View Full Version : Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team
Brave Brave Sir Robin
05-01-2013, 23:19
As VT Marvin mentioned in the EB 2 Progress and the Community thread, help is needed on province descriptions, a task any amateur historian/writer can reasonably assume, with of course a slight bit of motivation. Therefore, I feel like it would be a good idea to devote a thread to this job and divvy out some work so we don't end up with duplicate work and move through the provinces quicker.
These are the provinces that apparently need work:
North Africa - basically all of them
Persia - today's Iran, Pakistan
Asia Minor and Caucasus - today's Turkey, Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan
Balkans - Thraikia Hypertera, Scorcouw, Dalmatia, Illyria Hellenike, Epeiros, Aitolia, Dardanoia, Makedonia, Thessalia, Attike, Lakonike, Krete
Here is the map for specific region names and locations:
9126
Here is Brennus' example of a province description, something that we should strive to emulate in form if possible.
Province: Combrogon
Traveller's Log:
North and west goes the traveller, towards the setting sun and into Combrogon. Combrogon is a land which differs in form as much as the flowers which burst from the soils in spring. In the south is a realm of mountains and forest, of terrain rugged as men who inhabit it, where winter snows land upon the hills like flocks of ice born birds, where magic haunts the hollows of trees and the gods smirk at men from within their watery realms. A land where one island, Mona, is known far and wide, where blood drips from the leaves and women, clad in shawls of night black cloth, scream up to the heavens in rage. This is the dark Combrogon, the Combrogon of the Ganganoi, the Dekeangloi and hammer wielding Ordouikes. To the north, in light Combrogen, among fields which roll like gentle waves, where ivy clad oaks stand guard against with the passing of the seasons, where ancient rivers roll into the ocean and their waters sail on to Iuverion, live others; the quiet Kornovoioi and, bowing their heads to their Brigantes overlords who rule this area, the recluse Karuetoioi and Setantoioi. In Combrogon the traveller will find no great towns, no great works to amaze the eyes. Dark Combrogon boasts no imperious state, although the Ordouikes are without doubt the dominant peoples, and even in light Combrogon, where the Brigantes dominate, it is hard to identify the trappings of power. Instead, Combrogon is home to one of the great sanctuaries of the gods. On Mona they assemble, the brooding, vapid, blessed, victory bringing, vengeful, benign gods, and gaze with pleasure at the sights they see before them.
Geography
Combrogon roughly equates to the modern regions of north Wales and Anglesey, Cheshire, Manchester, Merseyside, Lancashire and Cumbria. It is a land of varied geography. The core of Wales is composed of mountainous and upland terrain, which although rich in mineral deposits, is ill suited to arable farming. Along the coast and borders of Wales are lowland regions which can be used to grow crops. The regions of Combrogon which correspond to what is today Cheshire, Manchester, Merseyside and Lancashire are less dramatic; with fewer uplands and more spaces suitable for arable agriculture, especially around the Mersey valley. In the east the land rises to form the Pennine hills. In the north of Combrogon exists the mountainous Lake District, a region with very few low lying areas and almost totally unsuitable for arable farming. By virtue of being on the Atlantic coast, Combrogon enjoys warmer climates than its neighbouring region, Lagambrion, in the east; the warming Gulf Stream which flows in from the Atlantic providing a welcome source of heat. As with any region of northern Albion, Combrogon also enjoys a reliable rain supply, although there is increased rainfall in the mountainous regions. Within the low lying regions of Combrogon it is likely that much of the ancient forests had been cleared by the time of the Iron Age, however in the upland regions of Wales and Cumbria large forests no doubt existed, as they do today. The clearance of forests would also have affected the fauna of this region. In those regions with forests and less accessible terrain, populations of wolves, deer, boar and possibly even bear would have continued to exist. The lowland regions, with their open landscape, would have supported a greater population of smaller animals, in particular rodents and birds, and the small and medium sized carnivores which prey upon them. The coastline, lakes of Cumbria and River Mersey would also have provided the inhabitants of Combrogon with the opportunity to catch a variety of marine species.
The People, Society and Government
The people who inhabited Combrogon lived in societies which, based on the archaeological record, were not subject to the sort of radical change which occurred in the south east of the island. Within north Wales many of the settlements appear to have been first occupied in the middle Iron Age, although some were occupied in the early Iron Age, and continued to be occupied after the Roman conquest. Settlements in this region typically took on the form of a defended homestead. Some, such as examples from Castell Odo and Dinas Emrys, resembled the raths of southern Wales; a family sized settlement with enclosing earthwork and, occasionally, palisade. Others, such as an example from Bryn Eryr and many others from Anglesey, were enclosed by a rectilinear bank and ditch and have been interpreted as elite residences. Furthermore some, such as Bryn Y Castell, employed surrounding stone walls around a single hut, whilst another type of settlement tended to involve two houses which were associated with a nearby field system. In addition to this hilltop enclosures also existed in north Wales. Examples from Garn Boduan, Tre'r Ceiri and the Conwy Mountains have been found to contain sufficient numbers of stone walled huts to house 100 to 400 individuals. Typically these hill top enclosures were surrounded by stone walls although they occasionally made use of cliff faces instead.
The thin lowland strip which exists between the mountains and sea in north Wales was heavily settled during the Iron Age. Spindle whorls, excavations such as those at the site of Dinorben, and a lack of mulivallate enclosures (multivallation typically occurs in areas where cattle dominate the economy) in northern Wales indicate that sheep were the preferred livestock. Grain was also grown in the region, as evidenced by saddle querns from Dinorben and the Conwy Mountains. On the isle of Anglesey, known as Mona to the Romans, emmer and spelt were grown, and extensive pasture existed. Although the settlements described above fit well within this model of mixed agriculture, it is unclear (due to a lack of excavation) what role the hill top enclosures played; they may have served as permanent residences, as seasonal gathering points or, less likely, as refuges in times of strife. An additional mystery is at what point the druidic sanctuary on Mona developed. As with so many aspects of Iron Age religion it is hard to detect in the archaeological record. However the sanctuary appears to have been important across much of Britain and, from inferences by Caesar, on the continent as well.
In northern Combrogon there has been only limited study of the archaeological record. One of the reasons for this is that the region was heavily industrialised in the 18th and 19th centuries, thus destroying much of the evidence. What little has been studied shows that hillforts were occupied from the early Iron Age until about the 4th century BC, after which time they fell out of use; a pattern mirrored in the lands to the east of the Pennines. Enclosures also existed across the lowlands, although our knowledge of these is still limited. Across the whole of Combrogon neither iron currency bars nor coinage were adopted and what limited pottery was produced is usually crude and of limited use in establishing chronologies.
History
At the point at which Combrogon entered history, in Tacitus' Agricola and Ptolemy's Geographica, the region was inhabited by a number of tribes. In what is today Wales there existed the Dekeangloi, Ganganoi and, most powerful among them, the Ordouikes. To the north, in modern day Cheshire and the Mersey valley, lived the Kornouoioi, whilst in Cumbria were the Setantoioi and Caruetoio, clients of the Brigantes. Having been little exposed to the urbanising or social changes which the south eastern tribes had experienced, as a result of their proximity to Roman Gaul, the tribes of Combrogon lacked the centralised society and desire for Mediterranean goods which would have made them easy to incorporate into the empire. Instead, the Romans initially intended to leave this region and its tribes outside of their new British province.
This all changed, however, when the leader of the British resistance to Roman rule, Karatakos, having fled from his own people, the Katuuellanoi, rallied first the Silures, in Belerion, and then the Ordouikes. Having waged a successful guerrilla campaign against the Roman governor, Publius Ostorius Scapula, Karatakos decided to gamble his success on a set piece battle at Caer Caradoc in AD 50, enlisting the assistance of the Ordouikes. Although the forces of Karatakos enjoyed an advantageous position, atop a hillfort which had recently been refortified, the Romans succeeded in routing the Britons after fierce fighting and moderate losses. Despite the defeat, and later capture of Karatakos, the Ordouikes remained openly opposed to Rome, no doubt encouraged by the successes enjoyed by the Silures against legions in the south of Wales.
The continued aggression of the Ordouikes and Silures caused the Romans to launch a new campaign in AD 58 under the command of Quintus Veranius. By AD 59 the Romans had fought their way into the lands of the Ordouikes, this time under the command of the brutal and determined Suetonius Paullinus. Having overcome the resistance of the Ordouikes, Paullinus attacked the sacred isle of Mona, arguably the most important druidic centre in all of Alba. Confronting the Romans as they prepared their assault on the island was a terrifying site as "The enemy lined the shore in a dense armed mass. Among them were black robed women with dishevelled hair like the Furies, brandishing torches. Nearby stood the Druids, raising their hands to heaven and screaming dreadful curses." as Tacitus described it. Despite this blood chilling sight, the Romans stormed the sanctuary and, as Tacitus puts it, destroyed "the groves devoted to Mona's barbarous superstitions". The campaign of Paullinus, however, did not destroy the ability of the Ordouikes to defy Roman rule and in c.AD 70 they rebelled against Roman occupation and destroyed a Roman cavalry squadron. Between AD 74 and 77 Julius Frontinus campaigned against both the Ordouikes and Silures and, despite many setbacks, enjoyed enough success that the following year Julius Agricola was able to decisively defeat the Ordouikes. Tacitus reports that Agricola exterminated the Ordouikes, although this seems unlikely considering the rugged terrain of northern Wales and the decentralised nature of Ordouikes settlement.
By contrast, throughout this period, there is no mention of the other tribes of Combrogon opposing Rome. The Dekeangloi and Ganganoi may have been clients of the Ordouikes, and thus served alongside them, or they may have been like the Demetae to the south and offered no resistance to the Romans. Likewise the Kornouoioi appear to have offered no resistance and the Romans adapted their tribal capital into the new settlement of Virconium whilst stationing a legion at Deva (modern day Chester). Further north the history of Setantoioi and Caruetoio is bound up with that of the Brigantes, and it is impossible to know if they were one of the pro-Roman or anti-Roman factions which existed in the great northern kingdom.
Strategy
Although this province is not the most profitable it's rugged landscape makes it easy to defend (and hard conquer). The main virtue of this region, however, is the existence of the druidic sanctuary on Mona, possession of which provides a player will some powerful benefits...
* * * * * province description ends here * * * * *
And here is the formatting the team would like you to use when you submit your description:
<h>Traveller's Log</h>
<p>
</p>
<h>Geography</h>
<p>
</p>
<h>People, Society, and Government</h>
<p>
</p>
<h>History</h>
<p>
</p>
<h>Strategy</h>
<p>
</p>
Please no "\n"s. The reason being we use an XML format rather than the standard TXT format. Please break each paragraph up using the <p></p> tags (just like in HTML).
Now come on, keep them coming!
Basically, name a province and I'll assign your name to it. Please don't select one if you don't plan on following up. If, for whatever reason, you start and cannot finish for whatever reason, please post here and I can remove your name. I'll start off by selecting a province:
Hyrkania (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053530770&viewfull=1#post2053530770), Parthyaia: Brave Sir Robin
Mysia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053525116&viewfull=1#post2053525116), Lydia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053526552&viewfull=1#post2053526552), Ionia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053531355&viewfull=1#post2053531355), Bithynia: Arjos
Attike (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053526501&viewfull=1#post2053526501), Makedonia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053535611&viewfull=1#post2053535611): Kdrakak
Kyrenaia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053525726&viewfull=1#post2053525726), Krete: Quintus Sertorius
Rus Lixus, Mauretania: Lowenklee
Paphlagonia: Ptolemaios
Epeiros: Ca Putt
Di'amat: Tuuvi
Aitolia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053526416&viewfull=1#post2053526416): Spade
Gaetulia (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053525537&viewfull=1#post2053525537): Friendly Sword
Thessaly: Evocata
Kilikia: The Irate Pirate
Gedrosia: Zastrow
Persis: Rex Somnorum
Note to everyone (but especially those who need to review the work done so far): I've hyperlinked those provinces that have been at least drafted, if not completed, to their corresponding post. That should help tidy this up a bit.
*****************************************************
Updated Province Descriptions status list:
Last update: 04/30/2014.
