View Full Version : The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
socal_infidel
07-22-2008, 18:52
THE HOUSE OF SELEUKOS
https://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/faction_banner_02arc.jpg
PREFACE
The empire created by Alexander the Great's general Seleukos constituted the largest Hellenistic kingdom of the successor states; yet surprisingly little has been written on this dynasty. It is my hope to shed light on the history of this once glorious empire. The paucity of materials that had previously hindered study into this field has rather remarkably come to an end. An abundance of new materials has recently been discovered that gives us remarkable insight into the history of this once-great kingdom, that was of both the East and the West.
This story would not have been possible without the groundwork lain by previous scholars in this field. I am indebted to Edywn R. Beven, Susan Sherwin-White Amélie Kuhrt for their insight. In the field of numismatics, I owe much gratitude to Oliver D. Hoover, of www.seleukidempire.org. For general knowledge and articles on ancient history, www.livius.org proved extremely helpful.
And finally, enough thanks and praise cannot be given to the Europa Barbarorum team. Although their work would not have been possible without the tools developed by the Creative Assembly, it was through their years of tireless and thankless work that the rich history of the house of Seleukos Nikator came to be known.
S.I.
...
CHAPTER II
THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
§1. Asia Minor
To the Seleucids, Asia Minor was “the country beyond the Taurus,” or “on this side of the Taurus,” depending on the speaker’s perspective. Bounded by the Black Sea to the north, the Mediterranean Sea to the south, the Aegean Sea to the west, and the bulk of the Asian mainland to the east, this land sat at the intersection of Western and Eastern civilizations.
Asia Minor would always hold a special place for the Seleucid kings for it was the bridge between the vast expanses of Irân and their motherland. This land would call out the attention of the Seleucid kings in a way in which the eastern portion of their Empire could not.
a. Phrygia & Lydia
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b. Kappodokia
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§2. Syria
The land known as Syria lies between the Taurus to the north and the Gulf of ‘Akaba to the south. A line of mountain which runs this length prevents the Arabian desert from extending to the shores of the Mediterranean and provides for a belt of habitable land between the sea and the desert. From its position, Syria forms the bridge between Egypt and Asia.
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/ee311/prodeoetrege/SYRIA.jpg
§3. Babylonia
Babylonia is the Greek name of what the inhabitants knew as Mât Akkadî, the fertile alluvial plain between the Euphrates and Tigris. This was the heartland of the ancient Babylonian Empire, which dominated the ancient Near East between the fall of the Assyrian empire and the rise of the Achaemenid Empire.
In a well-known description of ancient Babylonia, Berossus (a Babylonian priest, who wrote a Greek history of Babylonia in the first half of the third century BCE) says that :
the land lies between the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers. It produces wild barley, chickpea, and sesame, and even, in its marshlands, edible roots, called gongai. These roots are the equal of barley in nutrition. The land also produces dates, apples, and all sorts of other fruit, as well as fish and birds, field birds as well as waterfowl. There are also in the land of the Babylonians waterless and infertile regions near Arabia, while lying opposite Arabia there are hilly and fertile areas.
a. Assyrie
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b. Babylonia
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§4. Irân
The rugged mountain ranges and vast deserts of Iran formed natural barriers to movement and communication that would shape the history of this land. The high and rocky central plateau consists largely of two enormous salt deserts and is surrounded by mountain ranges. To the east rises the Hindu Kush, to the north the Elburz range, to the north-west the mountains of Azerbaijan and the Caucasus, and to the west the Zagros chain which overlooks the broad plains of Mesopotamia.
Over most of these lands rainfall is scarce. Settled populations grew up in the few plains watered by rivers or lakes, in the more productive river valleys, and around the oases that dotted the wastes.
a. Media
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b. Persis
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c. Parthyaia
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d. Karmania, Gedrosia & Arachosia
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e. Aria & Margiane
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f. Drangiane
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g. Sogdiane
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Best luck, friend! May you guide the true heirs of Alexandros to victory!
I really love the way you did the pictures. Did you edit them in any way (except cutting them and adding in the names?)
This looks very interesting. Those pictures are really neat - best luck for the next chapters.
Excellent set up my friend - post some moar
those textures look like RS's :thinking2: could be that :P
now back on topic.. great! I was looking for a Seleukid AAR :2thumbsup:
V.T. Marvin
07-23-2008, 07:34
Very nice opening! Looking forward to more! Best luck and lots of endurance and time available!!!:2thumbsup:
Maion Maroneios
07-23-2008, 12:15
Nice pics, I hope for a promising AAR! By the way, how did ou manage to get those textures?
Nice pics, I hope for a promising AAR! By the way, how did ou manage to get those textures? if they're RS's ones... clic on the first link on my signature and look for "RS textures" :2thumbsup:
socal_infidel
07-23-2008, 19:28
CHAPTER IV
Antiochos I Soter
281 to 263
http://virtualreligion.net/iho/images/antioch1a.gif
§5. The First Syrian War (276 – 271 BCE)
…
By now it became apparent to Antiochos, that any invasion of Egypt would have to wait. His son-in-low Magas Cyrenaica had failed in his invasion of Egypt from the west. An internal revolt of Lybian nomads had forced him to return to Cyrenaica to deal with it. Any aid from Antigonus would not be forthcoming, as the Makedonian ruler found himself occupied with wars against both Pyrrhus and Sparta and Athens.
The Seleukid king was facing his own problems, internal pressures to end the war, an increasing number of raids by the Dahae and Parni nomads into his Eastern provinces, as well as serious economic problems. In 271, shortly after the death of his mother, Apame, a treaty was signed ending the war between the two great Hellenic powers.
The end of the war saw the Ptolemies capture a string of Southern Anatolian possession, ranging from Halicarnassus to Cilicia. In Syria, they gained all of Phoenicia and the Marsyas valley, but not Damascus, which the Seleukids retained.
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/ee311/prodeoetrege/272BC.jpg
Extent of Seleukid holdings at the conclusion of the First Syrian War, 271 BCE
§6. Problems in Asia Minor
While the First Syrian War may have ended, the problems faced by Antiochos did not. In the east, the Dahae and Parni nomads had poured into Astauene, and were threatening Antiochos’ Hyrkanian and Parthian possessions. But it was Asia Minor that occupied Antiochos interest. Old foes of Antiochos were once again upsetting the precarious balance of power in Anatolia.
a. Galatian Campaign
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Though he had won victory over the Gauls in a campaign that gave him the name “Soter,” Antiochos had hardly defeated the Gauls in a meaningful way. Since then, they had consolidated their power and had settled more or less in the heartland of Anatolia. Moreover, the old whispers, that it was Antiochos’ elephants and gold that won him “victory” over these barbarians, still lingered. But a recent series of raids by the Gauls into Phrygia and Mysia gave Antiochos a chance to effect a permanent resolution to the Gallic situation, as well as enhance his status and prestige in Asia Minor.
It had come to Antiochos’ attention that Eumenes, adopted son of Philetaerus and co-regent of Pergamon, was using the city’s vast wealth to raise an army to campaign against the Gauls. Clearly, this was an obvious bid by Pergamon to gain power in this region. Such a threat could not be left undealt with.
In 267 BCE, Antiochos and his son Theodoros set out from Antiocheia with an army consisting of 17,500 phalangitai, around 3,000 peltastai, and around 3,000 horsemen, including 2,000 of the elite hetaroi (or Companion Cavalry). Their plan was to defeat the Gauls and then turn west and crush the growing power and influence of Pergamon.
