the local geography was named after them. They have been regarded as a pre-Indo-European people and were administratively grouped with the neighbouring nomadic tribes.

    History

    Before Aturpatakan was established as a province it was just a district of Media, which, at the time of Alexandros Megas' campaign, was under the Satrapal authority of Āturpāta. He proved a very capable and loyal Khšaçapavān, alongside his troops he fought at Gaugamela in 331 BCE. There he assaulted the Makedonian left flank, forcing Alexandros Megas to end his pursuit of Dārayavahuš III of Pârsa, lest he would have cut down the Makedonian infantry. Afterwards Āturpāta offered shelter to his sovereign and remained faithful, until the latter was betrayed and killed the following year. At that time Alexandros Megas appointed Media to Vakhšupata, simply because he had been imprisoned in Susa and thought him a natural ally. However Āturpāta was recognised for his skills and kept by Alexandros Megas' side. Indeed in 328 BCE the Makedonian Basileus reinstated him as Satrapes of Media and for the following years, as Alexandros Megas pushed eastwards, Āturpāta dealt with Iranian pretenders to the kingship of Asia. So high he rose in his new sovereign's esteem, that in 324 BCE Āturpāta's daughter was married to Perdikkas, who has just become Chiliarchos and therefore was second in command of the whole Makedonian army. Aturpatakan can be said to have been formed by the sudden death of Alexandros Megas the following year and the agreement between the Diadochoi at Triparadeisos in 321 BCE. From then onwards Āturpāta and his descendants had to deal with a neighbouring Hellenistic Satrapes of Media. Probably a settlement reached with Perdikkas, out of their marriage ties, to ensure a quiet northern border. But his territorial power had significantly diminished and Āturpāta soon realised how he could no longer trust Perdikkas, who developed royal ambitions, shown even in seeking more profitable marriages. Thus Āturpāta hedged his bets and claimed local kingship during the subsequent years of political chaos. By 312 BCE Seleukos I Nikator and his Dynasteia had become the neighbours of Aturpatakan. However the Seleukid Basileus accepted the new political situation and concentrated his efforts controlling southern Media, but might have exercised some sort of nominal suzerainty over Aturpatakan. Unfortunately little is known of this province's history during the 3rd century BCE, nor is it clear when Āturpāta died. It could be inferred that Artavazda succeeded him, but nothing else is known about this ruler. Around 220 BCE Artavazdana was Šāh of Aturpatakan, his name recorded in ancient sources being a patronymic. Described as being extremely old and the most powerful Iranian Dynastes of the time, he likely exploited the past Seleukid succession crises to exert a fully independent authority in the region. However Antiochos III, after his victory over the rebellious Molon, Satrapes of Media, launched a campaign against Aturpatakan, mainly to warn all nobles against supporting rebels with troops or arms. As already mentioned at this time Artavazdana had grown old and did not resisted, but acquiesced to submit Aturpatakan to Seleukid suzerainty, in exchange to his confirmation as Šāh. The following century is again very much silent in its reconstruction, Mihrdat I of the Pahlava successfully turned Aturpatakan into a vassal state after 148 BCE. Local autonomy was once again preserved and the royal family married into the Arshakid house. This situation remained unchanged until the death of Mihrdat II of the Pahlava around 88 BCE, when Tigran II Mets of Hayasdan claimed imperial power. This would eventually turn Aturpatakan into one of the main battlegrounds between the SPQR and Pahlava. In 36 BCE Marcvs Antonivs launched a major expedition against the Pahlava, marching through Aturpatakan. However, during the siege of Frahāspa, the Roman rearguard and siege-train were completely destroyed, compelling to withdraw in a disastrous retreat during winter. Despite the success the contemporary Šāh of Aturpatakan, called Artavazda, offered Marcvs Antonivs an alliance, out of fears concerning his autonomy and enmity over the division of the spoils with his Pahlavan sovereign. This allowed Artavazda to retake territory lost to Hayasdan, but the civil war in Roma caused all support from Marcvs Antonivs to end. Left alone Artavazda could not resist Pahlavan and Hai attacks, which resulted in him being taken prisoner in 30 BCE. Nevertheless struggles between Pahlavan claimants allowed him to escape, ultimately reaching Roma and taking refuge with Avgvstvs. He died around 20 BCE and his descendants probably lived in exile in Roma, being put back in power only in 9 CE, when a Roman supported claimant gained power among the Pahlava. However the Dynasteia of Aturpatakan ended not long afterwards in 19 CE with the murder of another Artavazda, being replaced by Arshakid younger sons.

    Strategy

    Aturpatakan has always been a stepping stone to all the major provinces of Asia and a source of superb cavalry forces. Rulers, with designs of domination in the East, should not overlook to defend its mountain passes and establish cordial relations with the many tribes of the highlands.