To Do = No evidence that work has begun: 94/198 (49%)
WIP = Being developed in a thread, but not complete: 13/198 (6%)
waiting grammatical check: 9/198 (5%)
Done = Finished but not put into the game: 0/198 (0%)
Inserted = Put into the game, but may still need work: 82/198 (40%)
Provinces Descriptions Status:
Britain
01. Iuerion: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
02. Kaledonon: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
03. Combrogon: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
04. Legāmbrion: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
05. Belerion: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
06. Arduon: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
07. Albion: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
08. Kantion: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143922-Pritanoi-Regions)
Iberia
09. Callaecia: Inserted
10. Lusitania: Inserted (Description calls it Lusitania-Vettonia)
11. Turdulia: Inserted
12. Turdetania: To Do
13. Bastetania: To Do
14. Carpetania: Inserted
15. Celtiberia: Inserted
16. Asturia-Kantabria: Inserted (Description calls it Asturia)
17. Ilergetia: Inserted
18. Edetania: Inserted
19. Lacetania: Inserted
50. Baleares: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?134019-Sticky-Centralizing-the-Province-Descriptions&p=2053582470&viewfull=1#post2053582470)
Gaul
20. Armorikos: To Do
21. Ikoranda Piktonis: To Do
22. Akuitanon: To Do
23. Ikoranda Uolkias: To Do
24. Aruernselua: To Do
25. Uidobiturigeis: To Do
26. Brogi Aulerikoi: To Do
27. Eturomina: Done Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions) ("Strategy" section empty)
28. Akitosekuanoi: To Do
29. Etusegusauoi: To Do
30. Uidi Saluuioi: To Do
31. Insubrabrog: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions)
32. Raition: Done Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions) ("Strategy" section empty)
33. Nikron: To Do (Description calls it Vindelicos)
34. Landa Pelignoi: To Do (Description calls it Nervaea Belgae)
35. Liguria: To Do
36. Venetia: To Do
37. Landadexsiuo Bouiroi: Done Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions)
71. Talaallobrogis: To Do
71. Uidu Teuto Ikoranda: To Do (Description calls it Noricae)
111. Talaeduoi: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions) ("Strategy" section empty)
Italia
38. Etruria: To Do
39. Umbria: To Do
40. Latium: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?91439-Romani-Groups-III/page27) ("Strategy" section empty)
41. Apulia: Inserted ("Description", "Geography", "History", and "Strategy" sections empty)
42. Campania: To Do
43. Brettia: To Do
44. Kalabria: Inserted. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?91439-Romani-Groups-III/page28) ("Strategy" section empty)
45. Elimya: To Do (Sicily)
46. Sicilia: To Do (Sicily)
47. Trinakrie: To Do (Sicily)
48. Korsim: WIP (Corsica) Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122331-Province-Descriptions-for-West-Africa-and-Associated-Islands&daysprune=-1)
49. Sardin: WIP (Sardinia) Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122331-Province-Descriptions-for-West-Africa-and-Associated-Islands&daysprune=-1)
Great Germania
Note that for Great Germania supplementary information is in the original thread Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania&daysprune=-1)
51. Herkunion: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions)
52. Raurikon: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania/page4) (Description calls it Heruskolandam)
53. Moenon: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania/page4) (Description calls it Mrog Arctagone)
54. Boiotergion: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144935-Celtic-Province-Descriptions)
55. Ālfheaim: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania/page4) (Description calls it Albihoimoz) ("Description", "Geography", "History", and "Strategy" sections empty)
56. Ingaevon: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143401-Province-Descriptions-For-Greater-Germania-and-Western-Sarmatia) ("Description", "Geography", "History", and "Strategy" sections empty)
57. Skanelendo: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143401-Province-Descriptions-For-Greater-Germania-and-Western-Sarmatia) ("Description", "Geography", "History", and "Strategy" sections empty)
59. Duron: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania/page4) (Description calls it Rugolandam)
60. Widura: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania&daysprune=-1) (Description calls it Silengolandam)
61. Pomera: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132265-Preview-The-Lugiones)
62. Luguwa: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132265-Preview-The-Lugiones)
63. Kottinon: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122325-Province-Descriptions-for-Greater-Germania&daysprune=-1)
Central/East Europe
64. Alazonea: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143401-Province-Descriptions-For-Greater-Germania-and-Western-Sarmatia)
65. Budinja: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143401-Province-Descriptions-For-Greater-Germania-and-Western-Sarmatia)
66. Æstuwa: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132265-Preview-The-Lugiones)
67. Neurja: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143401-Province-Descriptions-For-Greater-Germania-and-Western-Sarmatia)
69. Gelonja: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?143401-Province-Descriptions-For-Greater-Germania-and-Western-Sarmatia)
73. Pannonia Illyrica: To Do
74. Etunorikoi: To Do
75. Eravacouw: To Do
76. Getia Koile: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?121027-Getai-province-info-lt-lt-WIP-gt-gt) ("Strategy" section empty)
77. Getia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?121027-Getai-province-info-lt-lt-WIP-gt-gt) ("Strategy" section empty)
78. Mikra Skythia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?121027-Getai-province-info-lt-lt-WIP-gt-gt) (Description calls it Mykra Scythia) ("Strategy" section empty)
79. Thraikia Hypertera: To Do
80. Landa Skordiskoi: To Do (Description calls it Scorcouw)
81. Dalmatia: To Do
92. Wenetwa: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132265-Preview-The-Lugiones)
Greece
82. Illyria Hellenike: To Do
83. Epeiros: To Do
84. Aitolia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page3)
85. Dardanoia: To Do
86. Makedonia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page4)
87. Thessalia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page3) ("History" & "Strategy" sections empty)
88. Attike: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page3)
89. Peloponnesos: Inserted ("Description", "Geography", "History", and "Strategy" sections empty)
90. Lakonike: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page7)
91. Krete: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page3) ("Strategy" section empty)
93. Rhodos: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
94. Odrysai: To Do
95. Chersonesos Thraikia: To Do
Anatolia
96. Bithynia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page5)
97. Mysia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page5)
98. Ionia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page4)
99. Lydia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page3)
100. Karia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
101. Pamphylia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page5)
102. Phrygia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?133941-Province-descriptions-for-Asia-Minor-and-Persia&p=2053346917#post2053346917)
103. Galatia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?133941-Province-descriptions-for-Asia-Minor-and-Persia&daysprune=-1)
104. Kappadokia Pontika: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
105. Paphlagonia: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?137265-Province-Descriptions-Workthread-Littoral-of-the-Pontos-Euxeinos/page3)
106. Pontos Paralios: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?137265-Province-Descriptions-Workthread-Littoral-of-the-Pontos-Euxeinos/page3)
107. Kappadokia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
108. Kilikia: To Do
109. Pokr Hayk: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
117. Kypros: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132643-TGC-TTD/page3)
Caucasus
112. Kartli: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
113. Aghvank: To Do
114. Hayasdan: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?115627-Preview-Provinces)
115. Adurbadegan: To Do
116. Sophene: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
Black Sea Provinces
70. Skythia Borysthenes : To Do
110. Egrisi: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?137265-Province-Descriptions-Workthread-Littoral-of-the-Pontos-Euxeinos/page3) ("Strategy" section empty)
161. Taurike Chersonesos: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?137265-Province-Descriptions-Workthread-Littoral-of-the-Pontos-Euxeinos/page3) ("Strategy" section empty)
162. Bosporion Tyrannesis: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?137265-Province-Descriptions-Workthread-Littoral-of-the-Pontos-Euxeinos/page3") ("Strategy" section empty)
177. Skythia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?137265-Province-Descriptions-Workthread-Littoral-of-the-Pontos-Euxeinos/page3) ("Strategy" section empty)
Near East & Mesopotamia:
118. Syria: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132643-TGC-TTD/page3)
119. Syria Koile: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132643-TGC-TTD/page3)
120. Assyrie: To Do
121. Adiabene: To Do
122. Mesopotamia: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?142450-Workthread-Province-Descriptions-of-the-%28Near%29-East)
123. Babylonia: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?142450-Workthread-Province-Descriptions-of-the-%28Near%29-East)
124. Media: To Do
125. Elymais: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?142450-Workthread-Province-Descriptions-of-the-%28Near%29-East)
126. Characene: To Do
188. Syria kai Phoinike: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132643-TGC-TTD/page2)
Persia & India:
58. Trinakarta: To Do (Description calls it Auwjogotanoz - must have been a German province originally)
127. Persis: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?133941-Province-descriptions-for-Asia-Minor-and-Persia)
128. Gabiene: To Do
129. Khoarene: To Do
130. Hyrkania: Inserted
131. Astauene: To Do
132. Parthyaia: To Do
134. Areia: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?126859-Province-description-for-the-Easternmost-ones&p=2053479350#post2053479350)
135. Drangiane: To Do
136. Karmania: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
137. Gedrosia: To Do
138. Hauravatish: To Do
139. Paropamisadai: To Do
144. Gandhara: To Do
145. Saptasindavah: To Do
146. Sauvira: To Do
156. Saurashtra: To Do
187. Media Rhagiana: To Do
Central Asia Provinces
68. Oxeiana: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?136913-Baktrian-Info-Thread-v-2)
133. Margiane: To Do
140. Baktria: waiting grammatical check Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?136913-Baktrian-Info-Thread-v-2)
141. Sogdiana: waiting grammatical check. Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?136913-Baktrian-Info-Thread-v-2)
142. Dayuan: To Do
143. Dahyu Haomavarga: To Do
Steppe Provinces
147. Xiyu: To Do
148. Sai Yavuga: To Do
149. Kangha: To Do
150. Saka Yabgu: To Do
151. Dahyu Alanna: To Do
152. Dahyu Mazsakata: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?131293-pahlava-help!/page2)
153. Huwarazmish: To Do
154. Dahyu Daha: To Do
155. Dahyu Aursa: To Do
158. Dahyu Roxsalanna: To Do
159. Dahyu Yazyga: To Do
160. Maeotis: To Do
181. Dahyu Siraca: To Do
Africa
163. Mauretania Tingitania: To Do
164. Mauretania: Inserted ("Strategy" section empty)
165. Mauretania Massaesili: To Do
166. Mashiliem: To Do
167. Numidia: To Do
168. Gaetulia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page2)
169. Atiqa: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122331-Province-Descriptions-for-West-Africa-and-Associated-Islands)
170. Zeugitana: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?122331-Province-Descriptions-for-West-Africa-and-Associated-Islands&daysprune=-1) (Description calls it Zeugei)
171. Byzacena: To Do
172. Phasania: To Do
173. Syrthim: To Do
174. Kyreneia: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page2)
175. Numidia Massylii: To Do
176. Libye: To Do
178. Delta Neilou: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?134019-Sticky-Centralizing-the-Province-Descriptions&p=2053282263&viewfull=1#post2053282263)
179. Heptanomis: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?134019-Sticky-Centralizing-the-Province-Descriptions&p=2053282263&viewfull=1#post2053282263)
180. Thebaïs: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?132643-TGC-TTD/page2)
182. Oasis Megale: To Do
183. Triakontaschoinos: To Do
184. Kush: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team/page6)
185. Erythraia: To Do
186. Di'amat: To Do (Has a very short "trade resources" description in-game)
199. Eremos: No building
Arabia
157. Lihyan: Inserted
189. Edum: Inserted
190. Aram: To Do
191. Hawran: WIP Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?125130-Arabian-Province-Descriptions&daysprune=-1)
192. Ma'in: Province will be changed, do not write
193. Saba: To Do
194. Qataban: To Do
195. Hadramawt: To Do
196. Shisur: Province will be removed, do note write
197. Maka: Inserted Here (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?125130-Arabian-Province-Descriptions&daysprune=-1) ("Strategy" section empty)
198. Gerrhaia Arabia: To Do
If you have some questions or something let us know.
I already started writing Mysia, but I do have a question: are we to follow strictly EBII's boundaries? Or the historical ones? For example Lydia has a strip of land, with a port (should be Phokaia, although with the limited space it could be Smyrne, which is even further south) that supposedly was the boundary between Ionia and Aiolis (by extention Mysia). So in such cases, what would you prefer us to do?
On the same line, what about islands like Tenedos, Lesbos and Imbros? Are they to be included in other provinces? (I think Lesbos in-game is part of Ionia) Or should I add them to Mysia?
Good point Arjos. I have had a similar problem when writing for the Pritanoi descriptions, for example the souther provinces of Albion and Kornouoi split the historical tribe, the Dumnonoii, between them, thus making it a little tricky to write about this tribes history.
My advice is to write for the EBII region, however, as you will no doubt go outside of the province boundaries make a note of this. For example, in discussing Iueroi (the north Irish province) I have made a note in my description that the culture and history sections pertain to the island of Ireland as a whole, even though the southern part is Eremos.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-02-2013, 09:52
On the same line, what about islands like Tenedos, Lesbos and Imbros? Are they to be included in other provinces? (I think Lesbos in-game is part of Ionia) Or should I add them to Mysia?
To what Brennus has said I would only say that if the discussion of the islands is relevant to the history of the region writ large then include them. Even if they are strictly a part of another EB II region, we all understand that boundaries and relationships between communities change over time.
I'd be willing to try Attike. I am not a historian or a writer, but I 'll give it a go. I'd love to contribute.
Landa Pelignoi:
Grassy flatlands.
There. Does that work? :clown:
I wish I could help, but time is not something I have enough of. I'm a slow writer as well.
P.S. The new regions look nice.
~Jirisys ()
V.T. Marvin
05-02-2013, 22:27
Landa Pelignoi:
Grassy flatlands.
There. Does that work? :clown:
Yep! We need that one too! :yes:
Thanks!
I call dibs on Di'amat, I'd like to learn more about ancient Ethiopia :book2:
Ptolemaios
05-03-2013, 11:25
I could do Paphlagonia, if it isn´t already taken. I´m no native speaker, but I will do my best.
I will do the British Isles and missing parts of Gaul and Central Europe :clown:
Thanks for volunteering do these guys!
Is there a deadline of any sort?
As soon as possible, but as you have seen those of us in the team don't exactly do deadlines.
moonburn
05-03-2013, 18:30
Is there a deadline of any sort?
if you can´t have it done in 3 months then you shouldn´t even try it imho thats why i don´t volunteer i´ve begun a career as a school teacher and since i can´t afford internet at home i wouldn´t have time sadly altough i can read fluently spanish english and portuguese and roughly french and italian (and very very very very litle german) if i had the time i could just read books and sumarise a few of them in english for the future use of the team particulary in languages such as catalan portuguese and spanish wich most people won´t understand in their original writting but still posses alot of valuable informations
Considering North Africa:
Zeugei, Shardin et Korsim, Muxsi, Atiqa, Barbagia, Delta Neilou, Heptanomis and Thebaïs have already been completed or have already been worked on.
QuintusSertorius
05-04-2013, 00:10
This is an absolutely awesome idea, something I feel like I can meaningfully contribute to, since it's just amateur historian work. I can write reasonably well.
Considering North Africa:
Zeugei, Shardin et Korsim, Muxsi, Atiqa, Barbagia, Delta Neilou, Heptanomis and Thebaïs have already been completed or have already been worked on.
I note that Kyrenaia isn't on that list, so could I be added to the list for that province, please? I'll have a stab while I'm at work next week and see how I go. I'm quite interested in the provinces that have prominent Greek colonies in them, so if that goes well I might have a go at some others.
Is Kypros part of "North Africa" for the purposes of that classification? It's one of the few places besides Rhodos that I've actually been to in the Mediterranean, my sister lives there too. So if Kyrenaia goes well that might be my second.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-04-2013, 00:24
Kypros is classified as Anatolia: unfortunately it already has a description. Kyrenaia does not, however, so good luck...
Lowenklee
05-04-2013, 01:51
I'll help.
Consider me for Rus Lixus and Mauretania.
QuintusSertorius
05-04-2013, 12:13
Kypros is classified as Anatolia: unfortunately it already has a description. Kyrenaia does not, however, so good luck...
Nothing unfortunate in work already being complete! I'll focus on Kyrenaia and see where I am when it's done.
Brave Brave Sir Robin
05-04-2013, 15:14
General question for the team. When we do finish on a province, how would you like us to make you aware/let you look it over for the ok, suggestions, etc?
You can post it here and use the mention function possibly, that way we'll get attention. Or you could also pm us. We might not notice it if it was just posted here.
Brennus' history section of the description does not stop at "pre-Roman" times (around 273BC), but perhaps it does at roughly 14AD which I think is the end of the game's time-frame. Is there a guideline? What would you guys think should be the stopping point for the history section?
If you can stop at AD14 that would be nice. Unfortunately all the British provinces go past AD14 as there is no history for Britain, except for Caesar's two invasions of the south east and the fragments of information which exist from Pytheas and Poseidonius. So ideally stop at AD14, if you have to (as I did) go a little further into the 1st century AD, but don't go into the 2nd century AD.
ALso, in the people, culture, society part, feel free to begin before 272BC if the archaeological evidence allows it, just don't become too excessive
just don't become too excessive
You say that and I kept on thinking it, but I just couldn't decide what to cut lol
I'll let the team make that decision XD
Mysia submitted, let me recharge my batteries and I'll start working on Lydia ^^
Edit: As per JMRC's request, I'm posting Mysia, so the EBII team's historians can review it. As a note, there's a reassessment of Eumenes I's reign (based on "Attalid Asia Minor: Money, International Relations, and the State"), let me know whether you are going to accept or decline it. If the latter I'll rewrite it. Overall, it badly needs to be reduced :P
Province: Mysia
Traveller's Log
Heading ashore, the traveller finds himself in epic land, of which Homeros sang about. In the vicinity is Mount Ide, so named by the Teukroi of Krete, in search of a new home. So rich and fertile, even the Dodekatheon (Twelve Olympians) took many-fountained Ide, mother of wild beasts, as their residence, watching over the deeds of men. The region north of the River Hermos and west of the River Rhyndakos, today is called Mysia. Inhabited by many people, both in the present and in the past, it has been divided into five regions: Megale Mysia, Mikra Mysia, Troas, Aiolis and Teuthrania. Starting in Troas, where the main port for Mysia is found. It was renamed, by Basileus Lysimachos of Thraikia, as Alexandreia Troas. Straight to the south, overlooking Cape Lekton, the westernmost point of Asia, is Hamaxitos. A polis famous for the temple of Apollon Smintheos and the nearby salt pans. Little further inland, there is the polis of Skepsis, where Neleus has bequeathed his scholarches' library (Aristoteles and Theophrastos). To the south on the coast, live the Aioleis and the Peleges. Where Assos is located, a naturally strong and well-fortified polis, famous for its excellent wheat. It used to be a possession of the Tyrant Hermias, a pupil of Platon, who inviting philosophers to join him, brought much prosperity. Continuing eastward, as the adramyttene gulf becomes apparent, lays its namesake polis of Adramyttion. The latter is called the Lydian Gate, for the Lydoi are said to have founded it, but today it belongs to the Mysoi. Striking South, in what can now be called Aiolis, crossing the Kaikos river there is the seaport of Elaia. Which extends its influence across the Hydra and Harmatos Promontories, in what has come to be known as the elaitic gulf. Recently being used by Philetairos of Pergamon, as his link to the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean Sea). But the largest polis in the area is Kyme, becoming metropolis (mother city) for the rest of the cities, about thirty in number, of which not a few have disappeared. At the same time, incredibly, Kyme hasn't exacted harbour taxes on any ship making port for some three hundred years, becoming something of a mockery for the nearby locals. The inhabitans got the reputation, therefore, of being a people who learnt late that they were living in a city by the sea. Following the coast westward, stands Phokaia, a Ionian polis, founded on land bought from Kyme. It marks the end of Aiolis, for now following the River Hermos inland stands Teuthrania, the Mysian Kingdom's core of the Age of Heroes. To the East Mount Temnon splits Mysia in half and it forms the boundary with Lydia and Phrygia. While to the North is Megale Mysia, with its capital Pergamon. Although part of the Arche Seleukeia, this polis has enjoyed substantial autonomy and is steadily growing in influence. Thanks to its formidable defensive position, since the time of Antigonos Monophthalmos, it became the seat of substantial treasuries. Outside of it can be found an Asklepieion, where one can bathe in its springs and receive the god's wisdom about how to heal his afflictions. Locals are even starting to call this land Mysia Pergamene. To the North-East, passing marshes and forests, in what is now Mikra Mysia, the country opens again revealing Lake Apolloniatis, with abundant fish, but most of all Mount Olympos. Overlooking trade routes to the neighbouring regions, unfortunately it is often an haven for robbers. Turning westward in sight of the Propontis Sea, stands the formidable island-polis of Kyzikos, commercially indispensable, it is becoming ever closer to Pergamon. This because Philetairos offered, much needed, assistance against the invading Galatai. Fording the Aisepos and Grenikos Rivers, the latter of Alexandros Megas' fame, the traveller is back in Troas. This country possesses highly praised vineyards, which are the cause of much strife between the poleis of Priapos and Parion, arbitrated obviously by Pergamon. Far more important, due to their control of the Hellespontos, are the poleis of Lampsakos and Abydos. These were garrisoned by seleukid order, again Pergamon took the opportunity for expanding its grip over Mysia. Moving on southwards Ilion can be found, it used to be a mere village, but Alexandros Megas, who visited its temple of Athena, rewarded it the status of polis, exempted it from tribute and ordered its buildings to be improved.