A minor skirmish between the Gauls and Antiochos’ forces appears to have taken place on the banks of the Zamanti River in 267. The accounts state that the peltastai encountered a small party of Gauls whilst replenishing their water supplies. A small pitched battle ensued and the Gauls were thoroughly defeated.
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An artist's depiction of Gallic warriors.
By winter, Antiochos had reached Galatia and encamped 25 miles northwest from Ancyra. The Gauls having heard of this, marched an army to confront Antiochos. On the plains west of the hill where Ancyra was situated the Battle of Galatia occurred. Antiochos and his men faced 20,000 barbarian warriors, many of whom fought in the nude. Accounts of the ensuing battle are not detailed, though they do note Theodoros’s personal bravery and valour. Over 10,000 Gauls were killed. The rest fled and dispersed, with a small number taking refuge in Ancyra. The city itself was taken the following spring (265 BCE) and the Gallic threat ended.
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/ee311/prodeoetrege/0273-1.jpg
An artist's depiction of Theodoros leading the Hetaroi at the Battle of Galatia.
Over 27,000 Gauls were sold into slavery as a result of Antiochos’ successful campaign. To commemorate his victory, Antiochus commissioned a sculpture be made. The work, known as The Dying Gaul, was previously thought to have been commissioned by Attalos of Pergamon, but recent evidence points to an earlier date.
http://bp1.blogger.com/_nTehdAsqqP8/RyEjVdzZpeI/AAAAAAAABpc/71So9Sm49RE/s400/Dying_gaul.jpg
The Dying Gaul depicts a wounded warrior who lies upon the earth awaiting death. It is remarkable for its realism. The figure is naked save for a neck torc. He is shown fighting against death, refusing to accept his fate. It was found in the gardens which had belonged to Sallust, a Roman historian. The statue is a Roman copy of a Greek original made to commemorate Antiochos I Soter's victory at the Battle of Galatia.
§7. Antiochos’ Later Years
Rather than turning immediately to Pergamon, Antiochos’ attention was diverted by Galatia. Although the main barbarian army had been defeated and Ancyra taken, there were several small uprisings and incursions over the next two years. In 263, with his health hindered by a particularly harsh winter, Antiochos passed away.
As a young man of twenty-five, he had commanded the wing attacked by Demetrios Poliocertes at the Battle of Ipsus. Even as King he took his share of danger like the Macedonia and Iranian chiefs from whom he sprang. He had endeavoured his entire life to restoring his father’s possessions. While not entirely successful, he turned over to his son Theodoros (Antiochos II), an empire that was in good position to establish its preeminence in the Hellenic world
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The King and His Heir: Antiochos I Soter and Theodoros (Antiochos II) at the Battle of Galatia
MarcusAureliusAntoninus
07-24-2008, 02:45
Excellent start.
DeathEmperor
07-24-2008, 05:21
Excellent beginning so far socal_infidel! When I first started reading I was instantly reminded of The House of Seleucus: Volumes I as well as volume II by Edward R. Bevan. I enjoy both books immensely and I'm sure I'll enjoy your story of the true heirs of Alexander just as much. :2thumbsup:
socal_infidel
07-24-2008, 05:40
Thanks all for the encouragement thus far. I've read some amazing AARs lately and wanted to contribute one myself. And yes, I'm using the Roma Surrectum map textures. They add a nice dose of immersion to the campaign, I've found.
Excellent beginning so far socal_infidel! When I first started reading I
was instantly reminded of The House of Seleucus: Volumes I as well as volume II by Edward R. Bevan. I enjoy both books immensely and I'm sure I'll enjoy your story of the true heirs of Alexander just as much. :2thumbsup:
Glad you noticed. It was what inspired me to write this AAR, actually. I've really taken to heart EB's mandate to read more history. I've read a lot lately on Armenia, Iran, the Parthians, and the Seleukids. Seems I have a new book being delivered to my office weekly.:laugh4:
Thus far, I've only managed to read Bevan's first volume, but that was enough background info for me to start this campaign. It also gave me an organizational template for the AAR. I want to avoid battle-by-battle reports and instead try to write a little history of my campaign. I'll focus on key battles of course, but I want to focus on telling an overall narrative of an alternative Seleukid history (although I'm not going to try to conquer the world, more drama in setbacks and losses for me).
Maion Maroneios
07-24-2008, 13:38
Excellent update, socal_infidel!
I'll add my voice to the chorus of "Great Start" - I eagerly await your next chapter
Have to say I agree with pretty much everyone else! Awesome start, definately awesomesauce'd :dizzy2:. Question though, you seem to take a historical approach, is this something you will keep doing througout the AAR?
socal_infidel
07-24-2008, 20:39
Have to say I agree with pretty much everyone else! Awesome start, definately awesomesauce'd :dizzy2:. Question though, you seem to take a historical approach, is this something you will keep doing througout the AAR?
Well, I'm taking a historical approach in the early-going. Not going for strict historical verisimilitude by any means, but I wanted to immerse myself in their history and play them in the early campaign with their historical context in mind. From there an alternative history will unfold (e.g. one where Antiochos commissioned The Dying Gaul). So while there may be another Syrian War on the horizon, it may not unfold this time as did the historical Second Syrian War.
Well, I'm taking a historical approach in the early-going. Not going for strict historical verisimilitude by any means, but I wanted to immerse myself in their history and play them in the early campaign with their historical context in mind. From there an alternative history will unfold (e.g. one where Antiochos commissioned The Dying Gaul). So while there may be another Syrian War on the horizon, it may not unfold this time as did the historical Second Syrian War.
I see, very interesting and cool indeed! Will be watching this one closely.
Very nice AAR, I especially like the history-style approach and the pics with the "EB font". If I may ask, why is the first chapter entitled "Chapter II" and the second one "Chapter IV"?
socal_infidel
07-25-2008, 04:07
Very nice AAR, I especially like the history-style approach and the pics with the "EB font". If I may ask, why is the first chapter entitled "Chapter II" and the second one "Chapter IV"?
Well, Chapters I and III told of the events prior to the beginning of this AAR. Chapter I told the story of Hellenism in the East. And Chapter III told the story of Seleukos Nikator himself. Now that we're caught up with the House of Seleukos, we'll chronicle each King's reign henceforth...
socal_infidel
08-09-2008, 03:28
CHAPTER V
Antiochos II (Theos)
263 to 230
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It was Antiochos II, now a young man of twenty-eight, who took up the Seleukid inheritance in 263 BCE. In him, the grandson of Seleukos Nikator and Demetrios Poliocertes, the martial spirit of his Makedonian ancestors ran strong, if not quite yet pronounced. To many in his kingdom and beyond, he was still the reprobate heir who had spent a dissolute and dissipated youth in Seleukeia indulging every excess known.
What they did not know, was that the young man was profoundly affected by the death of his grandmother Apame, when he was twenty years old. Seemingly overnight, he had abandoned his indulgent ways and sought to make himself a better man, expressing a keen interest in politics. Availing himself of the finest teachers in his father’s kingdom, he proved to have a keen intellect. Impressed by his son’s talents, Antiochos I appears to have named him co-regent around the time of his Galatian campaign. Even in this position, Antiochos II had trouble living down his wanton youth and was subject to much gossip by the scandal-mongers.
The death of his father threw the kingdom in disarray. The old king had only recently fought in battle and had seemed in good health. Plans were already in place for a campaign to stifle the ambition of Pergamon. Such plans would have to wait. Antiochos was now faced with new and more pressing concerns.