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  29. #209
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Thessalia's history and strategy sections will probably be posted during the weekend. The text needs a bit of editing before being submitted for editing by the team, but is otherwise ready. Kilikia might be a while... I hope both can make it to the release.
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    Completed EB Campaigns on VH/M: ALL... now working for EBII!

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  30. #210
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Province: Aluan

    Traveller's Log

    Leaving Kartli the traveller enters Aluan and finds himself in marshes. These are formed by the nearby Alazon River, which cuts its way through rocks in the Kaukasos Mountains. Similarly the Tkwarua River, flowing through Aluan all the way to the Kaspion Sea, causes sediment to accumulate in great quantity, filling channels and annexing small adjacent islands to the continent. Irregular marshes are a common occurrence, but at the same time this swelling stream improves the quality of the land. Indeed every kind of fruit, even the most delicate, any sort of plant and evergreen grow in Aluan without sowing and ploughing. Young trees bear fruit even the second year and the full grown yield so much that a large quantity is left on the branches. Moreover at the proximity of the Tkwarua River the country always presents herbage and it affords excellent pasture. Vines do not require digging round them and are pruned every five years, while in many places the ground can be turned with a simple wood plough. Land that has been sowed once produces two or three crops, astonishing the visitors, who all agree that the plain is better watered than Mesopotamia or Aigyptos. Unfortunately this is true for the land closest to the streams, much of Aluan is arid. Not far from the Tkwarua River lies a town called Kapalak, but it is steadily growing thanks to the local trade. Indeed large quantities of Indian merchandise are conveyed into Aluan by the Tkwarua River, on their way to the adjoining countries on the Euxeinos Sea. Further south, acting as a natural border with Haysdan, stand the first peaks of the Antitauros Mountains. While closer to the Kaukasos Mountains another town is located, called Shemakha, overlooking the inland commercial routes to the Sauromatae. Nomadic communities cooperate with the locals against invasions, but when there is no war they frequently raid the people of Aluan. To the East the Tkwarua River is joined by the Araks River, whose impetuous stream from Hayasdan impels forward even more sediment. Causing the main water course to be divided into twelve branches, some affording no passage, while others are so shallow as to leave no shelter for vessels. Further South the Parachoathras Mountains mark the boundary with Aturpatakan. As a response to the attacks coming from the north, a fortress called Chor was built to guard the main mountain pass. Today it has become the citadel for an expanding town and it has allowed local tribes to push as far as the Terka River. Back on the coast a natural harbour can be found, but its surroundings are best known for its fiery wells abundant in naphtha.

    Geography

    Aluan mainly consists of alluvial plains surrounded by highlands. North of the Kaukasos Mountains the flatlands are more extensive and the eastern peaks have suffered a particularly severe erosion and glaciation is minimal. The western half of Aluan is instead characterised by a series of individual ridges and troughs, caused by longitudinal fractures. The most notable features are mud volcanoes and mineral springs located in ravines by the eastern coast. The climate is marked by long hot summers and short mild winters, moreover Aluan is the driest province in the Kaukasos. This led to the development of three primary types of landscape: steppe, arid open woodland and semi-desert. In addition these are separated by wetlands and riparian forests. The most common plant in the desert areas is wormwood, in the steppe is relatively tall forb, in the foothills live three different species of juniper, while the forests are dominated by oak trees, black poplars, field elms, willows, lime trees and salt cedars. Regarding wildlife in the woodlands, the main species are wild boar, grey wolf, roe deer and Caucasian red deer. In the more arid regions can be found striped hyenas, Persian gazelles, Caucasian hamsters and lynxes. Notable is the reptile diversity, which comprises Mediterranean tortoises, Lebetine vipers, Western boas and Dahl's Whip Snakes. While examples of characteristic avifauna are partridges, griffons, black vultures, white-tailed eagles, black storks, white-headed ducks, ferruginous ducks and marbled teals.