Geography
Mysia for the greater part is a mountainous country, with many rivers, though most of them are small and not navigable. Thus it holds a large supply of water, which helps to mitigate its humid and hot summers. In contrast the Aeolian Coast is much drier, but both areas experience wet and snowy winters. Overall its soil was praised as the finest and richest of Asia, being well stocked with cattle and plains appropriate for pasturage. The interior, in the North-East, is studded by many lakes and confluent rivers. Throughout history, these have changed courses or tributaries have become the main stem, shaping a new image of the region. This has made it difficult for historians, ancient and modern alike, to precisely pinpoint locations. Ida is particular in itself, with its gentler slopes it is proper to consider it a region, instead of a single mountain. Covering an area from Cape Baba (ancient Lekton), to Aphnitis (a swamp or lake, of uncertain exact location) in the lake district. Etymologically, Mysia, is thought to derive from the Lydian word for beech (mysos), which is common in the region. This has been linked to the "maesia silva", a forest belonging to Etruscan Veii. The mountains, forests and waters are home to a myriad of animals. From the Gediz (ancient Hermos) Delta towards the interior live migratory or indigenous birds like Dalmatian pelicans, owls, heron, nightingales, ducks and flamingos. The Sea of Marmara had several oyster beds, excellent were those of Kyzikos. According to Gaivs Plinivs Secvndvs (Pliny the Elder), these were larger, fresher and tastier. Of note, historically speaking, are also edible dormice and mice, these according to the Teucrian Myth, overran the settlers' camp. Fulfilling the oracle's words to build "where the earth-born should attack them".
The People, Society and Government
The Mysoi (Mysians), according to Xenophon, dwelled in "many prosperous and substantial towns". Recorded to have partecipated at Marathon wearing "on their heads their native helmets, carrying small shields and javelins hardened by fire."; highly independent (even though, they still participated in a regular tribute of 500 talents), they sometimes raided in Persian land, prompting a military response by Farnavaz (Pharnabazus), employing "magnificently equipped" Greek mercenaries. The image that has come down to us, is one of proud people, respecting strength, naturally providing military manpower to the greater powers of Mikra Asia. They don't appear to have possessed any large central capital/city, but instead were dispersed in several settlements, tending their livestock and crops. A dedication to Eumenes II and his family, by a "Hegemon of the Mysians" seems to indicate a leading figure, holding military power. However such authority, only extended over the corresponding tribe. Typical of the Mysoi was a flute, particularly apt for sorrowful tunes, used at funerals. They employed music and dancing to accompany ceremonies and feasts. Xenophon records that "a Mysian came in carrying a light shield in each hand, and at one moment in his dance he would go through a pantomime as though two men were arrayed against him, again he would use his shields as though against one antagonist, and again he would whirl and throw somersaults while holding the shields in his hands, so that the spectacle was a fine one.".
The Aioleis (Aeolians) migrated eastward, during the Bronze Age collapse, from Thessalia. They then heavily settled the island of Lebsos, which became a metropolis for new colonies in Asia and even Aigyptos. Originally governed by kings, in the 7th century BCE, many were replaced by oligarchies and tyrants. Concerned mainly with farming, twelve of the most important colonies united in a league (Dodekapolis), competing against the Ionian poleis. Unfortunately they couldn't withstand the expanding powers from the east, during the subsequent centuries and ever since have provided naval bases and experties.
The Dardanoi (Dardanians) represent Troas' inhabitants. These people were the synthesis of Balkan-Danubian Bronze Age people, Hittito-Luwian speakers and all the newcomers post-Bronze Age collapse (Leleges, Pelasgoi and the Phrygian-Mysian migrants). They stood, literally, at the crossroads of East and West. Constantly dealing with passing armies and incoming conquerors, these people developed their own local loyalties and so recognized themselves by their cities, legends and myths. A somewhat widespread phenomenon, was the worship of Priapos, fertility god and protector of livestock, fruits and mercantile activity. For these were the activities of the area, which assumed the role of an economic hub with commercial harbours, storage facilities, processing for raw materials and markets.
Here's the rest XD
History
The late 9th century BCE Neo-Hittite reliefs at Kargamiš, could be the earliest record for Mysia. The regent Yariri boasts how his renown reached, among other places, the land of the "Musai". Thus modern historians have linked the Mysoi to the "Muški/Moschoi", who invaded the Hittite region of Wiluša (the north-western portion of Anatolia), three hundred years prior the relief. These tribes served as warbands/mercenaries as far as the Caucasus. Assyrian records mention five kings, so at this time, much like for several centuries to come, Mysia was composed by tribes, under their respective chiefs, forming coalitions or joining larger forces.
In the 8th century BCE Phrygian kingship developed and it held sway over the Mysoi. By the 7th century BCE, however Mysia was under Lydian supremacy and this condition continued until 546 BCE, when Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) conquered the region. He then left the famed Lydian treasury in the hands of Paktyes, who revolted and sought assistance at Kyme, where the Aioleis were growing weary of the Persian expansion. They went as far as seeking aid from Sparta, but nothing came of it and were defeated. Thus the people of Mysia recognized Persian suzerainty. Later in 497 BCE satrapal forces, largerly composed by Mysoi and Lydoi, were engaged against revolting Aioleis and Iones. In 480 BCE Khšayāršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I)'s invading army marched through Mysia, reaching Abydos where it crossed the Hellespontos over pontoon bridges.
During the Pentekontaetia (the period of fify years), the coasts of Mysia joined Athenai in the Koinon Delion (Delian League), which quickly became more of an Arche (empire). This led to animosity and in 411 BCE, Abydos and Lampsakos were easily inspired to side with Sparta by Derkylidas, the whole of Troas followed suit. Thus the vital grain supply from the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) was in deep peril. All Athenai could do, pressed on many fronts, was mounting punitive raids. Claiming slaves and portable booty from Lampsakos (which lacked strong walls at the time) and exorting a large ransom from Kyzikos, to spare it a similar fate. However these tactics weren't enough and Athenai assembled a fleet, defeating in 410 BCE a Peloponnesian force in the waters of Abydos. Pressing on, the allied Athenian army, under Thrasyboulos, won an hard-fought battle at the shores west of Kyzikos. This instability caused the Mysoi to assert their independence and started raiding indiscriminately Persian estates. Prompting Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II), to send his son Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger) against them. Allowing the latter in 401 BCE to hire mercenaries, Xenophon and Oi Myroi (the Ten Thousand) among them. Later the Archagetes Agesilaos of Sparta (Agesilaus II) in 395 BCE, invaded Mysia to compel the Mysoi to join his army. Ravaging as far as Mount Olympos, each side ambushed the other until a truce was reached, to recover the corpses of the fallen. However the Mysoi weren't impressed enough and Agesilaos took revenge against Mysian communities on his way back.
In 366 BCE Yervand of Hayasdan rose up against Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II) and was joined by an alliance of other communities. However he betrayed them right away, in exchange of Mysia. Building something of a private kingdom. Leaderless the rebellion failed, but in 356 BCE the new Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings), of the same name, ordered the disbandment of private armies, causing yet another rebellion. Yervand, by this time minting gold coins at Pergamon in his own image, allied himself with Athenai and was ready to make his bid for power. Yet this time, outmanouvered at his own game, was confronted by a coalition of Pârsa, Thebai and perhaps Makedonia. So he decided to yield, being allowed to keep his estates in Mysia, with the exception of Pergamon.
336 BCE saw the arrival of Macedonian forces under Parmenion, setting up at Abydos, they raided Persian assets and collected troops among Hellenes in the Mysian coasts. For the next couple of years, Memnon of Rhodos engaged the Makedones in a clever campaign of maneuver, catching isolated detachments, forcing Parmenion to fallback to Abydos. His strategy, however, wasn't followed any longer and in 334 BCE, Alexandros of Makedonia (Alexander III) secured Mysia at the River Grenikos. During the turmoil of the Diadochoi, in 322 BCE Krateros and 6.000 Macedonian veterans marched through Mysia, to cross over the Hellespontos. Athenai, being in open rebellion, had sent a fleet to secure her all-important grain supply. Once again near Abydos a battle was joined and Krateros was free to complete his trek. Later in 318 BCE ambitious Antigonos Monophthalmos of Phrygia seized the Propontis (Sea of Marmara) coast and gradually courted the Aioleis and poleis of the Hellespontos to ally with him. However with the battle of Ipsos (301 BCE), the Antigonid cause seemed helpless in Mikra Asia and Lysimachos of Thraikia happily obliged to fill that power vacuum, taking care of few staunch garrisons. He proved to be an effective ruler, securing Mysia by vigorous programs of city foundation or refoundation, military colonization and uniting Hellenic poleis in leagues, under governors of his choosing. One such figure was Philetairos, put in charge of Pergamon and its treasury of 9.000 silver talents. After the execution of Agathlokes (son and heir of Lysimachos), who had started to assert his succession, around 283 BCE, a number of officers, including Philetairos, who had collaborated with Agathokles formed a conspiracy to defect in favour of Seleukos Nikator. It's possible that Philetairos offered to fund Seleukos' enterprises, drawing from the Pergamese treasury, in exchange of autonomy. The Asian Basileus, more interested in seizing Thraikia and Makedonia, accepted and thought he would deal with the ambitious eunuch on his way back. Fortunately for Philetairos, in 281 BCE Ptolemaios Keraunos assassinated Seleukos and Pergamon hastily recovered the latter's corpse. Properly cremated, it was sent to his heir Antiochos, who had finally reached Mikra Asia to deal with insurgents. This gesture convinced the Basileus of Philetairos' loyalty and allowed him to keep his autonomy.
From then on Philetairos initiated his policy of euergesia (benefaction). For example, he gifted 600 shields to Kyme, receiving city honours, subtly bestowed during seleukid festivals. It is clear that the communities of Mysia seeked protection against the Galatai raiders and it is in this context that Philetairos established military colonies. These would form new ethnicities of mixed origins like the Mysomakedones and Mysotymoleitai, recording Mysian and Macedonian veterans forming new communities at the borders of Mysia. These liberties and the recent re-dating of early Pergamene coinage (bearing Philetairos image and now thought to be struck during his reign), suggest the adoption by Antiochos I of Achaemenid practices, granting such rights to local dynasts.
In 263 BCE Eumenes I succeeded to power and faced a mercenary revolt (likely the military settlers), denoting some difficulties. These probably included a renewal of Galatian raids, which eventually forced Eumenes I to end them with a tribute. In the past it was thought, that Eumenes tried a breakaway from Seleukid authority, but this has come into question. First of all such a conflict stands solely on Phylarchos. An historical writer criticized by his contemporaries for falsifying and re-writing events to shock his audience. Plus during Eumenes I's reign, a Seleukid dating formula continued to be employed and Seleukid minting activity in Aiolis was increased. There's also an arbitration by Seleukos Kallinikos granting the Aeolian polis of Pitane to Eumenes I. All these activities following twenty years, after an alleged victorious engagement against Antiochos I, make the latter a distortion of events.
In 237 BCE Attalos I, the Pergamene successor, won a battle in the Kaikos valley against Antiochos Hierax and his allied Galatai. This prompted Attalos I to assume the diadem. Hierax was a pretender, who had just defeated Kallinikos and established his own kingdom. Thus Attalos' actions were legitimized, for he owed no allegiance to the pretender. Faced with inefficient Seleukid control in Mikra Asia, which could not preserve stability, Attalos I made the choice to assume full authority. In 225 BCE, Seleukos Keraunos launched a campaign against Attalos I, but this does not imply that the latter's loyalty towards the legitimate Seleukid line and his resistance against usurpers, was unappreciated. What worried the Basileus of Asia, was the Pergamene influence spreading as far as the Tauros. However he was assassinated by his own troops and his relative Achaios vowed to continue his mission. The latter enjoyed great success, shutting Attalos inside Pergamon's walls, and realized that the diadem of Asia was better than loyalty. Once again Attalos found himself treading on a fine line between legitimacy and overstepping his bounds. In 216 BCE an agreement with Antiochos III was reached, for a joint campaign against Achaios: Pergamon was finally recognized as independent, but with rights only over Mysia. Attalos now pursued a cordial coexistence with Seleukid interests, concentrating on Makedonia and dedicating statues to, the now self-styled Basileus Megas (Great King) Antiochos III and Zeuxis.
In 193 BCE, Attalos' successor, Eumenes II however realized that Pergamon could not expand without conflict with the Seleukidai. No matter how much independent he was, Seleukid superiority in Mikra Asia was apparent, where Antiochos Megas had even asserted dominance of the Troas. Eumenes II then refused to marry Antiochos Megas' daughter and furthered his relations with Roma, allies since Attalos' reign. In the ensuing war the Pergamese basileus organized the crossing of the Hellespontos for the Roman legiones. Withstanding a siege on Pergamon, Eumenes II was eventually victorious and his influence greatly extended. These larger borders of 187 BCE, brought the following conflicts away from Mysia, allowing Eumenes II to introduce a new monetary policy and embark on a lavish building programme, transforming Pergamon into one of the showpieces of the Hellenistic world. He extended the sanctuary of Athena Nikephoros, refounding the Nikephoria games, which reached panhellenic status. He also enlarged the Pergamon library, founded by his father Attalos I, to be second only to that of Alexandreia. Lastly he began the construction of the Great Altar, themed after the Gigantomachia, perhaps as a parallel to the Attalid struggle against the Galatai.
His brother Attalos II, regent for Eumenes II's son, had continued this envisaged relationship of equals between Pergamon and Roma, but it became clear it was turning into a one-way dependency on the SPQR's goodwill. Therefore Attalos II mainly focused on holding the kingdom together and engaged in political intrigue, for example setting up, in 157 BCE, Alexandros Balas as Basileus of Seleukid Syria.
In 138 BCE, after the death of his regent, Attalos III ascended to the throne. He seems to have had scholarly pursuits in botany and pharmacology, but was not much interested in governing. Still epigraphic evidence speaks of cultic benefactions and at least one military success. However his eccentricity forged, in posterity, an image of cruelty and misgovernment. But the records are vague and without foundation (the Roman Senatvs formally decreed all of Attalos III's acts valid), perhaps due to slander for a Basileus, who did not behave "kingly". In 133 BCE, dying childless, Attalos III bequeathed his possessions to "the Roman peole".
A certain Aristonikos, of unknown origins, saw his chance for power and declared himself a bastard brother, assuming the diadem as Eumenes III. He faced fierce opposition from the poleis; while rulers from Bithynia, Pontos, Kappadokia and Paphlagonia already aimed at carving up the Pergamese kingdom. Eumenes III lacked support, only Phokaia joined him spontaneously, and suffered setbacks, so he resorted to freeing slaves, advocating radical changes for the suppressed rural populace. Defeated and captured in 129 BCE, he was paraded publicly in Roma and the Senatvs, judging Asia too unstable, assumed responsibility, forcing a settlement among the powers of the region.