In the East, his uncle Achaios and his line were struggling to stave off incursions from the Parni, a nomadic tribe from the Central-Asian steppe. What had first been minor raids into Seleukid lands had now turned into something far more troublesome. The nomads appear to have gathered support and had overthrown Seleukid rule in Astauene and Hyrkania. Their leader, Arshâk, was so bold as to declare himself a king.
https://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/units/pahlava/pah_pahlava_shivatir.gif
These cavalrymen hailing from the steppes of Central Asia formed the backbone of Parthian armies the Seleukids faced
However, the more immediate threat to his kingdom was the Seleukid’s old foe, the Ptolemies. And the threat was directed at the heart of the Seleukid realm, Antiocheia.
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The Seleukid empire at the time of Antiochos II’s accession in 263 BCE.
§1. The Second Syrian War (263 – 254 BCE)
No sooner than the young king had laid his father to rest, the armies of Ptolemy II marched into Antiocheia and besieged the Seleukid capital. Clearly Ptolemy II had seized this brief moment of transition within the House of Seleukos to try to claim all of Syria as his own. Perhaps encouraged by his generals and emboldened by his alliance with the growing power of Rome, Ptolemy II believed himself strong enough to gain the upper hand in the Ptolemaic-Seleukid conflict. Perhaps he still thought of the young king as the dissipated boy at his father’s court.
http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/greece/egypt/ptolemy_II/Svoronos_0362v.jpg
Ptolemy II Philadelphos (285-258 B.C.)
Whatever the case, the armies of Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy poured forth into Syria. No man of war himself (his interests were intellectual and artistic and he was clearly of a more sensual nature), the attack was instead led by one of his generals, Dexikrates Kanopoios, of whom little is known.
Ptolemy II’s action, by all accounts, took the young king by surprise as the bulk of his army was still stationed with him in Galatia. Antiocheia itself was protected only by a small garrison led by his younger brother, Sarpedon. However, in stark contrast to the Ptolemy, Antiochus II was possessed of the same fibre as the tough old Makedonian chiefs. With nary time to grieve, he immediately marched his army on a tough journey from Ankyra to Syria where he met up with reinforcements led by the governor of Edessa, Pythiades Lydikos.
A bureaucrat unaccustomed to war, Pythiades was so taken by his campaign with the young king that he kept a detailed diary, parts of which survived to this day. Of particular interest is his account on the numbers and composition of the army. Antiochos’ army consisted of 15,000 phalangitai, 2000 peltastai, 3000 mercenary Greek hoplitai, 1,000 elite hetaroi, as well as a contingent of 600 prodromoi (lesser nobility fighting as light cavalry). For his part, Pythiades was able to raise 3000 archers from the nearby Caucasus, 1,500 heavy Persian archers, and 1,500 Babylonian spearmen. This army was to finally arrive outside the besieged city to find the army of Ptolemy attacking the walls.
a. The First Siege of Antioch
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The jewel of Syria, Antiocheia, had held out for the better part of a year. Word had reached the city that the young king was coming to its defense, so the people remained hopeful despite privations endured. When news arrived that the young king had crossed the Orontes and was now within a day’s march from the city, hope rose even further. However such news was met by the Ptolemaic army with an immediate decision to attack.
Though Sarpedon was only able to commit around 8,000 garrison soldiers, the city’s real defense were its seemingly impregnable walls. Though now lost to the sands of time, these awesome stone walls stood as testament to Seleukid might and power in the region. Against them Dexikrates threw 10,000 of his own phalangitai, 7,000 levies, including a contingent of Jewish soldiers, 8,500 akontistai, 1,000 toxotai, and 1,600 Galatian soldiers who had settled in Egypt and were renowned for their ferocity in battle.
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/ee311/prodeoetrege/early_city_wall.jpg
The Princeton excavations conducted in the 1930s uncovered one patch of Seleucid era walls on the slopes of Mt Staurin.
Knowing they could not bring down the walls before Antiochos’ reinforcments arrived, the Ptolemaic army hoped to use ladders and towers recently finished to take the walls. Sarpedon’s plan, such as it was, was to fend off the attackers long enough for his brother to arrive with reinforcements. Pythiades account informs us that the battle commenced mid-day on a clear day.
What it must have been like on the walls under the mid-day sun amongst the carnage and metal we can only imagine. The fighting on the walls was fierce and brutal and had raged for hours by the time Antiochos’s reinforcements arrived. Sarpedon’s men suffered heavy casualties that day. Of his 8,000 men, only 3,000 were to return home. But they more than succeeded in buying time for Antiochos’ army to arrive. They bore the brunt of the attack and yet were responsible for the Seleukid victory that day. Against their 3,000 losses, Sarpedon’s men dealt a staggering number of casualties, nearly 22,000. Pythiades notes that there was surprisingly little left for Antiochos’ army to accomplish, “The king arrived expecting to find his brother dead instead he arrived to find him a saviour.”
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The fierce and brutal fighting on the walls raged for hours.
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/ee311/prodeoetrege/0118-1.jpg?t=1218246593
Sarpedon Soter rallying his men at the First Siege of Antioch.
Sarpedon had indeed exemplified Makedonian bravery that day, rallying his men from the front as the Ptolemaic soldiers burst through the gates and leading a perilous charge through city streets against the Galatians. His efforts were such that he too was given the appellation Soter. Antiochos reportedly bore no jealousy at this, himself having said to have remarked in his later years, “My father and brother saviours both and I only a god.”
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/ee311/prodeoetrege/0139-1.jpg
Sarpedon Soter leading a desparate charge against the Galatians.
To commemorate the victory, Sarpedon commissioned a giant bronze statute of Tykhe, the Greek goddess of fortune. The statute depicted Tykhe seated upon the back of a swimming man, the god of the Orontes River. She wore a turret crown, representing the defensive walls of a city, and holds a sheaf of wheat. The original is lost to us and all that remains is a Roman copy at the Musei Vaticani in Vatican City
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/b8/Tyche_Antioch_Vatican_Inv2672.jpg/200px-Tyche_Antioch_Vatican_Inv2672.jpg
Tyche of Antioch. Reduced Roman copy of colossal Greek bronze statue by Eutychides ca 260 BC.
Maion Maroneios
08-10-2008, 13:02
Great update, socal infidel! Keep it up!
Maion
socal_infidel
08-12-2008, 21:39
CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
...
a. The Syrian Offensive (262 – 258 BCE)
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After the disaster at Antiocheia, the forces of Ptolemy were left in disarray. Ptolemy’s next most capable general, Protarchos Philopator, was in Marmarike poised to seize Kyrenaia from Magas. Instead, he was ordered to Coele-Syria to defend against retribution by Antiochos II. The survivors from Antiocheia were themselves dispersed. A number of Galatians and pezhetaroi were able to seek refuge in Sidon, while a larger number of the pezhetaroi made way to Posidium, where they hoped to escape by sea to Tarsos.
With all of Coele-Syria now virtually undefended, Antiochos seized the initiative to add these lands to his own. The bulk of his army largely intact after Antiocheia, Antiochos and Pythiades quickly struck southward. The pezhetaroi who were camping outside of Posidium awaiting the Ptolemaic fleet were dispatched with first, struck down to a man. Antiochos now made his way into the heart of Ptolemaic Coele-Syria.