    The People, Society and Government

    The Aluanukh were a semi-nomadic pastoral people comprising twenty-six tribes, each led by its own chieftain and possessing its own dialect. They were extremely fond of hunting, which they pursued with Caucasian Shepherd Dogs, men and animals said to be equal in eagerness and skill. Dog fights also occurred as a ritual activity, according to complex rules. Legends and tales held how animals consorted with hunters or spoke of human cohabitation with other creatures. Indeed masked men dancing at ceremonies were part of fertility cults. The Aluanukh practiced trading by barter and were not very warlike, but more concerned with defense. Still they were capable of fielding several tens of thousands warriors, both on foot and on horseback. Mostly wielding javelins and bows, they also mustered armoured troops wearing coverings made of hide, equipped with shields and corslets. Aluanukhan society was divided in four classes: to the first belonged the chieftains and their kin, administering justice and commanding the army; to the second belonged priests who settled the respective rights between peoples; the third was composed of warriors and husbandmen; while the fourth class comprised the common people, considered inviolable, performing all the duties of ordinary life. Overall possessions were common property of the families, but governed by the elders as stewards. The Aluanukh worshiped a Celestial father deity, the sun and, above all, the moon. Priests received the highest honours after the chieftains, even exercising authority over sacred attendants. The mentally ill were treated with superstitious reverence, for they were considered to hold supernatural connections, which enabled them to chase away the spirits of sickness. The priests would seize them and bound them with sacred fetters, maintaining them sumptuously. Afterwards they would be anointed with fragrant oils and sacrificed by piercing the heart through the side. The manner of the fall allowed divinations, which were later publicly declared and then the community would trample upon the body, as a mode of purification. Geronticide was practiced, around sixty years of age, since the land was unable to support a large population and it was regarded as impious to show any concern for the dead, even mentioning their names. Nevertheless the elders of the whole community were paid the greatest respect by all the members. Moreover the Aluanukh believed in sympathetic magic, according to the contagious principle, whereby things that were once in contact with someone could be used in rites and spells to make things happen to that person. They also developed an elaborate solar calendar system, which dictated agricultural practices. The most widespread rituals however concerned rain-making, such as sacrificing horned animals at springs or on mountain peaks. Human victims could also be drowned in rivers, but also other techniques, like tying a stone to branches of sacred trees and let them fall down into springs, were adopted. Contacts with Iranian peoples also brought fire worship, which was tied to the already existing Aluanukhan reverence of the sun. Whole mountainsides could be set ablaze during certain days, like the celebration of seasons' first dawns. Certain tribes of Aluan practiced endogamy, even brother-sister marriages, but such unions traditionally happened by abduction. Giving rise to complex rules of interaction between the sexes. Women also tattooed their faces with cosmological symbols, serving both as amulets and to identify them with specific communities.

    History

    Aluan already belonged to the polity of the Mada since the early Iron Age and afterwards experienced Hakhāmanišiyā influence, kept as part of the Median dependencies. Iranian nobles and contacts with Aturpatakan continued into the 3rd century BCE, while first direct contacts with Hellenistic polities took place only around 286 and 281 BCE, when the Seleukid Strategos Patrokles undertook the circumnavigation of the Kaspion Sea right from Aluan. Throughout the 3rd century BCE the Aluanukhan tribes kept relations with one another through polyglottism, initiating a process of political unification. By the end of century Iranian influenced nobles could marry their family into neighbouring royal ones. Following the collapse of Seleukid power in Mikra Asia around 189 BCE and the climate of uncertainty unleashed in Kaukasia, the Aluanukh suffered great pressure at their borders. Hai expansion towards the Tkwarua River and from the mid 2nd century BCE Pahlavan aggression to extend its influence, accelerated the process of unification in Aluan. Thus rose an acknowledged ruler of all tribes, which nevetheless kept their linguistic and tribal identities, capable of mustering all the fighting men. This event brought about a greater urbanisation of Aluan, favoured and coordinated from Kapalak, which became the royal residence. Later in 69 BCE the Aluanukh joined Tigran Mets II of Hayasdan against Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs, but when the campaign prolonged itself they seized the Hai northern district of Khambichan. Led by Arvita they claimed neutrality and granted Cnaevs Pompeivs free passage in 65 BCE, during the latter's pursuit of Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. However soon as winter came the Aluanukh forded the Tkwarua River to make an attack upon the Roman camp, but Cnaevs Pompeivs deliberately let them cross to limit their space for manouvering and quickly routed them. Despite the losses inflicted a treaty was agreed upon and the Roman forces carried on their march. However soon afterwards the Aluanukh got back to their stance of open aggression, compelling Cnaevs Pompeivs to hastily turn back. Apparently the Pontic Basileus was behind these actions, needing assistance to buy himself some time while he mustered forces in the Northern Euxeinos Littoral. However this time the Aluanukh fenced off the river banks with long stretches of palisades and hard fought close quarters ensued. Thankfully for the Romani, soon as the royal brother Kosis, who was leading the Aluanukhan army, was killed, a retreat was called. All these difficulties and the unfavourable climate during the long march started to be felt by the Roman troops, but nevertheless Cnaevs Pompeivs decided to press on towards the Kaspion Sea. What eventually compelled the Roman army to withdraw, three days later, was the multitude of deadly reptiles encountered. Aluanukhan hostility did not cease, but around 36 BCE an Antonian Legatvs managed to defeat Zober, who had succeeded Arvita, establishing a Roman client state. From then on the Aluanukh proved effective allies against the Pahlava, while the royal Dynasteia at Kapalak kept friendly terms with Avgvstvs. However commercial and cultural close contacts with the Pahlavan polity continued unhintered.

    Strategy

    Aluan is a particularly important region, because it holds one of the gates of the Kaukasos. Its control can secure polities both to the North and South of the mountain chain. Its natural resources are also quite valuable and the access to the Kaspion Sea links Aluan to the profitable trade routes of Asia.
    Last edited by Arjos; 07-05-2014 at 12:05.

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