The Romani came to describe Pergamon's possessions as the "spoils of Asia", something all too clear from the overtaxation, which had left the people of Mysia seething over the collectors' arrogance and greed. So widespread was this sentiment, that in 89 BCE Mithradates VI of Pontos, having captured Manivs Aqvillivs, had him tied backwards on a donkey, paraded through towns until Pergamon and there poured molten gold down his throat. Still this wasn't enough, with the passing of winter, Mithradates VI now exploited this hatred for his gains, by sending letters to every poleis and governors instructing them to execute every single Romanvs living in Mikra Asia. By way of encouragement he offered a share in the property of the victims, freedom for every slave killing his Roman master and halving of debts. This unleashed a massacre of 80.000 people. At Adramyttion the killers drowned indiscriminately men, women and children. At Pergamon archers shot foreigners down, as these clung to the statues of the gods, seeking sanctuary in temples. Lastly, always per order of Mithradates VI, the corpses were thrown outside and left unburied.
With the fortunes of war swinging towards the Roman side in 85 BCE, many in Mysia and Mikra Asia began to ask themselves what Roma would do to the region that had committed such atrocities and their loyalty to the Pontic cause started to waver. Mithradates VI certainly did not help the situation, when he deceived the Galatian aristocracy to join their hostage families at a banquet in Pergamon, promising a conciliation and massacrated them, except for three nobles, who managed to escape. At this point poleis simply refused entrance to Pontic troops. Mithradates answered by granting citizenship for resident aliens, freeing slaves and cancellation of debts; effectively establishing stasis (civic strife) in every poleis. This prompted several high-ranking Pergamenes courtiers and officials to form conspiracies to overthrow the Pontic basileus. They were, however, betrayed and tortured, revealing their fellow plotters, causing Mithradates to collect more information throughout other major poleis, eventually purging 1.600 people. This climate offered Gaivs Flavivs Fimbria, a political enemy of Svlla, who was left to his own devices, too good an opportunity to take over the riches of Mysia and its royal court. Quickly disposing of half-trained levies at the River Rhyndakos, Fimbria reached Pergamon and was informed that Mithradates had fled to Pitane in Aiolis, attempting a naval escape. At the harbour Mithradates was just ultimating the preparations, when both Fimbria and Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs, Svlla's subordinate, arrived one by land and the latter by sea. Here the genius of the Pontic basileus saved his skin once more, by offering to submit to the "official" Roman army (Fimbria's) he was free to sail away unopposed, since the domestic support for ending the war against Mithradates would've doomed Svlla. Having made clear how Mithradates and Svlla needed eachother at this stage, they met at Ilion and, in a show of realpolitik, brought an end to the First Mithridatic War.
Fimbria and his men, as frustrated as it can be imagined they were, raced to the Troas, but found the meeting over and the populace, informed him, had entrusted itself to Svlla. The Roman general responded that the Troiani were already friends of the SPQR, so there was no reason to not let him enter. With the gates open, pillage and slaughter followed, what was not worth stealing was burned and "not a house, not a temple, not a statue was left standing". This forced, in 84 BCE, Svlla to cross once again, setting up a circumvallation. A desperate Fimbria, deserted by his men, took his own life. Woes for Mysia and Mikra Asia were not over, Svlla declared that Roma was owed 20.000 talents in reparations and back taxes; he also ordered his soldiers to be quartered by the locals, each family providing meals, an allowance and clothing to their "guests". If this was not enough, in 73 BCE Mithradates VI, who mustered another large army, descended into Mysia across the coast of the Propontis (Sea of Marmara). All major poleis either fell or opened their gates, except for Kyzikos. Besieging it turned out to be a logistical nightmare for Mithradates. Set backs, storms, dysentery, frozen winter cold and a Roman counter siege annihilated the Pontic army, as it tried to evacuate.
In 48 BCE Pvblivs Servilivs Vatia Isavricvs, as the governor of Asia, declared Pergamon a democracy, reducing the amount of tribute owed to Roma and shifted tax collection to local aristocrats. The economy of the Mysian poleis slowly started to recover after a century of merciless exploitation. While the Mysian tribes of the interior, although taking part in the conflicts, managed to preserve their communities. It's recorded, for example, that Gaivs Jvlivs Caesar Octavianvs (Octavian) in 31 BCE named Kleon of the Abrettenoi, for switching sides during the civil war against Marcvs Antonivs, the priesthood of Komana. This Kleon must've been a priest-chief figure, because Strabon states he also was priest of Zeus Abrettenos. With his enhanced authority, Kleon expanded and refounded his hometown into Juliopolis. Lastly in 29 BCE Pergamon established games and a cult in honour of Roma and Octavianvs, this was to evolve, in the next century, into the practice of Neokoroi (temple-wardens) and the cult of the living emperor.
Strategy
The incredible position, controlling the Hellespontos, gold mines, availability of war-like tribes ready to join the fighting force and defensible geography make Mysia the archetype seat of power. Any ruler, with imperial designs, will find it vital.
V.T. Marvin
05-05-2013, 07:27
Wow! It is HUUUGE! But really a terrific job, Arjos! Much appreciated! :bow: :bow: :bow:
Ailfertes
05-05-2013, 08:07
:shocked2:
*applause*
I Am Herenow
05-05-2013, 17:23
Edit
Thanks, will edit everything tomorrow :)
Much appreciated the general points, really needed them before starting another!
To maintain consistency across the mod's descriptions we have decided to use British spelling throughout.
Although I Am Herenow could you explain this better? I've re-read Brennus' Combrogon and there are few native names. What criteria should I follow?
I would advise against writing in the first person: I think it sounds cheesy. ... For similar reasons do not mention or reference "the reader"/"my readers"/... in a passage.
BTW I was trying to make a pseudo-historian account (with a 3rd century point of view), giving the traveller a voice. Just an idea :P
For instance, what do you mean by "better" here? And why is it better? Your overall point is unclear to me.
When writing that, I was considering whether it would've been confusing or not to introduce sub-regional names. In the end it seemed better, instead of having a massive description dotted with landmarks, to have those sub-units. I also hoped, it conveyed the heterogeneity of Mysia...
One finally point is the traveller's log, for the sake of consistency, should be written in the third person.
I Am Herenow
05-06-2013, 10:03
Edit
Both parts should be fixed now, I restructured most phrases for a smoother read :P
As for the British vs US conventions, I probably don't know them all and might've missed some...
Hello, I've never participated in any discussions here although I lurk often in these forums. Since you asked for the public's help I think I could make a meaningful contribution in this sector. I'm not a professional historian but I have a keen interest in history.
So, to get to the point, is Aitolia taken? If not, I'd be glad to write a description for the province.
Feel free to give it a shot.
Feel free to give it a shot.
Alright, should I post a description here or send it over by PM?
Edit:
According to the map of the first page the border between Attike and Aitolia runs on the west side of what seems to be Parnassus mountain. As this is where the ancient region of Phocis was located does it mean that Phocis, along with Delphi etc, passes to Attike rather than Aitolia?
V.T. Marvin
05-06-2013, 21:47
Good catch! Anyway, Delphi has their own description - a dedicated unique building - which is written already, so need not to worry too much about it.
In any case, many thanks for your help!
Adalingum
05-06-2013, 22:18
Greetings from another long time lurker. I'd be willing to give Lakonike a shot, if it is still available. I'm not sure I will find enough sources, but if I do not, I will let you know. On a side note, do we have to cite our sources?
Greetings,
Adalingum
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-06-2013, 22:24
Lakonike seems to be still available.
With regard to sources, as a general rule, for the traveller's log section: no; for the rest: cite the ancient sources that are relevant, but not anything modern that you may use.
Lakonike seems to be still available.
With regard to sources, as a general rule, for the traveller's log section: no; for the rest: cite the ancient sources that are relevant, but not anything modern that you may use.
Fortunately my fellow team members, as a result of above general rule, have yet to realise that almost all the research I have provided on the Celts comes from the work of Goscinny and Uderzo.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-06-2013, 23:28
For clarity: if we take issue with something that you claim we may ask you for your source, but in the description itself there is no need...
Adalingum
05-07-2013, 09:32
For clarity: if we take issue with something that you claim we may ask you for your source, but in the description itself there is no need...
Thanks for explaining Gaius Scribonius Curio, just found a pdf of 'Sparta And Lakonia, A Regional History 1300 - 362 BC'. So if you'll excuse me, gentlemen and gentlewomen, I've got research to do.:book2:
Have a good day,
Adalingum
Friendly Sword
05-07-2013, 14:35
Hi there!
I am another lurker who was looking for a fun way to pass time this summer and discovered that EB II is still under construction! Being an amateur historian with a smattering of knowledge about Berber history, I'd love to help as well.
I'd love to take a crack at writing something up for Gaetulia and perhaps Phazania as well.
Two questions though. First, to what extent should be we try to emulate the example that has been provided? Is it acceptable to structure each section differently than Brennus? For example, I'm not sure that focusing on archaeological evidence will be as fruitful for Gaetulia as it was for Combrogon. Additionally, given that the Gaetuli don't get written about much at all under rather late in the establishment of the Roman Empire, my history of the region may focus on later events slightly more.
Second, I am just curious about the selection of Aghlan as the settlement, given that it is even less certain there was anything of that name prior to the early middle ages. Additionally, apart from a small cave there is no evidence for earlier in-habitation. As I understand it, the Zenata/Mozabites didn't even migrate to the area from the northwest until the ninth century AD, and the name Aghlan comes from them. The name Dimmidi would seem a better candidate, given the high possibility of the Roman name coming from a Berber origin. Another alternative might also be Gemellae/Millae/M'Li/M'Lili (though it would be on the extreme eastern edge of the borders you've given Gaetulia in the mainmap).
I could be wrong (I have no access to any Latin or Arabic sources directly), but that's what it seems to me. This is an awesome project and I just want to help to make it right. :)
Adalingum
05-07-2013, 14:44
Sorry to post again.
Should the strategy part include only the advantages and/or assets of the region in general or also related to the faction they start assigned to? 'Cuz I was wondering about what would have happened if the Chremonidean War would have ended in a victory for the Chremonidean league: I suppose the Spartans would have either quit the league (with its primary target out of the way) or would have tried to begin dominating it á la Peloponnesian league... I suppose I should add ´beware the Spartan loyalty´ in the strategy part as a warning to the player :laugh4:, but only if it has to be so faction-specific.
Oh stop daydreaming Adalingum and get back to reading that PDF!
Greetings
Adalingum
Sorry to post again.
Should the strategy part include only the advantages and/or assets of the region in general or also related to the faction they start assigned to? 'Cuz I was wondering about what would have happened if the Chremonidean War would have ended in a victory for the Chremonidean league: I suppose the Spartans would have either quit the league (with its primary target out of the way) or would have tried to begin dominating it á la Peloponnesian league... I suppose I should add ´beware the Spartan loyalty´ in the strategy part as a warning to the player :laugh4:, but only if it has to be so faction-specific.
Oh stop daydreaming Adalingum and get back to reading that PDF!
Greetings
Adalingum
I'd keep the strategical information mostly in general, unless it is a rather important gameplay consideration for a specific faction.
Hi there!
I am another lurker who was looking for a fun way to pass time this summer and discovered that EB II is still under construction! Being an amateur historian with a smattering of knowledge about Berber history, I'd love to help as well.
I'd love to take a crack at writing something up for Gaetulia and perhaps Phazania as well.
Two questions though. First, to what extent should be we try to emulate the example that has been provided? Is it acceptable to structure each section differently than Brennus? For example, I'm not sure that focusing on archaeological evidence will be as fruitful for Gaetulia as it was for Combrogon. Additionally, given that the Gaetuli don't get written about much at all under rather late in the establishment of the Roman Empire, my history of the region may focus on later events slightly more.
Second, I am just curious about the selection of Aghlan as the settlement, given that it is even less certain there was anything of that name prior to the early middle ages. Additionally, apart from a small cave there is no evidence for earlier in-habitation. As I understand it, the Zenata/Mozabites didn't even migrate to the area from the northwest until the ninth century AD, and the name Aghlan comes from them. The name Dimmidi would seem a better candidate, given the high possibility of the Roman name coming from a Berber origin. Another alternative might also be Gemellae/Millae/M'Li/M'Lili (though it would be on the extreme eastern edge of the borders you've given Gaetulia in the mainmap).
I could be wrong (I have no access to any Latin or Arabic sources directly), but that's what it seems to me. This is an awesome project and I just want to help to make it right. :)
Great we could always use help with Western Africa, as our historians of that specific region are mostly inactive. If you feel after writing the description that you want to contribute more than with just description reading let us know. Also much of the texts of classical historians can be found online for free, if you want to use them.
I can't answer your question on Aghlan though, sorry.
Friendly Sword
05-07-2013, 18:30
OK, I've done a bit of research and come up with a rough draft for Gaetulia. Any thoughts?
Traveller's Log:
A desolate but spectacular vista awaits the hardy traveller who chooses to head south and cross the mighty Atlas Mountains to the land of Gaetulia. As they crest the rocky height, a land of striking limestone plateaus and windy grasslands opens before them, with hints of the enormous desert that lies beyond glinting in the distance. If the traveller wanders east, they would come across a land of rock and salt, with glittering lakes. To the very south lies the mightiest desert the world has ever known, its vast dunes rising to the height of mountain-tops. Along the hilly hinterland that drifts to the southwest lie valleys home to pastures from which spring thousands of beautiful equine specimens. Riding atop these horses are the rough and capable people of this land, who must wisely migrate and manage their resources to stay alive in these steppes they call home. Proud of their freedom and mobility, these people known as the Gaetuli will fiercely defend the land they call home, even as they eagerly peer beyond its wild boundaries.
Geography
Gaetulia is a vast territory that extends across the southern slopes of the Atlas Mountains and into the steppes and desert that lie in the northwest corner of the Sahara. Gaetulia roughly occupies the central third of modern Algeria and includes slices of southeastern Morrocco and southwestern Tunisia. The northern reaches encompass the hills and valleys of the southern Atlas slopes while rock and sand deserts with scarce vegetation and scattered oases lie to the south and east. In the far east of the territory, many salt lakes punctuate the landscape, though they are smaller in size than some of the fabled lakes that extend even further east. Seasonal rivers criss-cross the landscape, most originating in the Saharan Atlas and coming to life only during the winter.
The vegetation of Gaetulia, where it exists at all, predominately consists of grasses such Aristida pungens and Panicum turgidum and browse shrubs such as several acacias. The grazing decreases rapidly in quality the farther one gets from the Atlas foothills, with Saharan dunes dominating the southernmost portion of Gaetulia. The oases and wadi valleys provide an exception to that rule however, with rather luxurious vegetation shielding them from the desert. In addition, many oases are now home to bountiful date palms, providing both a source of trade and luxury.
The climate of Gaetulia is typical of desert regions. With the seasons split between hot summers and mild winters the daily climate of the region is marked by very high temperature differences between day and night. Precipitation is low and has been slowly decreasing for centuries, but the area is nonetheless subject to occasional flash floods and rainy winters in the northern steppe. Sandstorms are relatively rare phenomenon in the south and only typically occur between March and June.
The livestock of Gaetulia is rather limited with goats, cattle, and sheep existing in small numbers in the northern steppes. Horses however exist in great quantities, and the Gaetuli have a well-deserved reputation for breeding some of the finest quality horses in the North African subregion. Camels exist in small quantities, brought by the occasional Gamantine trader all the way from Arabia, but have yet to be utilized in any meaningful ways by the Gaetuli tribes.
The wildlife of Gaetulia consists of many grazing animals including gazelles, antelopes, and the occasional deer in the northern hills. The predators that exist here are typically small mammals such as hyenas, jackals and the fennec fox. Desert mice and lizards also flourish in the rocks and sands of the southwest.
The People, Society and Government
Gaetulia is named for the Gaetuli people, which rather than meaning a specific tribe is instead a term encompassing the confederation of Berber-speaking tribes that lived to the immediate southeast of the Atlas Mountains. Though there existed little in the way of a common political and cultural identity prior to the rise of the northern Numidian kingdoms in the late third century, the existence of pastoral families who had to regulate grazing areas and seasonal movements led to distinct groups that would form the basis of later Gaetuli identity. These groupings formed federative entities, or tribes, with groups of elders. Pliny reports that they were often led by a chief called Aguellid and multiple sources suggest they were united by a common language group called Libyan that they shared with other Numidians.