1. The Siege of Sidon
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/sidon-1.jpg
Within a few months of Antiocheia (262 BCE), Antiochos was outside the gates of the great Phoenician city, Sidon. His engineers went to work and the city was laid siege. After winter passed, the city was attacked. We know from Pythiades’ account that the siege was a particularly bloody one. Though greatly outnumbered, the resistance led by the experienced Galatians and pezhetaroi was fierce and it was not until Antiochos committed his own kleruchoi to the attack that the siege was won.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/0237.jpg
Perhaps remembering their fate at the hands of Alexander some seventy years before, the city of Tyre quickly recognized Antiochos as their new master without a fight. Although the two great centers of Phoenicia were in Seleukid hands, Ptolemy’s armies were still nearby. To the north of Sidon, Alexandros Thraikikos was seeking to rendezvous with 7,500 phalangitai, 1,600 peltastai, 1,600 thureophoroi and 1,600 thorakitai who were camped just outside Tyre. A force consisting of mostly levies and conscripts from Ioudaia was also making its way towards Damaskos. Meanwhile, Protarchos Philopator and his large army were nearing the Nile and were making their way to Ioudaia.
2. The Battle of Mt. Hermon
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Though likely an intentional effort by the Ptolemies to allow Alexandros Thraikikos to merge with his force outside Tyre and to buy time for Protarchos’ army, Antiochos had no choice but to meet the force converging upon Damaskos. The city was largely ungarrisoned and would likely fall to Ptolemy. At the foot of Mt. Hermon, just north of Panion, battled was engaged. The Ptolemaic force was able to gain the high ground and awaited the Seleukid approach. Despite the advantage in terrain, the army itself was no match for the Seleukid forces. Consisting of mostly levies and conscripts from Ioudaia, they could not compare with Antiochos’ battle-hardened professional soldiers. Of the 13,000 men, only 1,000 survived; with over half cut down by Antiochos’ hetaroi and prodomoi as they flanked the force and charged from above.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/0297.jpg
Antiochos leading the charge of the hetaroi at the Battle of Mt. Hermon
3. The Battle of Tyre
In the fall of 261, Antiochos and his men arrived outside Tyre. Alexandros Thraikikos and his men had been denied sanctuary in the city and had no choice but to commit to battle. Although of higher-quality than the force Antiochos dispatched at Mt. Hermon, Alexandros’ men were largely new recruits and had little battle experience. Alexandros made one last effort at convincing Tyre to allow his men inside city walls but was again denied. He arrived back at camp to find Antiochos’ men and his own men drawn up in battle formation.
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After unsuccessfully pleading for entry to Tyre, Alexandros Thraikikos arrived back at camp to find his men engaging the Seleukid phalanx
While the main battle lines advanced, Antiochos and his cavalry, as well as a contingent of Jewish soldiers sought out Alexandros’ own cavalry force. Alexandros’ cavalry were quickly chased from the field, Alexandros himself fleeing for his own life. The main battle lines now engaged, the Ptolemaic forces could not bear the brunt on the Seleukid onslaught. The Seleukid phalangitai simply outmatched the Ptolemaic troops. Returning to the main line, Antiochos found the surviving Ptolemaic forces in panicked flight. The survivors fled south where they were able to meet up with the Ptolemaic navy, who still controlled the seas.
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Alexandros and his cavalry were routed from the field. Upon seeing their general take flight, the Ptolemaic soldiers followed suit
4. The Phoenician Revolt
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In perhaps the most surprising turn of events in Antiochos’ Syrian campaign, a small Phoenician army led by a certain Osca set out from Orthosia in 261 and by 260 was at the gates of Sidon. Osca was likely counting on support from the city, but Pythiades, who had been left in charge there by Antiochos, had done his best to win over the natives to the Seleukid cause. Pythiades himself was unable to convince Osca of the foolishness of his cause. Instead Osca set out north ostensibly to drum up support for Phoenician independence in Tripolis.
Osca never reached Tripolis, Antiochos had no choice but to confront this force. The armies met on the field of battle on the beaches south of Berytus along the road leading to Tripolis. The small Phoenician army was thoroughly annihilated by Antiochos’ forces. The movement had died before it even began.
5. Battle of Gindarus
Afforded little time to rest, in the fall of 260, Antiochos was greeted with word that Antiocheia had again come under siege. By all accounts, Alexandros Thraikikos, who had survived the Battle of Tyre, had fled by sea to Tarsos. There he mustered a small force to add to his own survivors from Tyre. This force of 9,000, if their plan was to divert Antiochos and allow time for Protarchos, was successful in that sense.
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Among the 9,000 Ptolemaic troops at Gindarus were 600 of their elite phalanx units, the Klerouchikon Agema
Though boasting a number of veterans from earlier Ptolemaic campaigns in Asia Minor, most all units were severely depleted and fighting at half-strength. When faced with the arrival of Antiochos, Alexandros fled north crossing the Orontes. Antiochos’s men caught up with him in the forests south of the small village of Gindarus.
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The forests south of Gindarus were not perfect conditions for the Seleukid phalanx, but the Ptolemaic forces faced the same conditions. The size of the Seleukid army and the leadership of Antiochos proved decisive.
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Bolstered by his earlier successes, Antiochos proved a fearless leader at Gindarus, once again leading the charge from the front.
The battle was notable in that both Alexandros and the satrap of Kilikia, Olympiodoros Kilikiou were struck down, as were nearly all 9,000 of Alexandros’s men. More importantly, all of Kilikia, Pamphylia and Karia was now left open for the Seleukids. Word had also reached Antiochos that Protarchos had reached Rhinocorura near the Ioudaia border. Antiochos charged his brother Sarpedon with the taks of taking southern Anatolia, while word was sent to Pythiades at Sidon to muster whatever reinforcements he could. The king was marching south to confront Protarchos' army and to take Ioudaia for the Seleukids.
...
Fondor_Yards
08-12-2008, 22:43
Very nice.
socal_infidel
08-13-2008, 22:12
CHAPTER V
Antiochos II Theos
263 to 230
...
6. Battle of Gazara
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The view of present-day Gazara from the south. The Battle of Gazara was fought just north of here along an arid stretch of road leading to the town.
After Gindarus, Antiochos made his way down the Syrian coast, while Sarpedon made preparations for his campaign against the Ptolemies in Southern Anatolia. By summer of 259 BCE, Antiochos was just north of Gazara. The town was strategically situated at the junction of the coastal highway and the highway connecting it with Jerusalem through the valley of Ajalon.
Tracking Antiochos’ movements along the coast, the Ptolemies were able to land an army from Crete just north of Dora. Reinforcements from Hierosolyma arrived from the east, and the three armies met on an arid stretch of plains along the road to Gazara. The Ptolemaic forces were small in comparison to Antiochos’ forces, numbering 17,000 to Antiochos’s 38,000. But amongst the Ptolemaic forces, were 7,500 klerouchoi, 3,200 thureophoroi, 1,600 Galatians, and 4,000 Jewish soldiers.
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The Ptolemaic and Seleukid phalangitai engaged in battle. At Gazara, the Ptolemaic phalanx again proved it was no match against Seleukid might.
The Ptolemaic army could not overcome their lack of cavalry at Gazara. Once again Antiochos’ own cavalry proved overpowering, with the king leading, as always, the charge from the front. It was after Gazara that the first whispers of Antiochos’ divine status were murmured. Not only had he not yet lost a battle, he had thrown himself fearlessly into the fray in every engagement and had emerged unscathed. But his toughest battle lied ahead.
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The Seleukid auxiliaries celebrate their victory at Gazara. After the battle, the first whispers that Antiochos was divine were heard.
...
socal_infidel
08-14-2008, 19:51
CHAPTER V
Antiochos II Theos
7. Battle of Raphia
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By summer 259 BCE, Antiochos had entered Gaza without a fight. There he received a messenger who gave word that Protarchos had left Pelusium and was advancing across the desert to Ioudaia. Final dispositions were made at Gaza and Antiochos marched his army across the desert to meet Protarchos. On the fifth evening after leaving Pelusium, Protarchos made camp five miles south of Raphia, the first town in Ioudaia. When morning dawned, the Seleukid army was seen across the desert, roughly a mile away. For two days, the armies remained stationary, face to face, neither side making a move. On the third morning, Antiochos deployed his men in battle formation. Protarchos accepted his challenged.
Though this book is not a military manual given to tactics and strategems, the importance of this battle in the annals of history warrants closer detail than would typical in a book of history. The Ptolemaic force was commanded by Protarchos Philopator, who had participated in the First Syrian War. Accompanying him, was his eldest son Killes Neos Philopator. They commanded an army consisting of 15,000 phalangitai, 2,000 hetaroi, 1,600 thorakitai, 1,600 thureophoroi, 4,000 peltastai, 4,000 Arabian auxiliaries, 2,000 machimoi and 4,000 light infantry. In sole command of the Seleukid army, Antiochos commanded 15,000 phalangitai (including 4,000 experienced pezhetaroi), 2,000 cavalry (including 1,000 elite hetaroi) and 1,600 peltastai. His army also consisted of a large number of auxiliaries, among them 2,000 mercenary hoplitai, 1,000 Babylonian heavy infantry, 3,800 Jewish light infantry, 1,500 Cretan toxotai and 600 Syrian archers.
Antiochos drew up his phalanx eight-wide alongside ruins from Old Raphia. Such a deployment meant the critical right flank of the phalanx was protected. To the right of the ruins, he deployed his auxiliary infantry four-wide with the archers stationed behind them. So not only was the phalanx protected on its right by the ruins, it was also protected by his auxiliaries. To the left of the phalanx, protected on its left by sparse forest, Antiochos deployed his peltastai, including his Thraikians, with their fearsome rhomphaias. Antiochos and his cavalry deployed behind his phalanx, nearer to the Seleukid left.
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Antiochos overlooking the field on the brink of his greatest triumph.
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The Seleukid main line at the Battle of Raphia. Their critical right flank was protected by the ruins of Old Raphia.
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The Seleukid auxiliary forces at the Battle of Raphia. They were to protect the right flank of the Seleukid phalanx.
Protarchos drew up his phalanx six-deep, behind them he placed his machimoi and Arabian auxiliaries. On his left he deployed his light infantry. On the right, he deployed his peltastai, thorakitai, and thureophoroi. Protarchos commanded the cavalry on the right with Killes alongside him.
In full formation in the mid-day heat, neither side budged for hours, staring at each from across the field. Protarchos was no fool and realized the strength of the Seleukid position. He also knew that Antiochos had fertile land to draw from behind his line were battle to be delayed another day, while he had only the vast desert behind him. Protarchos realized that battle was inevitable and gave orders to advance upon the Seleukid position.
The battle opened with a withering barrage of arrows upon the Ptolemaic light infantry advancing upon the Seleukid right. Protarchos must surely have intended for these 5,000 troops to soak up arrow fire from the Seleukid archers, while his phalanx advanced. Such a force stood no chance against the more professional Babylonian heavy infantry and Greek hoplitai. The few Ptolemaic soldiers who met the Seleukid auxiliaries were soon routed.
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Archer support was crucial at Raphia. The Seleukids deployed experienced Cretan and Syrian archers, while the Ptolemaic army could not counter with any of their own.
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While their phalanx slowly advances, the Ptolemaic light infantry quickly closed upon the Seleukid auxiliaries.
While the phalanxes prepared to clash, Protarchos and Killes led the Ptolemaic charge against the Seleukid left. Antiochos countered by committing his own cavalry, himself again leading the charge. In vicious melee fighting for which Antiochos had warned and prepared his cavalry, Killes was felled, with his bodyguard fleeing the field. The Ptolemaic peltastai, thorakitai, and thureophoroi soon caught up with the cavalry and joined the fray on the left.
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Killes, son of Protarchos, commanded one of the cavalry wings at Raphia. He was cut down during the Ptolemaic charge on the Seleukid left wing.
Unaware his son had been killed, Protarchos fought on and soon spotted an opening on the Seleukid right, created when the Babylonians and Greeks had left their line and hinged left to flank the Ptolemaic phalanx. Seeking to exploit this gap, Protarchos raced behind the Ptolemaic phalanx to quickly breach it. But he was isolated and pinned down by the Seleukid auxiliaries and brought down by Antiochos’ Babylonians.
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Unaware his own son had been killed earlier in the battle, Protarchos was felled trying to exploit a gap in the Seleukid right wing.
With the cavalry threat on his left over, Antiochos left his Thraikians and peltastai to hold off the remaining Ptolemaic thorakitai and thureophoroi. He wheeled his hetaroi around and cut down Protarchos’ auxiliaries following behind the Ptolemaic phalanx, chasing down the routers.
Ptolemaic hope now rested with its phalanx. However, the Ptolemaic phalanx could not overcome the experience and training of the Seleukid phalangitai. Despite valiant efforts, it soon broke with only 5,000 men remaining on the field. These were soon cut down and with it Ptolemaic hopes for victory.
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The Ptolemaic and Seleukid phalanxes clash at the Battle of Raphia. The more-experienced Seleukid phalanx carried the day.
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The Ptolemaic forces rout and the day ends as a total disaster. Of the 36,000 Ptolemaic forces, only 3,000 survived that day.
The defeated army took refuge in Pelusium that night. Of the 36,000 soldiers who had broke camp there eight days before, only 3,000 returned. It was from here that request was sent to Antiochos for permission to bury their dead. The request was granted and Antiochos acknowledged as triumphant.
Antiochos had himself sustained only 5,000 casualties and was in command of an army that was unrivalled in power in the East. Flushed with his success, he contemplated an immediate invasion of Egypt himself. He decided against it. He must have been aware of the failed enterprises of Perdiccas and Antigonos years before. But more importantly, he had received word of a completely unsuspected turn of events – Ptolemy II Philadelphos had slipped unawares into Hierosolyma.
DeathEmperor
08-14-2008, 20:12
Excellent job socal! I especially loved the diagram of the Battle of Raphia.
nice work. entertaining account.
Lysimachos
08-15-2008, 07:21
I especially loved the diagram of the Battle of Raphia.
Yeah, that's really great! You capture the history book style quite well, i think.
The AI-movements seem to be impressingly sensible :laugh4:
socal_infidel
08-15-2008, 16:48
Thanks once again all for the encouragement. Nice to hear!
The Syrian War is heading to a conclusion, but Antiochos has a lot left to accomplish.
socal_infidel
08-15-2008, 19:07
Chapter V
Antiochos II Theos
263-230
...
7. The Siege of Jerusalem
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Antiochos and his army outside the gates of Jerusalem, 258 BCE.