Physically the Gaetuli likely resembled the other Numidian groups, though many historical sources make note of the darkness of Gaetuli skin colouration. Ptolemy and Strabo both imply a common origin of the Nubians, Garamantines, and Gaetuli, indicating there is some cause to believe that Gaetuli were ethnically distinct from the northern contemporary and future Berber populations.
Though the Gaetuli were almost uniformly nomadic when they began to heavily interact with the Carthaginian and Roman conflicts, it is clear that limit cereal agriculture was practiced in many of the valleys and oases that dotted the landscape. In addition, many accounts suggest that seasonal harvests of dates occurred in the eastern oases. The vast majority of Gaetuli however were nomadic pastoralists, specializing in horse breeding and consisting on a diet of milk and flesh from the handful of domesticated animals that were able to subsist on the thin grassy steppes they called home.
No evidence for urbanization or any type of industry exists, and exports of resources from the area were small in nature prior to contact with Rome. Gaetulia did later become notable for purple dye that was famous in the time of Augustus, purportedly made from the purple shellfish Murex brandaris found in the coastal areas that existed in the western and eastern hinterlands of Gaetuli territory.
Like other Numidian groups, the Gaetuli religious beliefs centred around perceived sacred presence in elements or places. Stones, trees, mountains were all thought to have special essences. Some animals like the ram, the lion and the snake were also seen as sacred. Several personal divinities are made reference to in historical sources, such as the seven gods inscribed on a relief in Beja, southern Tunisia. Outside influences also exist. The worship of Amun and Athena intermittently occurred among the Gaetuli, though it was far more common in the coastal regions to their east.
The Gaetuli nomadism prevented the need for large settlements, but many semi-permanent pastured occupied the northern valleys, and permanent camps existed in oases. Fortified palisades were reported to exist in the north and eastern margins of the territory, likely to facilitate the protection of the date-producing oasis agriculture, the only fixed aspect of the Gaetuli economy. The first permanent habitation we have evidence of dates to the Roman occupation of the northern reaches of Gaetulia that accompanied the construction of the Tripolitanian Limes, but it is highly likely that the Roman forts were already places known to the native Gaetuli, perhaps as inhabited locations.
History
The history of the Gaetuli and the region to which they gave their name prior to contact with Mediterranean civilization is debatable and unclear, but many broad strokes are evidenced by oral and archaeological clues. The prehistory of Gaetulia begins with a small original population of Nilo-Saharan origin joined by a larger westward migratory group of Afro-Asiatic–speaking pastoralists from the Middle East who brought with them the beginnings of the Neolithic transition to dairying and basic agriculture. These pastoralists were essentially nomadic, living in camps which permitted them to make seasonal moves with their animals. The small numbers of farmers who lived in the desert oases were typically less numerous and subservient to their more mobile neighbors. This was especially the case after the adoption of the horse by pastoralist populations which aided more effective pastoralist techniques. These northwest African pastoralists, like their nomadic counterparts in other parts of the world, developed social organizations characterized by ancient patrilineages. These patrilineages slowly developed into over-arching units which we commonly refer to as tribes.
By the early third century BC, the tribes of Gaetulia had undergone varying degrees of coalescence and were described by later Hellenistic writers as forming large regional groups with little distinguishing characteristics. Pliny asserts that the Gaetuli were formed into three tribes, the Autotoles in the west, the Baniurae in the east, and the Nesimi in the southern desert. While his summary likely understates the political complexity of the region, it is clear that there were at least several dominant tribes that directed and guided Gaetuli movements and expansion. Ptolemy corroborates Pliny, and adds that the Darrae were subservient to some sort of Gaetuli confederacy.
Towards the fourth and third centuries, the neighbours of Gaetulia described them in a multiplicity of often contradictory ways. Virgil and some scattered Greek references suggest that the Gaetuli were more savage than their neighbours, but also more loyal. The Aeneid in particular remarks that the Gaetuli were unconquerable by war and implies that they had migrated northwest across the steppe.
It was the development of centralized Numidian kingdoms by the Massylii & Masaesyli that led to the first seeds of a common Gaetuli identity that pitted independent pastoralism against the more settled and entangled nature of their northern neighbours. In particular, the Gaetuli lacked any deep or institutional links with the burgeoning Punic settlements that dotted the North African coast. Gaetuli contact with Carthage was limited to indirect trade and the occasional mercenary force, and it was likely this lack of contact or shared lifestyle that prohibited lasting occupation of Gaetulia by the Roman Empire in the following century. Virgil’s Aenid involves a purported king Iarbas of Gaetulia as the rival to Aeneas for Queen Dido of Carthage’s affection, but any historical king was more likely to have been of the northern Numidian kingdoms than Gaetulia.
The first definitive entry of the Gaetuli into written history first appears in during the Jugurthine War towards the end of the second century BC. The historian Sallust claims that prior to this they did not even know the name of Rome and only a handful had existed as part of the Carthaginian mercenaries that had been previously deployed across the Mediterranean. They are said to have joined with Jugurtha in his rebellion against Rome but later appear to have joined in an alliance with Caesar against Juba I. In 25 BC, Augustus reportedly gifted the north of Gaetulia to Juba II together with Mauretania but the Gaetuli responded by rising with arms and massacring the Roman residents. It would not be until a severe defeat had been inflicted on them by Cornelius Lentulus that they submitted to the Numidian king.
After Mauritania became a Roman province in 40 AD, the Roman governors made frequent expeditions into the Gaetuli territory to the south, and the official view seems to be expressed by Pliny when he says that all Gaetulia as far as the Niger River and the Aethiopian frontier was reckoned as subject to the Empire. Though this claim is considered dubious by many historians, Roman inscriptions prove that Gaetuli served in the auxiliary troops of the empire, and it may be assumed that the country passed within the sphere of Roman influence to some degree, though any direct control was peripherally present at best.
The headache posed by Gaetuli to Roman authorities and their reputation for violent raids was a contributory cause for the construction of the Limes Tripolitanus, a frontier zone of defensive forts. Any sense of a common Gaetuli identity by either the tribes themselves or outsiders had dissipated by the end of the Roman governorship of North Africa and the Vandal invasion. Much evidence suggests however that of the Berber tribes encountered by the Muslim Arabs in the seventh century, several were direct descendants of the Gaetuli, including the Mussumili and the Zenata.
Strategy
With its settlement located far away from any other, and the small nomadic camps unlikely to yield much in the way of resources or benefits to a conquering power, Gaetulia is difficult and unpalatable to capture. Should one wish to securely hold the territories of Numidia to its north however, the wise general would be prudent to take care of a territory liable to be the source of many a pesky and dangerous raiding party. As long as Gaetulia remains free, no ruler of North Africa will remain untroubled.
Friendly Sword
05-07-2013, 22:40
Do you think the conjecture about the fate of the Gaetuli strays too far away from the time period? It felt nice to include it for a sense of finality, but I could also end the history section at either at close of the Gaetuli revolts or the construction of the Tripolitanian limes.
Brave Brave Sir Robin
05-07-2013, 23:09
Geez, you got all that together in only a few hours. Very nice! Great job Friendly Sword!
Friendly Sword
05-07-2013, 23:12
Post-exam unemployment will do that to you. ;)
So, I started writing the traveller's log but I think it might be getting too far and some feedback would be great. I will post what I have written so far below. I still have to add travelling info for Akarnania and the islands of the Ionian Sea (if the latter are included in the province of Aitolia, are they?). I have used a bit of a helleno-centric approach, I was having in mind a person from Athenai, Rhodos or some other place of similar culture who has been to Aitolia and is now summing up his experiences.
Province: Aitolia
Traveller’s Log:
Shall the traveller leave the fertile plain of Boiotia and continue towards the direction of the setting sun, that person should find oneself in the land of Aitolia. Aitolia is home to the Phokaeis, the Ozolioi Lokroi, the Aitoloi, the Akarnanes and the Dolopes. Any person travelling from Attike, Rhodos, Sikelia or some other place inhabited by proper Hellenes should be warned. Do not be fooled by the similarity of their language to that of the Spartiates or the Korinthioi. They are semi-barbarous people and although some of them live in small poleis, the majority is not accustomed to the civilised life of the polis preferring instead a life similar to that of the barbarous ethne of the north. It has to be stressed however that although the people of this land live a simple and unassuming life, they are fearsome warriors and hard as the land they inhabit. So, these people have recently shown great potential and perseverance. The inhabitants of Aitolia, together with the Malians of southern Thessalia, have formed the now mighty Aitolikon Koinon which rules this rugged land of high mountains, fabled caves and sacred springs.
The first region under the Aitolikon Koinon one shall encounter on his travels is that of Phokis. Here, on the slopes of Parnassos mountain the Python guarded the Navel of the Earth until Apollo slew him and established his most sacred precinct, that of Delphoi. It is doubtful that the visitor of this place knows nothing of the great Sanctuary, famous around the Kosmos for its Oracle. If this is the case however, it is advised that the traveller visit the Sanctuary himself to learn its history and pray to Apollo for the difficult journey awaiting ahead, deeper into Aitolia. Before departing from Phokis, the traveller should know of the Korykion cave. It is a place sacred to Apollo, among others which however are of lesser beauty and importance, located on the upland pastures of Parnassos, north of Delphoi. It is here that the nymphs Korykia, Kleodora and Melaina, the Muses as well as Pan are worshiped.
Leaving Delphoi and continuing west across the plain of Krissa, the traveller will reach the land of Ozolia Lokris also known as Esperia Lokris for the region of Phokis separates the land of the Lokroi in two parts. The eastern part belongs to the Opountioi Lokroi, facing the sea of Evrippos and the island of Euboia. The western part is the aforementioned land of the Ozolioi Lokroi and its people are members of the Aitolikon Koinon. At this point, the traveller should make a decision. He can cross the plain of Krissa in the southern direction and then board a ship from the port of Kirra so that he can reach Naupaktos, the the main port of the Ozolioi Lokroi, with speed and safety. However, the traveller might want follow the example of Herakles and prefer the most dangerous route instead. As the latter choice is not as straightforward as the first it will be described in some detail.
On the western edge of the plain of Krissa the traveller will have to ascend the mighty Aselenon mountain. At its feet the traveller can visit the main polis of the Ozolioi Lokroi which is called Amphissa. This is a good time for rest and resupply if possible. Beyond Amphissa lies the imposing Aselenon Oros. It is a place of high cliffs, deep canyons and upland pastures where herders graze their flocks during the summer. One should take great care if he decides to cross this range during the winter as frost and snow render the passage of this mountain extremely hazardous to anyone not accustomed to this kind of terrain. Continuing on a western or south-western course, the daring traveller would come upon the mountain range of Korax. It is of great height and similar to Aselenon. It is recommended that the traveller should prefer a south-western course that will lead him to Naupaktos rather than continue on a western course aiming straight for Thermon. If the latter is decided then great care is advised due to the hazardous terrain. Again, what applies for Aselenon should apply for Korax, especially during the winter.
Should the traveller reach Naupaktos, either by land or by sea, there are a few points of interest. Naupaktos lies very close to the border with Aitolia proper. In fact, one should consider the promontory of Antirrhion the westernmost point of Ozolia Lokris by the sea. From Antirrhion, if the traveller looks to the west would notice a rather steep mountain rising next to the water. This is called Taphiassus and according to some, the western part of Lokris took the name Ozolia from the smell of the springs located at the feet of this mountain.
After Ozolia Lokris, the traveller will enter the region of Aitolia proper, home of the Aitoloi who are the founders of the Aitolikon Koinon. Aitolia is divided in two parts. The first is Archaia Aitolia, the original home of the Aitoloi. The second is called Aitolia Epiktetos, which signifies that this part was acquired in a later time by the Aitoloi. Archaia Aitolia is bounded by Akarnania on the west with the boundary between the two regions running along the river Acheloos. The eastern boundary runs along the river Euenos. The river Euenos is rightly famous across Hellas for it is here that Herakles killed Nessos, the centaur who shamelessly tried to steal the heroe’s wife. To the north it is bounded by Thermon, one of the most important meeting places of the Aitolikon Koinon and a centre of Aitolia. It should be noted that Thermon is more of an administrative and religious centre rather than a polis similar to those of Athenai or Korinthos. However it has been recently fortified signifying its ever increasing importance. If the passer-by wishes so, he can stop to rest in this place for a while. Moreover, it would be prudent to offer a sacrifice to Apollo for the safe continuation of the journey. Aitolia Epiktetos consists of the rest of the mountains to the north as well as the coast between Euenos and Ozolia Locris.
Apart from Thermon, there is not much of significance to see in Aitolia proper. The Aitoloi are a rather backwards people and of dubious reputation but they are hardy and competent warriors as well. One should not forget, now or ever, that it was the fighting prowess of the Aitoloi that put an end to the destruction brought upon Hellas by the fearsome host of the Keltoi not so long ago. What the general Thukidides correctly remarked in his histories regarding the unassuming polis of Sparte compared to the fame of its citizens, the same holds truth for the Aitoloi. For the region they inhabit is mostly poor, mountainous and unproductive. Its people in their lives resemble the northern barbarians rather than the rest of the Hellenes. However, the Aitolikon Koinon which they formed is only second to the power of the Makedones, should they not faulter before the basileus of Epeiros.
To the north of Aitolia Epiktetos, if the traveller wishes to travel, there are the mountains inhabited by the Dolopes. They are members of the Aitolikon Koinon and their land is no different to the mountains of Aitolia or Ozolia Lokris. Thus, it is not advised to travel there unless there is a reason of utmost importance. The Dolopes themselves are mainly pastoral people and not great in number. Thus, their loyalties could shift in favour of the Thessaloi or Epeirotes in case the Koinon is found under great threat from those people.
[To be continued]
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-08-2013, 00:14
So, I started writing the traveller's log but I think it might be getting too far and some feedback would be great. I will post what I have written so far below. I still have to add travelling info for Akarnania and the islands of the Ionian Sea (if the latter are included in the province of Aitolia, are they?). I have used a bit of a helleno-centric approach, I was having in mind a person from Athenai, Rhodos or some other place of similar culture who has been to Aitolia and is now summing up his experiences.
In my opinion your tone is excellent, and the information you provide fits the brief well. A helleno-centric approach is perfect for a description of a Hellenic place.
As you yourself highlight, however, it is a bit lengthy. The idea of the traveller's log section is really to provide a brief overview in the style of an ancient author, to provide character, but more importantly, to introduce the geography and history sections. So while, as far as I am concerned, your start is wonderful, it does need to be cut back. See Brennus, Arjos and Friendly Sword's examples above for an idea of the correct length.
What I would suggest is retaining the first paragraph as is and try to reduce your descriptions of individual cities to a single paragraph - omit some, cut others to one or a few sentences - exactly how is up to you. This is not to say that you cannot discuss the individual cities in your historical section, but what you do need to bear in mind is that the introductory material is an overview of the region at large.
QuintusSertorius
05-08-2013, 17:17
Here's my first draft of Kyrenaia, comments welcome:
Province: Kyrenaia
Traveller’s Log
The traveller arrives from the sea, leaving Egypt and therefore Asia in the east, thus arriving in Libya (Africa) and making landfall in the heavily forested uplands of the eastern Libyan coast, at Apollonia. Nestled in this mountainous plateau in a fertile valley to the southwest of the port town is the principal settlement and seat of power, the Greek polis of Kyrene. It leads the five mighty Greek cities of the Pentapolis, which dominate the western side of Kyrenaia, and besides the capital include Taucheira, Euesperides, Balagrae and Barca. They are clustered in a region called Irasa. To the east is Marmarica, a much drier region of a sparsely populated villages where the desert reaches almost to the coast. Salt collection and sponge fishing are more important sources of income than agriculture here. This extends as far south as the oasis of Ammonium, a sanctuary to Ammon and home of a famed oracle.