The news that Ptolemy II Philadelphos was in Jerusalem sent waves of complete and utter surprise throughout Antiochos’ camp. What Ptolemy was thinking arriving in Jerusalem with only a small force of klerouchoi we cannot state with certainty. He must have been confident that Protarchos would crush Antiochos’ army and perhaps was in Jerusalem to greet the general himself. Or perhaps he intended to lead the army himself as it re-conquered Phoenicia. The latter seems unlikely in light of Ptolemy’s complete lack of interest in military affairs. Whatever the case, Antiochos, not wanting to let this golden moment slip through his fingers, hurriedly marched his army to Jerusalem.
Word had not yet reached Ptolemy of the disaster at Raphia and he was unaware that Antiochos was marching towards Jerusalem. Antiochos reached the city by end of summer with Ptolemy still inside its walls, the Egyptian king was either still unaware of Raphia or had been unable to escape. Entreaties were immediately sent out to Antiochos, but each was rejected in turn. The Seleukid king was not there to negotiate.
Antiochos had hoped the city would deliver the Ptolemaic king to him without a fight, but it became apparent after several months that such an act was not coming. In spring of 258 BCE, Antiochos attacked. The city having lost most of its men at Gazara stood no chance against the Seleukid military machine. In an act of courage that belied his reputation as a coward content to let his generals do the fighting, Ptolemy led a final charge against the Greeks and Babylonians before being killed by a Babylonian soldier named Zerubabel.
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Death of Ptolemy II Philadelphos. Zerubabel is depicted in the middle left, his spear still lowered.
With the fall of Jerusalem, Antiochos stood as master of all Coele-Syria. But he did not deem the war he had not started over yet. He still awaited word of his brother Sarpedon’s campaign against the Ptolemies in Kilikia, Pamphylia and Karia. And he himself was making plans for a campaign against the Ptolemies' Nabatean allies.
...
I'm really loving this ! :beam:
really it's great it's like reading a good book :2thumbsup:
keep it up!! you're going great :beam:
(PS: Take that yellow death! )
socal_infidel
08-18-2008, 19:33
CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
263-230
...
b. The Anatolian Offensive (259 – 255 BCE)
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After the Battle of Gindarus, Antichos had charged his brother with the task of sweeping away the remaining Ptolemaic forces in Southern Asia Minor and adding these lands to the kingdom. With little less than a year’s time, Sarpedon was able to raise a modest army of 7,500 phalangitai, 1,600 archers from Syria, 1,300 archers from the Caucasus, and 3,200 mercenary Greek hoplitai. From Sardis, another army was to rendezvous with Sarpedon outside Tarsos in Kilikia. This army consisted of another 1,500 phalangitai, 1,600 peltastai, 1,600 theureophoroi, and 3,000 archers.
1. The First and Second Battle of Tarsos
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The view of Tarsos looking south. Both battles took place on the northern plain outside Tarsos. In this image, Cyprus can be seen in the background.
The two armies met up just north of Tarsos in the winter of 259 BCE. Off the coast, a Seleukid fleet began the blockade of the city’s port. From their camp, Sarpedon received word that a Ptolemaic army was marching north from the city. The city knew it could not survive a protracted siege if cut off from supplies from nearby Cyprus, so its army marched forth to decide the battle on the plain north of the city. The Ptolemaic army lacked phalangitai and the mostly levied soldiers could not stand up to Sarpedon’s army. Approximately half of the Ptolemaic army was able to make it back inside Tarsos’ walls.
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The Ptolemaic soldiers, consisting mostly of levies and citizen-soldiers, were no match for the professional soldiers of Sarpedon at the First Battle of Tarsos.
The following spring the Ptolemaic navy was able to break the blockade in a decisive battle at sea. The fleet from nearby Salamis carried with it not only supplies, but 7,500 phalangitai as well. In spring of 258 BCE, the second battle of Tarsos was fought. The presence of the phalangitai made little difference in the outcome. The Ptolemaic army was thoroughly crushed and the city surrendered to Sarpedon. As Sarpedon made preparations to move west to Side, word reached him that Antiochos had defeated the Ptolemies in a decisive battle at Raphia and had just taken Jerusalem. Antiochos was now planning a campaign against Ptolemy’s allies, the Nabateans.
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The battle lines advancing at the Second Battle of Tarsos. In the background can be seen the river Cydnus.
2. The Battle of Side and the Battle of Isaura
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Sarpedon spent most 257 BCE in Tarsos. There had been rumours spreading of a plot by the Kilikians to overthrow their Seleukid masters once the army had left for Side. However, Seleukid agents were able to round up the conspirators and their leaders were executed. With the threat over, Sarpedon set out for Side in spring 256 BCE
The Battle of Side occurred in summer of 256 BCE. The battle began when a detachment of peltastai were caught foraging too close to the city on the eastern plains. The Ptolemies marched their army to confront this small force and Sarpedon, upon learning this, hurriedly marched the main army to meet this force. The battle was decided by the Seleukid phalanx, the force of which the Ptolemies could not withstand. The Ptolemaic army was shattered and fled into the city. The survivors were cut down to a man in the city streets.
Sarpedon sent news of his victory to his brother, who had recently taken Petra from the Nabateans. Sarpedon spent the next few months tracking a small Ptolemaic force north of Side, on the other side of the Tarus mountains. The force sought refuge in Isaurus, but the fierce tribesmen there denied them entry and a small battle occurred outside the city. The force was crushed and Ptolemaic resistance in Asia Minor was effectively over.
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Ptolemaic armies marching from Side to meet the Seleukids at the Battle of Side. The battle took place on the eastern plain of the city.
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The battle outside the city decided, Sarpedon ordered his men to storm the city dispatching any survivors.
3. The Surrender of Halikarnossos
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The Mausoleum of Halicarnassus was the tomb of Maussolus, satrap of Karia. His wife and successor Artemisia ordered construction of the monument.
The city of Halikarnossos, though not formally in their possession, was within the Ptolemaic sphere of influence and was a trusted friend of Ptolemy's. When word reached the city that Side had fallen, its leaders knew the Seleukids would turn their attention to the city next. The city debated what to do. Some within the city proposed surrendering to the Seleukids, while others retained hope that the Ptolemies would come to their assistance. By spring of 255 BCE, Sarpedon’s army had reached Karia and town after town had submitted to him. By summer, Sarpedon was outside Halikarnossos. He sent word to the city that they had until the end of the month to decide their fate. The city surrendered the next day. Sarpedon's offensive was over. The Seleukids could now claim all of southern Asia Minor as their own.
...
DeathEmperor
08-18-2008, 23:46
Awesome as always socal :2thumbsup:
I really do love the "history book" style of your story. If I didn't know any better I could swear I was actually reading one :beam:
NickTheGreek
08-18-2008, 23:52
I like this, very good :laugh4:
socal_infidel
08-20-2008, 20:20
CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
263 - 230
...
C. The Peace of Gaza (254 BCE)
With the death of Ptolemy II Philadelphos in 258 BCE, his son Euergetes inherited the Ptolemaic throne. The twenty-seven year old was immediately faced with a crisis. His uncle Meleagros had resurfaced in Paraitonion with a small army. The man who had been deposed from the Makedonian throne years earlier now laid claim to the Ptolemaic throne. Meleagros was intent on continuing the war with the Seleukids. Euergetes spent the next several years fighting his own uncle for control of the throne. By 254 BCE, Meleagros, now 61 years old, had been contained in Pselkis. Euergetes was finally free to make peace with the Seleukids.
The Peace of Gaza was to define Seleukid-Ptolemaic relations for the next twenty-five years. By its terms the Ptolemies (1) abandoned all claims to Coele-Syria (2) abandoned all claims to the southern coast of Asia Minor (3) were to pay an indemnity of 20,000 talents for the cost of the war (4) were to deliver to Antiocheia a regular supply of grain for the next ten years (5) were to sail no ships east of Kypros. For the Ptolemies the terms of the peace were devastating and ones from which they would not recover for twenty-years. For Antiochos, the war which he had not asked for brought more land and wealth to his kingdom than he could have imagined. The Seleukid kingdom was by far the most powerful kingdom in the known world.
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The Seleukid Empire at the end of the Second Syrian War, 254 BCE.
§2. The Nabataean War (257 BCE – 251 BCE)
http://nabataea.net/araba8.jpg
The Nabataeans were an ancient Arabic people who had migrated from the desert into the lands between the Sinai and Arabian peninsulas. By the time of Alexander’s death, the Nabataeans had made a name for themselves as one of the principle trading powers in the region. They had successfully repelled attempts by both Antigonus’ general, Athanaeus, and his son, Demetrios to invade the region. By the time of the Second Syrian War, they had expanded their influence to include not only Petra and Bostra, but Palmyra as well. They had also become a trusted ally of the Ptolemies. Their mutual cooperation led to Alexandria becoming the richest trading city in the Mediterranean world and led to the Nabataeans becoming the richest tribe in Arabia.
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A map detailing the major trade routes passing through the Nabataean kingdoms.
Even prior to the signing of the Peace of Gaza, Antiochos had determined to bring these lands into his own. The Nabataeans traded in gems, balsams, Chinese silk and they had also cornered the market on bitumen, which was essential in the Egyptian embalming process. Control of these lands would not only mean command of access to and from Egypt, as well as command of the major trade routes, but possession of commodities more valuable to the Egyptians than gold. The power balance in the region would shift in favour of the Seleukids. The fact that Nabataea had supplied Ptolemy’s army at Raphia with soldiers was the pretext Antiochos needed for an invasion of these lands.
A. The Siege of Petra (257 BCE)
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In 257 BCE, Antiochos marched south from Jerusalem to Petra, the capital of the Nabataean kingdom. The area his army marched through was marked by great cliffs and rugged bare rock mountains. Water was scarce in this region and the march was harsh and brutal. In early 256 BCE, Antiochos and his beleaguered army were outside the gates of Petra. Receiving word that their capital was in danger, a relief force from one of the many Nabataean forts dotting the southern border came to its aid. Battle was soon enjoined. The lightly armoured Nabataean infantry was no match for the Seleukid forces. After a day’s battle, Antiochos entered the Nabataean capital, triumphant.
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The lightly armoured Arabians clash with the well-drilled Seleukid phalanx at Petra, 257 BCE.
Antiochos appears to have spent the next year attending to matters in Petra, including placing a man friendly to the Seleukids, Aretus, on the Nabataean throne. Antiochos did not seek to directly control these barren lands, merely the trade and key routes passing through it. By 255 BCE, the last holdout of the Ptolemies in southern Asia Minor had submitted to Seleukid authority. And in 254 BCE, the Peace of Gaza ratified.
Antiochos next turned his attention to subduing the northern boundaries of the Nabataean kingdom, which had not submitted to him even with the fall of Petra. The planning of this northern campaign excited Antiochos for his son and heir was to join him on it. Antiochos referred to his son as Pogon (“the Bearded”) because of the beard the boy chose to wear despite its falling out of favour around the time of Alexander. The youth was by all accounts both beautiful and talented. He was nineteen years of age by this time and had spent his youth in Antioch under the tutelage of Diognetus in his father’s court.
B. The Battle of Salaminias
In 254 BCE, Antiochos and his son set out north from Damascus. A Nabataean army was harassing the trade routes along the Orontes River. Antiochos’ army met up with this force on the desert plains between Arethus and Salaminias. The ensuing battle was a lopsided affair with the Nabataeans slaughtered. Pogon appears to have given a good account of himself in this battle. Like his father, he appeared to possess the intelligence, intuition and fearlessness of a good cavalry commander.
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Pogon, son of Antiochos, at the Battle of Salaminias.
C. The Battle of Palmyra
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/1217.jpg
In late 253 BCE, Antiochos had set upon Palmyra, a vital stop for caravans crossing the Syrian desert. This burgeoning town was built on an oasis lying approximately halfway between the Mediterranean Sea in the west and the Euphrates River east, and thus helped connect the western world with the Orient. By the time of the Second Syrian War, the town had sought the protection of the Nabataeans to the south and was included in their burgeoning kingdom, though remaining largely autonomous. Once outside the town, Antiochos sent word to its leaders that should it submit without a fight, it would retain semi-autonomy under Seleukid rule. However, the leaders chose to take a stand. In a pitched battle outside the city (which had no walls at this time), the Palmyran army was crushed. The town was brought under Seleukid control.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/1244.jpg
Arabian cavalry at the Battle of Palmyra. Antiochos was so impressed with their showing that they were later incorporated into Seleukid armies.
D. The Siege of Bostra
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/1439.jpg
Nabataeans and Seleukids in vicious fighting in the streets at the Siege of Bostra.
In late 252 BCE, Antiochos finally turned to Bostra. The city had an impressive garrison and had taken to raids on Seleukid trade caravans and envoys along the King’s Highway south to Petra. After months of siege, the city was assaulted in early 251 BCE. The city was taken with minimal losses and the last of the Nabataean cities was in Seleukid hands. The war was over.
Aretus was recognized as a client king of the Seleukids controlling Petra and Bostra. Palmyra, for its defiance, was placed under the watch of a Seleukid governour with a military garrison protecting the key caravan stop. Antiochos now controlled the key trade routes passing through the desert and to Egypt. Though talk was made of an excursion to Arabia, of more importance was the growing Parni threat to the east.
...
great great story and AAR!
I really like/love the style! .One of my fav AARs:beam:
:medievalcheers:
socal_infidel
08-22-2008, 22:15
great great story and AAR!
I really like/love the style! .One of my fav AARs:beam:
:medievalcheers:
Thanks mate! Glad you're enjoying it. I actually really enjoy writing these chapters. Each forces me to do a little research to flesh them out, so I learn a little writing each one. So I'm fulfilling my end of EB's user's license agreement to read more history.:laugh4:
Next chapter should be on its way shortly.
regards
s_i
socal_infidel
08-22-2008, 23:33
CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
263 - 230
§2. The Problems in the East
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/Map_Ancient_South_West_Asia_1900pix.jpg
A. Seleukid Rule in the East
Though constituting a gigantic portion of the Seleukid Empire, the Iranian holdings never seized the attention of the early Seleukid kings as did the western portion of their realm. Seleukid authority across Iran had been undermined by continued confrontation with the Ptolemies and various Hellenistic kingdoms in western Anatolia, as well as the Nabataeans. The foundation of the capital cities of Seleukeia and then Antiocheia also served to underscore the lopsided character of the realm and the unequal interests of the early Seleukid kings. With so much to occupy them in the West, the Seleukids inevitably neglected the East.
Although Alexander dreamt of a fusion of Greek and Aryan culture, the early Seleukid kings did little to encourage this. With the exception of the Greco-Bactrian kingdom, the Greco-Macedonian colonists made very little effort at assimilating their Hellenicism with the Aryan culture of Iran. The Greek colonists were basically Hellenic islands in a vast Iranian realm. Seleukid authority had failed to penetrate into the interior or tribal regions of Iran. As one historian has noted, “the Seleucids controlled the main trade routes in Iran but little else.”