Geography
Libya was the Greek term for the entire continent of Africa, consisting of all the landmass that was not Egypt (which itself was considered part of Asia). According to Herodotus, it was first circumnavigated by the Phoenicians at the behest of the Egyptian king Necos. Kyrenaia equates to the eastern half of the modern state of Libya, rising steeply from the Mediterranean sea in the north and falling gradually inland. The landmass is divided into two main blocks.
First is the Jebel Akhdar (called Irasa by the colonists), a plateau which extends along the coast from the Gulf of Sirte in the west to the Gulf of Timimi in the east, has no continuous coastal plain. Further eastwards along this strip, the land is almost entirely mountainous, and turns to desert. The Jebel Akhdar experiences a great deal of rainfall and has a climate comparable to other forested regions bordering the southern Mediterranean - hot, dry summers are moderated by mild, wet and rainy winters. An escarpment separates the coastal region from the interior plateau, which is level and covered with forest and shrub. Wheat and barley grow in abundance in patches of red soil on this plain and there is plenty of water issuing from highland springs.
The southward slopes of the plateau are a transitional region, the climate becoming hotter and drier as you approach the great desert to the south. To the south and east is the lower Jebel el-Akabah, two highlands separated by a depression. This eastern region is much drier than the Jebel Akhdar, the Sahara extending to the coast. South of the coastal highlands of Cyrenaica is a large east-west running depression, extending eastward from the Gulf of Sirte into Egypt.
The People, Society and Government
The native peoples of Africa were referred to by the Greeks as “Libyans”, after the tribes of the Libu, a Berber people who inhabited north Africa. The Berber tribes of Kyrenaia, running from east to west are recorded as the Adyrmachidae, in the eastern area bordering with Egypt; the Gilligammae in the bulk of Marmarica; the Asbystae and Auschisae share Irasa with the Greeks of the Pentapolis, along with the smaller tribe of the Cabalians. To the immediate south and west of the Pentapolis are the numerous Nasamonians, bordering on the southern desert and lands of the Garamantians (whom Herodotus claims were not warlike and avoided contact). Further west still along the coast are others, the Macae, the Gindae, the Lotophagi, the Machlyans and the Auseans.
While the Asbystae and Auschisae were largely settled and Hellenised, the other tribes were primarily nomadic hunter gatherers, living off their goats, camels and other livestock while hunting and gathering at the same time. Milk, meat, hides and wool were gathered from their livestock for food, tents and clothing. Ancient Egyptian sources describe Libyan men with long hair, braided and beaded, neatly parted from different sides and decorated with feathers attached to leather bands around the crown of the head while wearing thin robes of antelope hide, dyed and printed, crossing the shoulder and coming down until mid calf length to make a robe. Older men kept long braided beards. Women wore the same robes as men, plaited, decorated hair and both genders wore heavy jewelry. Weapons included, hatchets, spears and daggers. Herodotus says polygamy was common, oaths were sworn upon tombs of the revered dead, and divination was undertaken by dreaming while lying upon those same graves. Oaths were pledged between men by drinking out of each others’ hand. Sacrifices were made to the sun and moon, by breaking an animal’s neck, rather than cutting its throat.
Agriculture was a major source of income for the region, producing barley, wheat, olive oil, wine, figs, apples, wool, sheep, cattle, and silphium. The last was a herb with medicinal values, which has since been farmed to extinction. Cyrene became one of the greatest intellectual and artistic centers of the Greek world, famous for its medical school, learned academies, and architecture, which included some of the finest examples of the Hellenistic style. The Cyrenaics, a school of thinkers who expounded a doctrine of moral cheerfulness that defined happiness as the sum of human pleasures, were founded by Aristippus of Cyrene. Other notable natives of Cyrene were the poet Callimachus, the philosopher Hegesias and the mathematicians Theodorus and Eratosthenes.
Many Greeks settled in the Pentapolis. Each of the cities was ruled by its own king, with the basileus of Kyrene ruling over the whole. When their independence ended, they were ruled from Egypt, first by the Persians, then the Ptolemaic empire.
History
The founding of Kyrene is described in Herodotus’ Histories (part IV), when in 7th century BC, Greek immigrants from the island of Thera landed in the Gulf of Timimi. They stayed for several years in a place called Aziris, but their leader Aristoteles, on the advice of the god which inspired the original migration, moved the settlement westwards and founded Kyrene. He took the Libyan name Battos when he became king of Kyrenaia, founding the Battaid dynasty which ruled over Kyrenaia. Initially conflict with the native Libyans led to their sending an embassy to Egypt to request aid against the colonists, but the Egyptian army was defeated forcing conciliation.
Later dynastic strife led to the founding of the city of Barca by dissidents against the second Battaid ruler, and later a war between Kyrene and Barca. Eventually an arbitrator was sought from Hellas, one Demonax of Arcadia, who reduced the power of the king. The heir, Arcesilaus, and his mother tried to seize power and when their coup failed, they fled to Samos and Cyprus. In Samos Arcesilaus gathered an army to retake Kyrene, and the sending to the oracle at Delphi was told that his family would hold power only for eight generations. He was warned not to attempt to extend their reign beyond this time, nor to punish those currently in power. He ignored the oracle, persecuted his enemies; some escaped but others fled into exile. He moved his court to Barca, but was assassinated in the forum by exiles.
In the strife that followed, Kyrenaia was conquered by the Persians, who had recently taken Egypt in around 525BC. Alexander the Great received tribute from Kyrenaia in 332BC after his conquest of Egypt, with the region formally being annexed by Ptolemy shortly after securing his satrapy in 323BC. Kyrenaia briefly regained independence in 276BC under Ptolemy’s stepson, Magas of Kyrene. He attempted to seize all of Egypt, but was diverted by a Libyan rebellion at home. Eventually his daughter married Ptolemy III and Kyrenaia was reabsorbed into the Ptolemaic empire on his death in 250BC.
In 163BC, in order to settle a disputed partition of the Ptolemaic holdings, Kyrenaia was separated from the kingdom and given to Ptolemy VIII. He passed it on to his son, Ptolemy Apion, who died without heirs in 96BC and bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman Republic. The exact territory Rome inherited was somewhat confused, but by 78BC it was organised into a province with Krete (Creta et Cyrenaica) and administered from Gortyn on Krete. It became a senatorial province, like Africa, in 20BC.
Strategy
Kyrenaia is sandwiched in between two powerful empires, Karthadast to the west and Ptolemaic Egypt to the east. It commands both the trade routes across the Sahara and rival sea lanes into the Mediterranean, making it a valuable prize. At the start of the game the province is nominally independent, under the rule of Ptolemy’s stepson. This makes it an obvious candidate for either of the two empires to seize, and is often the battleground between them. A third possibility is for a Greek faction to launch a naval expedition to take Kyrene (especially from Krete or Sicily), but while profitable it would earn the emnity of two powerful factions. If you were to take this gamble, you’d have to be prepared to content with powerful pikemen, heavy infantry, heavy cavalry and elephants of both.
If that one is alright, I might provisionally look to do Krete next, though that's potentially massive given its long history.
I like it QuintusSertorius! Please also try your hand at Krete.
QuintusSertorius
05-09-2013, 22:10
I like it QuintusSertorius! Please also try your hand at Krete.
I've started, hitting a strange issue with a paucity of information about Classical and Hellenistic Krete. I think it seems to be assumed as just part and parcel of wider Hellas.
Ailfertes
05-10-2013, 09:31
There's a rather old book by R.F. Willetts called "Ancient Crete: a social history from early times until the Roman occupation" (1965).
"From Minoan Farmers to Roman Traders: Sidelights on the Economy of Ancient Crete" by Ángelos Chaniótis (1999) (http://books.google.be/books?id=wnI_lvO0198C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Overall, Chaniótis seems to be an expert on hellenistic Crete atm. If you know German you could check out "Das antike Kreta" by him (2004).
Alternatively try Cavanagh, W. & Curtis, M. (eds.), "Post-Minoan Crete", 1998.
Also, if you have access to JSTOR, you might try an article I found in a quick search by P. de Souza: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40960151.
BTW this is going very fast, good work all of you. I wish I had more time to write one myself...
BTW about the province 'Creta et Cyrenaica', there are indications that they were not organised as a single province (as contrary to Pontus et Bithynia or Cilicia et Cyprus) until quite late. See G. Perl, “Die römischen Provinzbeamten in Cyrenae und Creta zur Zeit der Republik”, Klio 52 (1970), 319-154 & 53 (1971), 369-379.
Attike is progressing fairly well but I am having trouble keeping it to a certain size. I was thinking about posting it as WIP get pointers and see where it goes from there. What do you guys think?
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-11-2013, 11:51
Sure, we are happy to provide some direction/feedback where needed...
QuintusSertorius
05-11-2013, 13:53
There's a rather old book by R.F. Willetts called "Ancient Crete: a social history from early times until the Roman occupation" (1965).
"From Minoan Farmers to Roman Traders: Sidelights on the Economy of Ancient Crete" by Ángelos Chaniótis (1999) (http://books.google.be/books?id=wnI_lvO0198C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Overall, Chaniótis seems to be an expert on hellenistic Crete atm. If you know German you could check out "Das antike Kreta" by him (2004).
Alternatively try Cavanagh, W. & Curtis, M. (eds.), "Post-Minoan Crete", 1998.
Also, if you have access to JSTOR, you might try an article I found in a quick search by P. de Souza: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40960151.
BTW this is going very fast, good work all of you. I wish I had more time to write one myself...
BTW about the province 'Creta et Cyrenaica', there are indications that they were not organised as a single province (as contrary to Pontus et Bithynia or Cilicia et Cyprus) until quite late. See G. Perl, “Die römischen Provinzbeamten in Cyrenae und Creta zur Zeit der Republik”, Klio 52 (1970), 319-154 & 53 (1971), 369-379.
Thanks for those, I'll register on Jstor (no free access otherwise) and have a read. Can't get any of the others in my library's network.
I'll try to finish Krete when I'm at work next week, as I did Kyrenaia.
Considering a third once that's done, has the Bosporous been done? Or maybe Karia (perhaps I can only do provinces beginning with K!)?
I Am Herenow
05-11-2013, 15:08
Edit
Answering the points:
Neleus Who?
The Aristotelian disciple, who inherited the library and then bequeathed it.
Confusing location of bracketed clause: do you mean to say that Aristotle and Theophrastos were the scholarches in question?
Yup.
I do not understand what this last clause means.
Saying that Teuthrania was the centre of the homeric Mysian kingdom.
'Monophthalmos'?, You need to delete one of the two previous commas, depending on what you are trying to say: has it had a formidable defensive position since Monopht(h)almos, or has it been the seat of treasuries since then?
Argh, yes I missed the "h" twice. I meant it has been a treasury since then.
To whom?
Kyzikos.
Oddly phrased: do you mean that the Seleukids ordered that the poleis be garrisoned (by whomever), or that they themselves garrisoned the poleis?
It was garrisoned by Pergamon at its own expenses, technically Seleukid, in the name of Antiochos. The order might've been Nikator's and recognized after his death.
What does this mean?
Mount Ida, omitting "Mount" might've made it more confusing, is particular for not really being a mountain per se, but a wide geographical area. Massif could describe it better.
'The settlers' – presumably?
Don't really follow this. The camp set up by the teucrian settlers. I've used a saxon genitive, if there's the need for a capitalized "T" I don't know lol
Whom?
Darius I/the Persians. Speaking of Marathon, I thought it was clear it was during the Achaemenid period.
Presumably?
Xenophon records that particular incident. I'd feel it is known and not presumed.
What does this clause mean?
That the Mysoi think highly of themselves and would follow only who they respect and/or fear. Not because of legitimacy.
'Them with' – presumably?
Thank you, yes "with" :)
Random splitting it is :P
History
The late 9th century BCE Neo-Hittite reliefs at Kargamiš, could be the earliest record for Mysia. The regent Yariri boasts how his renown reached, among other places, the land of the "Musai". Thus modern historians have linked the Mysoi to the "Muški/Moschoi", who invaded the Hittite region of Wiluša (the north-western portion of Anatolia), three hundred years prior the relief. These tribes served as warbands/mercenaries as far as the Caucasus. Assyrian records mention five kings, so at this time, much like for several centuries to come, Mysia was composed by tribes, under their respective chiefs, forming coalitions or joining larger forces.
In the 8th century BCE Phrygian kingship developed and it held sway over the Mysoi. By the 7th century BCE, however Mysia was under Lydian supremacy and this condition continued until 546 BCE, when Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) conquered the region. He then left the famed Lydian treasury in the hands of Paktyes, who revolted and sought assistance at Kyme, where the Aioleis were growing weary of the Persian expansion. They went as far as seeking aid from Sparta, but nothing came of it and were defeated. Thus the people of Mysia recognized Persian suzerainty. Later in 497 BCE satrapal forces, largerly composed by Mysoi and Lydoi, were engaged against revolting Aioleis and Iones. In 480 BCE Khšayāršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I)'s invading army marched through Mysia, reaching Abydos where it crossed the Hellespontos over pontoon bridges.
During the Pentekontaetia (the period of fify years), the coasts of Mysia joined Athenai in the Koinon Delion (Delian League), which quickly became more of an Arche (empire). This led to animosity and in 411 BCE, Abydos and Lampsakos were easily inspired to side with Sparta by Derkylidas, the whole of Troas followed suit. Thus the vital grain supply from the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) was in deep peril. All Athenai could do, pressed on many fronts, was mounting punitive raids. Claiming slaves and portable booty from Lampsakos (which lacked strong walls at the time) and exorting a large ransom from Kyzikos, to spare it a similar fate. However these tactics weren't enough and Athenai assembled a fleet, defeating in 410 BCE a Peloponnesian force in the waters of Abydos. Pressing on, the allied Athenian army, under Thrasyboulos, won an hard-fought battle at the shores west of Kyzikos. This instability caused the Mysoi to assert their independence and started raiding indiscriminately Persian estates. Prompting Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II), to send his son Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger) against them. Allowing the latter in 401 BCE to hire mercenaries, Xenophon and Oi Myroi (the Ten Thousand) among them. Later the Archagetes Agesilaos of Sparta (Agesilaus II) in 395 BCE, invaded Mysia to compel the Mysoi to join his army. Ravaging as far as Mount Olympos, each side ambushed the other until a truce was reached, to recover the corpses of the fallen. However the Mysoi weren't impressed enough and Agesilaos took revenge against Mysian communities on his way back.
In 366 BCE Yervand of Hayasdan rose up against Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II) and was joined by an alliance of other communities. However he betrayed them right away, in exchange of Mysia. Building something of a private kingdom. Leaderless the rebellion failed, but in 356 BCE the new Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings), of the same name, ordered the disbandment of private armies, causing yet another rebellion. Yervand, by this time minting gold coins at Pergamon in his own image, allied himself with Athenai and was ready to make his bid for power. Yet this time, outmanouvered at his own game, was confronted by a coalition of Pârsa, Thebai and perhaps Makedonia. So he decided to yield, being allowed to keep his estates in Mysia, with the exception of Pergamon.
336 BCE saw the arrival of Macedonian forces under Parmenion, setting up at Abydos, they raided Persian assets and collected troops among Hellenes in the Mysian coasts. For the next couple of years, Memnon of Rhodos engaged the Makedones in a clever campaign of maneuver, catching isolated detachments, forcing Parmenion to fallback to Abydos. His strategy, however, wasn't followed any longer and in 334 BCE, Alexandros of Makedonia (Alexander III) secured Mysia at the River Grenikos. During the turmoil of the Diadochoi, in 322 BCE Krateros and 6.000 Macedonian veterans marched through Mysia, to cross over the Hellespontos. Athenai, being in open rebellion, had sent a fleet to secure her all-important grain supply. Once again near Abydos a battle was joined and Krateros was free to complete his trek. Later in 318 BCE ambitious Antigonos Monophthalmos of Phrygia seized the Propontis (Sea of Marmara) coast and gradually courted the Aioleis and poleis of the Hellespontos to ally with him. However with the battle of Ipsos (301 BCE), the Antigonid cause seemed helpless in Mikra Asia and Lysimachos of Thraikia happily obliged to fill that power vacuum, taking care of few staunch garrisons. He proved to be an effective ruler, securing Mysia by vigorous programs of city foundation or refoundation, military colonization and uniting Hellenic poleis in leagues, under governors of his choosing. One such figure was Philetairos, put in charge of Pergamon and its treasury of 9.000 silver talents. After the execution of Agathlokes (son and heir of Lysimachos), under false accusations in 283 BCE, a number of officers, including Philetairos, formed a conspiracy to defect in favour of Seleukos Nikator. It's possible that Philetairos offered to fund Seleukos' enterprises, drawing from the Pergamese treasury, in exchange of autonomy. The Asian Basileus, more interested in seizing Thraikia and Makedonia, accepted and thought he would deal with the ambitious eunuch on his way back. Fortunately for Philetairos, in 281 BCE Ptolemaios Keraunos assassinated Seleukos and Pergamon hastily recovered the latter's corpse. Properly cremated, it was sent to his heir Antiochos, who had finally reached Mikra Asia to deal with insurgents. This gesture convinced the Basileus of Philetairos' loyalty and allowed him to keep his autonomy.
From then on Philetairos initiated his policy of euergesia (benefaction). For example, he gifted 600 shields to Kyme, receiving city honours, subtly bestowed during seleukid festivals. It is clear that the communities of Mysia seeked protection against the Galatai raiders and it is in this context that Philetairos established military colonies. These would form new ethnicities of mixed origins like the Mysomakedones and Mysotymoleitai, recording Mysian and Macedonian veterans forming new communities at the borders of Mysia. These liberties and the recent re-dating of early Pergamene coinage (bearing Philetairos image and now thought to be struck during his reign), suggest the adoption by Antiochos I of Achaemenid practices, granting such rights to local dynasts.
In 263 BCE Eumenes I succeeded to power and faced a mercenary revolt (likely the military settlers), denoting some difficulties. These probably included a renewal of Galatian raids, which eventually forced Eumenes I to end them with a tribute. In the past it was thought, that Eumenes tried a breakaway from Seleukid authority, but this has come into question. First of all such a conflict stands solely on Phylarchos. An historical writer criticized by his contemporaries for falsifying and re-writing events to shock his audience. Plus during Eumenes I's reign, a Seleukid dating formula continued to be employed and Seleukid minting activity in Aiolis was increased. There's also an arbitration by Seleukos Kallinikos granting the Aeolian polis of Pitane to Eumenes I. All these activities following twenty years, after an alleged victorious engagement against Antiochos I, make the latter a distortion of events.
In 237 BCE Attalos I, the Pergamene successor, won a battle in the Kaikos valley against Antiochos Hierax and his allied Galatai. This prompted Attalos I to assume the diadem. Hierax was a pretender, who had just defeated Kallinikos and established his own kingdom. Thus Attalos' actions were legitimized, for he owed no allegiance to the pretender. Faced with inefficient Seleukid control in Mikra Asia, which could not preserve stability, Attalos I made the choice to assume full authority. In 225 BCE, Seleukos Keraunos launched a campaign against Attalos I, but this does not imply that the latter's loyalty towards the legitimate Seleukid line and his resistance against usurpers, was unappreciated. What worried the Basileus of Asia, was the Pergamene influence spreading as far as the Tauros. However he was assassinated by his own troops and his relative Achaios vowed to continue his mission. The latter enjoyed great success, shutting Attalos inside Pergamon's walls, and realized that the diadem of Asia was better than loyalty. Once again Attalos found himself treading on a fine line between legitimacy and overstepping his bounds. In 216 BCE an agreement with Antiochos III was reached, for a joint campaign against Achaios: Pergamon was finally recognized as independent, but with rights only over Mysia. Attalos now pursued a cordial coexistence with Seleukid interests, concentrating on Makedonia and dedicating statues to, the now self-styled Basileus Megas (Great King) Antiochos III and Zeuxis.
In 193 BCE, Attalos' successor, Eumenes II however realized that Pergamon could not expand without conflict with the Seleukidai. No matter how much independent he was, Seleukid superiority in Mikra Asia was apparent, where Antiochos Megas had even asserted dominance of the Troas. Eumenes II then refused to marry Antiochos Megas' daughter and furthered his relations with Roma, allies since Attalos' reign. In the ensuing war the Pergamese basileus organized the crossing of the Hellespontos for the Roman legiones. Withstanding a siege on Pergamon, Eumenes II was eventually victorious and his influence greatly extended. These larger borders of 187 BCE, brought the following conflicts away from Mysia, allowing Eumenes II to introduce a new monetary policy and embark on a lavish building programme, transforming Pergamon into one of the showpieces of the Hellenistic world. He extended the sanctuary of Athena Nikephoros, refounding the Nikephoria games, which reached panhellenic status. He also enlarged the Pergamon library, founded by his father Attalos I, to be second only to that of Alexandreia. Lastly he began the construction of the Great Altar, themed after the Gigantomachia, perhaps as a parallel to the Attalid struggle against the Galatai.
His brother Attalos II, regent for Eumenes II's son, had continued this envisaged relationship of equals between Pergamon and Roma, but it became clear it was turning into a one-way dependency on the SPQR's goodwill. Therefore Attalos II mainly focused on holding the kingdom together and engaged in political intrigue, for example setting up, in 157 BCE, Alexandros Balas as Basileus of Seleukid Syria.
In 138 BCE, after the death of his regent, Attalos III ascended to the throne. He seems to have had scholarly pursuits in botany and pharmacology, but was not much interested in governing. Still epigraphic evidence speaks of cultic benefactions and at least one military success. However his eccentricity forged, in posterity, an image of cruelty and misgovernment. But the records are vague and without foundation (the Roman Senatvs formally decreed all of Attalos III's acts valid), perhaps due to slander for a Basileus, who did not behave "kingly". In 133 BCE, dying childless, Attalos III bequeathed his possessions to "the Roman peole".
A certain Aristonikos, of unknown origins, saw his chance for power and declared himself a bastard brother, assuming the diadem as Eumenes III. He faced fierce opposition from the poleis; while rulers from Bithynia, Pontos, Kappadokia and Paphlagonia already aimed at carving up the Pergamese kingdom. Eumenes III lacked support, only Phokaia joined him spontaneously, and suffered setbacks, so he resorted to freeing slaves, advocating radical changes for the suppressed rural populace. Defeated and captured in 129 BCE, he was paraded publicly in Roma and the Senatvs, judging Asia too unstable, assumed responsibility, forcing a settlement among the powers of the region.
The Romani came to describe Pergamon's possessions as the "spoils of Asia", something all too clear from the overtaxation, which had left the people of Mysia seething over the collectors' arrogance and greed. So widespread was this sentiment, that in 89 BCE Mithradates VI of Pontos, having captured Manivs Aqvillivs, had him tied backwards on a donkey, paraded through towns until Pergamon and there poured molten gold down his throat. Still this wasn't enough, with the passing of winter, Mithradates VI now exploited this hatred for his gains, by sending letters to every poleis and governors instructing them to execute every single Romanvs living in Mikra Asia. By way of encouragement he offered a share in the property of the victims, freedom for every slave killing his Roman master and halving of debts. This unleashed a massacre of 80.000 people. At Adramyttion the killers drowned indiscriminately men, women and children. At Pergamon archers shot foreigners down, as these clung to the statues of the gods, seeking sanctuary in temples. Lastly, always per order of Mithradates VI, the corpses were thrown outside and left unburied.
With the fortunes of war swinging towards the Roman side in 85 BCE, many in Mysia and Mikra Asia began to ask themselves what Roma would do to the region that had committed such atrocities and their loyalty to the Pontic cause started to waver. Mithradates VI certainly did not help the situation, when he deceived the Galatian aristocracy to join their hostage families at a banquet in Pergamon, promising a conciliation and massacrated them, except for three nobles, who managed to escape. At this point poleis simply refused entrance to Pontic troops. Mithradates answered by granting citizenship for resident aliens, freeing slaves and cancellation of debts; effectively establishing stasis (civic strife) in every poleis. This prompted several high-ranking Pergamenes courtiers and officials to form conspiracies to overthrow the Pontic basileus. They were, however, betrayed and tortured, revealing their fellow plotters, causing Mithradates to collect more information throughout other major poleis, eventually purging 1.600 people. This climate offered Gaivs Flavivs Fimbria, a political enemy of Svlla, who was left to his own devices, too good an opportunity to take over the riches of Mysia and its royal court. Quickly disposing of half-trained levies at the River Rhyndakos, Fimbria reached Pergamon and was informed that Mithradates had fled to Pitane in Aiolis, attempting a naval escape. At the harbour Mithradates was just ultimating the preparations, when both Fimbria and Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs, Svlla's subordinate, arrived one by land and the latter by sea. Here the genius of the Pontic basileus saved his skin once more, by offering to submit to the "official" Roman army (Fimbria's) he was free to sail away unopposed, since the domestic support for ending the war against Mithradates would've doomed Svlla. Having made clear how Mithradates and Svlla needed eachother at this stage, they met at Ilion and, in a show of realpolitik, brought an end to the First Mithridatic War.
Fimbria and his men, as frustrated as it can be imagined they were, raced to the Troas, but found the meeting over and the populace, informed him, had entrusted itself to Svlla. The Roman general responded that the Troiani were already friends of the SPQR, so there was no reason to not let him enter. With the gates open, pillage and slaughter followed, what was not worth stealing was burned and "not a house, not a temple, not a statue was left standing". This forced, in 84 BCE, Svlla to cross once again, setting up a circumvallation. A desperate Fimbria, deserted by his men, took his own life. Woes for Mysia and Mikra Asia were not over, Svlla declared that Roma was owed 20.000 talents in reparations and back taxes; he also ordered his soldiers to be quartered by the locals, each family providing meals, an allowance and clothing to their "guests". If this was not enough, in 73 BCE Mithradates VI, who mustered another large army, descended into Mysia across the coast of the Propontis (Sea of Marmara). All major poleis either fell or opened their gates, except for Kyzikos. Besieging it turned out to be a logistical nightmare for Mithradates. Set backs, storms, dysentery, frozen winter cold and a Roman counter siege annihilated the Pontic army, as it tried to evacuate.
In 48 BCE Pvblivs Servilivs Vatia Isavricvs, as the governor of Asia, declared Pergamon a democracy, reducing the amount of tribute owed to Roma and shifted tax collection to local aristocrats. The economy of the Mysian poleis slowly started to recover after a century of merciless exploitation. While the Mysian tribes of the interior, although taking part in the conflicts, managed to preserve their communities. It's recorded, for example, that Gaivs Jvlivs Caesar Octavianvs (Octavian) in 31 BCE named Kleon of the Abrettenoi, for switching sides during the civil war against Marcvs Antonivs, the priesthood of Komana. This Kleon must've been a priest-chief figure, because Strabon states he also was priest of Zeus Abrettenos. With his enhanced authority, Kleon expanded and refounded his hometown into Juliopolis. Lastly in 29 BCE Pergamon established games and a cult in honour of Roma and Octavianvs, this was to evolve, in the next century, into the practice of Neokoroi (temple-wardens) and the cult of the living emperor.
Here's the complete regional description for Aitolia. I reduced some parts but generally due to the loads of historical info available for Hellenic regions, compared to other places, I think it serves its purpose well. Perhaps the descriptions of some events prior to the EB time-frame could be briefer but I will leave that on the team to decide.
Province: Aitolia
Traveller’s Log:
Shall the traveller leave the fertile plain of Boiotia and continue towards the direction of the setting sun, that person should find oneself in the land of Aitolia. Aitolia is home to the Phokaeis, the Ozolai Lokroi, the Aitoloi, the Akarnanes and the Dolopes. Any person travelling from Attike, Rhodos, Sikelia or some other place inhabited by proper Hellenes should be warned. Do not be fooled by the similarity of their language to that of the Spartiates or the Korinthioi. They are semi-barbarous people and although some of them live in small poleis, the majority is not accustomed to the civilised life of the polis preferring instead a life similar to that of the barbarous ethne of the north. It has to be stressed however that although the people of this land live a simple and unassuming life, they are fearsome warriors and hard as the land they inhabit. So, these people have recently shown great potential and perseverance. The inhabitants of Aitolia, together with the Malians of southern Thessalia, have formed the now mighty Aitolikon Koinon which rules this rugged land of high mountains, fabled caves and sacred springs.
The first region under the Aitolikon Koinon one shall encounter on his travels is that of Phokis. Here, on the slopes of Parnassos mountain the Python guarded the Navel of the Earth until Apollo slew him and established his most sacred precinct, that of Delphoi.
Leaving Delphoi and continuing west across the plain of Krissa, the traveller will reach the land of Ozolia Lokris also known as Esperia Lokris and its people are members of the Aitolikon Koinon. On the western edge of the plain of Krissa the traveller can visit the main polis of the Ozolai Lokroi which is called Amphissa. Beyond Amphissa lies the imposing Aselenon Oros. Continuing on a western or south-western course, the daring traveller would come upon the mountain range of Korax. It is of great height and similar to Aselenon. At this point, the traveller should reach Naupaktos, the main port of Ozolia Lokris.
After Ozolia Lokris, the traveller will enter the region of Aitolia proper, home of the Aitoloi who are the founders of the Aitolikon Koinon. Aitolia is divided in two parts. The first is Archaia Aitolia, the original home of the Aitoloi and is bounded by the coast to the south, Acheloos river to the west, Euenos river to the east and Thermon to the north. The second is called Aitolia Epiktetos, which signifies that this part was acquired in a later time by the Aitoloi and is exclusively mountainous. The main polis in Aitolia is Thermon. It is one of the most important meeting places of the Aitolikon Koinon and serves as an administrative and religious centre for Aitolia.
To the north of Aitolia Epiktetos, there are the mountains inhabited by the Dolopes. They are members of the Aitolikon Koinon and their land is no different to the mountains of Aitolia or Ozolia Lokris.
To the west of Archaia Aitolia, after crossing the river Acheloos the traveller will find himself in Akarnania. The Akarnanes are reluctant members of the Koinon their relationship with the Aitoloi is uneasy as they inhabit one of the most fertile areas of Aitolia which they have to share with the Aitoloi. The main polis of the Akarnanes is that of Stratos situated inland, on the plain of Acheloos.
Off the coast of Akarnania are several islands of note. The first is Leukas. Formerly a peninsula and part of Akarnania until the Korinthioi dug a canal on the isthmus thus separating Leukas from the coast. Some fifty stadia off Leukas one can find the islands of Kephallenia and Ithake. Kephallenia is a Tetrapolis and its land is mountainous. Ithake is much smaller but equally rugged. Further south, off the coast of Elis is Zakynthos. It is a wooded island with good soil. All these islands are rightly famous as in the past they belonged to the basileus of Ithake, the cunning Odysseus.
Geography:
The province of Aitolia roughly corresponds to the modern regional units of Phocis, Evrytania, Aetolia-Acarnania and most of the Ionian Islands.
Modern Phocis consists of Ozolia Lokris and a part of ancient Phokis. The region is dominated by Mount Parnassus to the east, Mount Giona [ancient Aselenon] in the centre and the south-eastern slopes of Mount Vardousia [ancient Korax] to the west. The mountains are composed of limestone and are full of deep canyons, high cliffs, caves and sinkholes. Little open ground exists and is in the form of uplands that are best suited for pasture. All three mountains are rich in underground water and forested while their highest reaches boast an alpine climate. The region has little to show in the form of plains. That of Krissa is bounded by Giona to the north, Parnassus to the east and the sea to the south. It has good soil and is well suited to agriculture. The second is the alluvial plain of Naupactos and is similar to that of Krissa. In antiquity one river of note is mentioned; Hylaithos [modern Mornos]. Hylainthos flows south into the Corinthian Gulf close to Naupaktos.
Ancient Akarnania and Aitolia proper form the modern regional unit of Aetolia-Acarnania. The north, north-east, south-east and west are dominated by mountains composed of limestone. These are covered by forests and ravines that render them almost inaccessible. Generally, they present an image similar to that of the mountains of Phocis. The most important are the Acarnanian Mountains to the west and Mount Panaitoliko to the north-east. The main river here is Acheloos flowing from north and into the sea to the south-west. The second river worthy of note is Euenos and flows to east of Acheloos in a roughly parallel course. The coast between Acheloos and Euenos consists of a fertile alluvial plain bounded to the north by a range of hills known in antiquity as Arakynthos. North of these hills the lakes Trichonis and Hyria can be found. Beyond these lakes the second plain of the region is located. Through it flows the river Acheloos. This plain is rich and fertile as well.