So it is not surprising given this focus westward and failure to penetrate Iran, culturally and politically, that breakway movements in Central Asia and northeast Iran took root.
B. The Nomadic Threat
http://www.kazakhstanbirdtours.com/images/steppe%20grassland.jpg
The Parni tribes originated from the Central Asian steppe. They called the area below the Amu-Darya River and around the grasslands of the Karakum home.
1. The Parni
The tribe of the Parni was according to Strabo and Trogus one of three tribes in the small confederacy of the Dahae, which lived on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea. The Parni seem to have moved into the regions of Bactria, Aria, Astauene and Parthia after the death of Alexander the Great, being pushed south by other steppe tribes. Once established they appear to have lived in a semi-nomadic state, and their language became mixed with the local one.
Antiochos I Soter was the first to take measures against these steppe nomads. It is certain that he refounded a city in Margiana; up till then, it had been known as Alexandria (because it was founded by Alexander the Great or his general Craterus in 328 BCE), but from now on, it was to be called Antiocheia. This military settlement, along with Alexandreia-Eschate and Markanda, was intended to guard Iran against incursions from nomad tribes, including the Parni.
However, by 272 BCE it became clear that the Seleukids could no longer hold out in Alexandreia-Eschate and Marakanda and these northern outposts were abandoned, with the Greek colonists taking refuge in Antiocheia. This resettlement was directed personally by Antiochos’ older brother, Achaios.
A little more on Achaios is now perhaps in order. For reasons lost to us, Achaios, the eldest son of Seleukos Nikator, was passed over for the Seleukid throne. Instead, he was named as viceroy, for lack of a better term, over the eastern portion of his father’s realm. Unlike the Seleukid kings, Achaios and his sons Andromachos and Alexandros apparently expressed an interest in the Aryan culture of Iran. However, there is no evidence that they had yet to encourage any efforts at assimilation. Instead they had been content to rule from the old Persian capital of Peresepolis.
2. Rise of the Parni
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/Parni_ExpansionAAR.gif
Map showing phases of Parni expansion from 272 to 253 BCE.
It was under the rule of Achaios’s line that the Parni came to prominence. Their movement began in 272 BCE. While Achaios’ attention was turned to the resettlement of the Greek colonists from Sogdiana to Antiocheia, the satrap of Austauene, Autophradates declared his autonomy from Seleukid authority. Phrapates, the leader of the Parni, took advantage of this situation to personally slay Autophradates, taking control of Austauene himself.
As the ancient historians who dealt with Seleukid affairs were mainly concerned with wars against the rulers of Egypt and the other Hellenistic kingdoms, not much is certain of what happened next. The accounts vary and much is still left open to conjecture. It is generally agreed that much of the next year was spent by the Seleukids fighting the Parni in Hyrcania and Margiane. By 270 BCE, the Parni had annexed Hyrkania. And by 269 BCE, they had occupied the recently abandoned Sogdiana.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/parthianarmyqj3.jpg
Left: East Parthian Cataphract; Middle: Parthian Horse-Archer; Right: Parthian Standard-Bearer.
At this point, too old to lead the resistance against the Parni threat himself and with his sons away in Asia Minor, Achaios adopted Ammonios Magnesias Karikes, a soldier who had distinguished himself on the Sogdiana frontier. Achaios died in 267 BCE and at this time his sons had returned from Asia Minor. By all accounts, Andromachos and Alexandros were content to leave the military effort to Ammonios. Under Ammonios’ leadership, the Seleukids were to wage a constant war against the Parni and were able to stem further Parni gain.
While the Seleukid kings had hesitated to use their Irani subjects in their armies, not trusting their loyalty, Ammonios had no such compunction. Understanding that the Makedonian style of warfare was ill-suited to fighting these steppe cavalrymen, Ammonios took to using the native cavalrymen in his lands. Ammonios took the fight to the Parni, engaging them in a series of constant raids and skirmishes in an attempt to weaken them. At the same time, he also knew the Parni were ill-suited to the task of siege-warfare and assaulting cities. He concentrated his infantry in the Seleukids towns in the East. So while his cavalry engaged the Parni in the field, his infantry protected the Seleukid towns behind walls where they were safe. Such tactics resulted in détente between the two sides.
https://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/units/pahlava/pah_mada_asabara.gifhttps://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/units/pahlava/pah_harauvatish_asabara.gifhttps://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/units/arche-seleukeia/seleukid_medium_generic.gifhttps://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/units/pahlava/pah_daha_rog_baexdzhyn_aefsad.gif
From left: Median cavalry, Arachosian Skirmisher Cavalry, Eastern Light Cavalry, Dahae Skirmisher Cavalry. Ammonios saw fit to use Eastern cavalry in the war against the Parni.
However, by 262 BCE, the Parni had overrun the province of Parthia taking the city of Hekatompylos. By this time, the Parni had turned their struggle from one simply about acquiring more land to an Iranian “separatist” movement. With each victory, both major and minor, more and more young men took up the Parni cause. These men were to comprise the infantry portion of the mostly cavalry Parni armies. It was men such as these who had allowed the Parni to take Hekatompylos. And by 253 BCE, after years of enduring attack after attack, Antiocheia had fallen to the Parni.
The fall of Antiocheia stunned the Seleukids, as this outpost had long been able to withstand almost yearly attack from the Parni. Its fall seriously endangered the remaining Seleukid eastern provinces. Parni armies now roamed almost freely throughout the east, as they could now be found in Khoarene, Gabiene and Ariana. The situation in the East could no longer be ignored by the Seleukid king. Fortunately for the Seleukids, Antiochos’ recent decisive victory over the Ptolemies left him free to deal with the Parni threat.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/gg201/prodeoetrege_promos/Eastern_MAP_1050.jpg
Map of the Eastern World, 1051 BCE.
Great update.
I love the style you write your AAR, it's superb.
DeathEmperor
08-24-2008, 04:34
Great updates socal! :2thumbsup:
you should post this in the AAR of the month thread! :beam:
https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?t=106019
Truly a great AAR -- More!
Jurdagat
11-29-2008, 00:16
We want more please. :(
Truly excellent!
PriestLizard
11-29-2008, 18:07
Is this AAR still alive? I have to say its awesome!! Actually I planned to do an AAR about Arche Seleukeia too, once my current AAR is finished. I planned to do some history-styled AAR as well and now I have to admit: I must cancel my plan because I wouldnt be able to live up to your example ;)
I hope you will continue this... and I hope I will get another good idea for my second AAR.. :D
socal_infidel
11-29-2008, 18:41
Is this AAR still alive? I have to say its awesome!! Actually I planned to do an AAR about Arche Seleukeia too, once my current AAR is finished. I planned to do some history-styled AAR as well and now I have to admit: I must cancel my plan because I wouldnt be able to live up to your example ;)
I hope you will continue this... and I hope I will get another good idea for my second AAR.. :D
Thanks for the kind words. I still have a ton of .tgas on an external drive around here somewhere. I may revive it, but to be honest, I undertook this AAR during a self-imposed lull from modding. I have been beyond busy lately with PRO DEO ET REGE (http://www.twcenter.net/forums/forumdisplay.php?f=437) and The Last Kingdom (http://www.twcenter.net/forums/forumdisplay.php?f=867). But I do regret not finishing this AAR. Maybe I'll get back to it when things die down.
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