The land of the Dolopes is part of modern Evrytania. It is dominated by Mount Tymphrestos, a southern extension of the Pindus mountain range. It is heavily forested and full of ravines making it difficult to traverse. This is where the springs of Sperchios River are located.
Off the coast of Aetolia-Acarnania the majority of the Ionian Islands are clustered together. They are mountainous and forested with the exception of Zakynthos, which situated to the south, off the coast of the Peloponnese. It is an island similar to the others albeit with good soil suited to agriculture.
The People, Society and Government:
The people of Aitolia are mainly of Doric stock and speak the north-west variant of the Doric dialect. These are the Phokaeis, the Ozolai Lokroi, the Aitoloi, the Akarnanes and the Dolopes.
The majority of the Phokaeis proper live outside the boundaries of the province of Aitolia are of mixed Achaean and Aeolic stock and speak the Aeolic dialect. They inhabit small poleis situated along both sides of the Kephissos River on the plain located immediately north of Mount Parnassos. However, their most prised possession is Delphoi, found on the western extremity of their country. Contrary to the Phokaeis of the plain, the inhabitants of Delphoi speak the Doric language. The plain of Krissa is suited for growing corn, vines and olive trees. Moreover, the forests of Parnassos are an excellent source of game and provide good upland pastures.
Immediately west of the plain of Krissa is the land of the Ozolai Lokroi. Their land is mountainous and unproductive although the forests provide excellent game and the uplands are suited for pasture. Their armour and mode of fighting resembles that of the Akarnanes and Aitoloi. Their main polis is Amphissa and their main port is Naupaktos.
To the west of Ozolia Lokris is the land of Aitolia proper which is divided into Archaia Aitolia and Aitolia Epiktetos. The Aitolia Epiktetos is inhabited by several people, not all of them being Hellenes. The mountains north of Naupaktos, on the border with Lokris, are inhabited by the Apodotoi who are not Hellenes. The Ophioneis live north of the Apodotoi and are divided in two tribes. The Bomies, most of them living around the source of Euenos and the Kallies who are concentrated around their main town, called Kallion. To the north of the Ophioneis dwell the Evrytanes whose language is unintelligible to proper Hellenes. Moreover, it is said that they engage in a cult of Odysseus, having an oracle of the hero in their possession. Each of these people is subdivided in village tribes. The villages they dwell are unfortified and their inhabitants rely on raising livestock, hunting and raiding in order to survive. They are hardy people and masters in the use of the javelin. Northwest Aitolia is inhabited by the Agraioi and the Aperantoi. These people form a single tribe and were governed by a king prior to joining the Aitolikon Koinon. Their way of life resembles that of the people described earlier. The Dolopes live to the north of Aitolia, on the border with Thessaly and are not different to the people already described. Archaia Aitolia is inhabited by the Aitoloi proper whose main town is that of Thermon. It should be noted that Thermon is more of a religious and administrative centre rather than a proper polis like that of Athenai or Korinthos. It is also in this place that the treasures of the leaders of the Aitoloi are deposited. The Aitoloi live on the level part of the country as well as on the mountain slopes and hills. The plains produce excellent corn and are very well suited to horse breeding. In fact, the horses bred here are second only to those of Thessalia. The mountain slopes produce good wine and olive oil.
The Akarnanes live west of the river Acheloos. Although they inhabit a fertile land with rich soil, very few engage in agriculture. Instead they prefer to use the alluvial plain of Acheloos as pasture for their herds and flocks. Other sources of wealth for the Akarnanes are raiding, piracy and small scale iron mining. Most of them dwell in villages and their main polis is Stratos. They fight as light infantry and are expert slingers. The Akarnanes govern themselves through a confederation of villages and poleis that convened in Stratos. The confederation consisted of a council and the general assembly [ekklesia]. At the head of the league a Strategos [general] was elected, usually a person from the upper classes. The council had a Grammateus [secretary] which must have been a person of importance. There was also an Ierapolos [chief priest] of Apollo which was an office of importance as well. Either the name of the Strategos or Ierapolos was used for official dates in a manner similar to that of the First Archon in Athenai.
By the 3rd century most of these people were members of the Aitolikon Koinon, a confederation of tribal villages and poleis, founded by the Aitoloi sometime in the 4th century. Other members of the confederation included the Malians of southern Thessalia and later into the Hellenistic Age, city-states located elsewhere in Hellas. The Koinon was a federal organisation governed by a council. Participation in the council was proportional to the contribution of each community to the army of the Koinon. The structure of the council varied with the times. The elected chief executive was called Strategos [general]. Later a second office was added, that of Hipparchos. The Hipparchos was probably second in command and commander of the cavalry. The council also elected one Grammateus [secretary] initially that became two, one senior to the other, in later years. These offices changed in importance as time progressed and there is no clear picture of the hierarchy below the Strategos. The upper echelons of the government were formed by an elite oligarchy, the fundamental governing body, however, was the Ekklesia [assembly]. The Ekklesia convened twice per year. The main place was Thermon in September when the Thermike, a festival with games, took place. The other instance was in spring during the festival of Panaitolike. However, this convention was not fixed to one place, probably to accommodate for the expansion of the Koinon in places away from Aitolia proper. Voting rights were probably given to all freemen above the age of thirty. The Koinon conducted a common foreign policy, raised armies collectively and implemented economic standardisation by using a uniform system of weights and measures, a common currency as well as levying taxes from its members.
History:
The people of Aitolia, with the exception of the Phokaeis, enter the historical record in the time of the Peloponnesian Wars.
The Ozolai Lokroi appear to have promised help to the Athenian general Demosthenes but after his defeat they submitted to the Spartan general Eurylochos. In the 3rd century they are members of the Aitolikon Koinon.
The Akarnanes after having been deprived of their best ports by settlers from Korinthos desired to ally with Athenai. When Korinthioi settlers from Ambrakia expelled the Aphilochioi from their main polis of Argos Amphilochikon the Akarnanes supported the Amphilochioi in their cause for restoration and sought help from Athenai. The expedition led by Phormion managed to expel the Korinthioi and restore the polis to the Amphilochioi. Following this event, all the Akarnanes became staunch supporters of the Athenian cause apart from the poleis of Oiniadai and Astakos. In 391 BC the Akarnanes found themselves at war with the Achaioi as the latter had captured the polis of Kalydon in Aitolia. The hard-pressed Achaioi asked the Lakedaimonioi for help who sent a force under Agesilaos and laid waste to the country but with no lasting consequences. During the time of Alexandros the Aitoloi had managed to conquer most of Akarnania. As a result, the Akarnanes allied themselves with the Makedones until their submission to the Romans after the latter’s victory at Kynoskephalai. In 191 BC, Antiochos of Syria invaded Hellas and the Akarnanes were persuaded to join him by their countryman Mnasilochos. When Antiochos was defeated, Akarnania passed again under Roman control. It is not certain whether Akarnania was part of Achaea or Epeirus at the time Hellas became a Roman province. It is, however, mentioned later as part of Epeirus. Emperor Avgvstvs moved the inhabitants of many towns to the city of Nikopolis, founded after the battle of Aktion. Strabo describes the region, in his time, as exhausted and worn.
The Aitoloi did not get involved in the First Peloponnesian War until their country was attacked by the Athenaioi under Demosthenes in 455 BC. As a result of this hostile action they decided to support the Lakedaimonioi. Earlier that year the Athenaioi had settled the Messenioi in Naupaktos and the latter found themselves under constant harassing and raiding from the Aitoloi. Hence, they managed to persuade General Demosthenes to assist them in subduing the Evrytanes, Ophioneis and Apodotoi. Demosthenes set out from Naupaktos with a considerable force but did not manage to cover much ground before coming under attack from the entire force of the Aitoloi near the town of Aigition. The hoplites of the Athenaioi found themselves at a great disadvantage fighting light troops on broken terrain. Furthermore, Demosthenes had few light infantry of his own and could not counter the attacks of the Aitoloi. In the end, the expeditionary force was wholly defeated and routed. Shortly afterwards, the Aitoloi joined the Lakedaimonioi under Eurylochos on their attack against Naupaktos. Demosthenes managed to hold them off with difficulty greatly helped by the assistance provided by the Akarnanes. Thus ends the involvement of the Aitoloi in the Peloponnesian Wars apart from some serving as mercenaries under the Athenaioi in Sikelia. Until the rise of Makedon there is barely any record of the Aitoloi. During this period there must have been frequent hostilities between them and the Akarnanes.
After the death of Alexandros, in 323 BC, the Aitoloi participated in the Lamian War on the side of the Hellenes against the Makedones. The Hellenes were eventually defeated at Krannon in 322 BC. After making peace with Athenai, Antipatros and Krateros assembled a large army and invaded Aitolia. The Aitoloi instead of confronting the Makedones withdrew in the mountains until the Makedones were forced to retire in order to march against Perdikkas. In the following wars the contenders to the throne of Makedon actively sought an alliance with the Aitoloi due to the latter’s renowned bravery and ferocity in battle. In this manner begun the lasting influence of the Aitoloi in the politics of Hellas and beyond. Their reputation further increased during the invasion of the Keltoi in 279 BC. In the army assembled at Thermopylai the Aitoloi participated with the largest contingent and it was them that bore the brunt of the fighting against the invaders. Moreover, they were the ones to drive back the Galatai who invaded their homeland and sacked Kallion committing many atrocities. Furthermore, they were instrumental in defending the Oracle of Delphoi when attacked by the Galatai. To commemorate these achievements dedicated statues and trophies to the Sanctuary of Delphoi.
After the expulsion of the Galatai from Hellas the Aitoloi have come to be regarded as one of the three most powerful states in Hellas, the others being Makedonia and Achaia. The Aitoloi, similarly to the Achaioi, were a federal state. The Aitolikon Koinon was propably formed sometime in the 4th century, perhaps during the time of Phillipos, the father of Alexandros, as hinted by an inscription on the statue of Aitolos found in Thermon as well as from the cession of Naupaktos to the Aitoloi by Philippos. The Koinon, however, was probably formalised during the invasion of their homeland by Krateros and Antipatros as a measure of defending their lands against invaders. After defeating the Galatai, the Aitoloi returned to their casual habits which included raiding and probably piracy as well. As a result, their previous dubious reputation persisted despite their recently acquired glory.
By 220 BC the Aitolikon Koinon was at the height of its power exerting control over southern Thessalia and Epeiros, Boiotia, controlled Delphoi as well as the Amphictyonic Assemly. Furthermore, its alliances included the island of Kephallonia in the Ionian Sea, several poleis in the Peloponnesos as well as in Mikra Asia. In that year the Aitoloi invaded Messenia starting a war with the Achaioi that came to be known as the Social War. Philippos of Makedonia, having taken the side of the Achaioi, invaded Aitolia in 218 BC and in a lightning march took Thermon by surprise. The polis was sacked, deprived of all its riches and then set to fire. Philippos preserved the statues of the gods but burned the temples to retaliate for the sack of Dion and Dodone by the Aitoloi. The Social War concluded in 217 BC. In 211 BC the Aitoloi declared war on Makedonia again, this time with the support of the Romans with whom they had formed an alliance. The Romans however were too occupied with Hannibal in Italy and could not afford to assist the Aitoloi. Philippos marched again into Aitolia and reoccupied Thermon. Eventually, the demoralised Aitoloi concluded peace with Philippos in 205 BC. This treaty was followed by a peace treaty between Phillipos and the Romans. Hostilities between Philippos and the Romans resumed in 200 BC. The Aitoloi remained neutral until the success of General Galba led them to join the Roman side. They fought with the Romans against the Makedones in the battle of Kynoskephalai with a contingent of cavalry which proved instrumental in defeating Philippos.
The Romans settled their affairs in Hellas in a manner that left much to be desired by the Aitoloi. Hence, they invited Antiochos of Syria as soon as Flaminivs departed Hellas. This led to a war between the basileus Antiochos and the Romans which ended by the defeat of the former in Thermopylai in 191 BC. The Aitoloi managed to obtain a truce with the Romans but resumed the hostilities as soon as they learned of the successes of Antiochos in Mikra Asia. Consul Marcvs Fvlvivs Nobilior crossed over to Aitolia and laid siege to Ambrakia, one of the strongest poleis of the Koinon. Antiochos was eventually defeated by the Romans in the battle of Magnesia and the Aitoloi pleaded for peace. This time, peace was only obtained at the price of their independence and were reduced to vassals of Rome. After the Romans subdued Makedonia in 167 BC, the Roman party of the Aitoloi with the assistance of Roman soldiers assaulted and massacred around 550 members of the opposition while others were sent to Italy as prisoners. After this event the Koinon was formally dissolved. In the following years Aitolia was included in the province of Achaea although it not known for sure when that happened. As in Akarnania, several poleis were deserted and their inhabitants were moved by Emperor Avgvstvs to Nikopolis. Strabo describes Aitolia after the Roman conquest as a desolate country similar to the state of Akarnania. In later years Roman presence remained minimal and was constricted to the coast were the only road was found. The inhabitants of the interior continued their lives in a manner similar to that of the past centuries.
Strategy:
Aitolia’s mountainous terrain render it inaccessible by land for the most part leaving only small corridors suited to the free movement of armies. These access points are the Gulf of Ambrakia to the north, the Delphoi Pass to the east and Antirrhion on the coast which controls the passage to the Peloponnese. As a result it is an easily defensible province, suited to ambushes and can serve as a base from which attacks can be staged to neighbouring enemies. Despite its military advantages, however, it is poor and one cannot expect much economic benefits.
I've started on Thessaly.
Greetings gentlemen, I have just finished the Traveler's log and have begun the Geography, I wanted to know what you guys think. Is it good enough?
Province: Thessalia
Traveller's Log:
The traveler departs Athenai, heading north to Thessalia which was once called Aeolus. The north, west, and south are lands of high mountains and wooded valleys, where the breath of Zeus-Olympios chills the air in winter, and from where the river Pienios is fed. Mountain shepherds, and poor villages of free Penestae are all that inhabit these desolate places. It is in the northern Pendos mountains where the traveler may gaze upon a magnificent sight; the mountain of Olympos, home of the twelve, rising from the plains into the sky. Away from the mountains, in the heart of Thessalia, are the gentle plains of Trikala and Larissa, broken only along the breadth of the Pienios. Here the skill of the horsemen exceeds that of all except the Makedons. Here also came the famed centaurs and their descendants, the beautiful stallions that graze here still. The earth is blessed by Demeter to be the most fertile in Hellas, large herds graze here, and grain common as grass. Many small poelis are scattered across the plains, each one ruled by a local genos. Blessed among these is Larissa; founded by Acrisius who was slain by his grandson Perseus, also the renowned birthplace of the glorious hero Achilleus. In the east, the plains fall away into the realm of Posiedon; the waters of the Aegean. The coast is sheer and ragged until the arm of the the Pelion stretches out to shelter the waters, and provide safe passage for trade ships and fishermen. The chief poelis of this region are Demetrias, Pagasae, and Iolcos, all thriving ports. Dominant in Thessalia are the old Aeolians, of whom most genos descend, who took Thessalia in times long past, and who made the Penestae who had lived there as the helots in Laconia.
Greetings gentlemen, I have just finished the Traveler's log and have begun the Geography, I wanted to know what you guys think. Is it good enough?
good enough for me. :)
Attike. Not too long I hope.
Province Attike
Traveler’s Log
Arriving at Piraeus by ship is probably the best choice for the traveler visiting Attike. To the west lies Eleysis where the famous “mystiria” took place and mount Aegaleon from whose top the Persian King of old, Xerxes, witnessed the destruction of his fleet in the straits of Salamis; to the east the coastal area of Faliron and the rivers’ delta. The traveler has only to follow the rivers upstream to reach the center of Athens and the Acropolis. Here the traveler can walk in the footsteps of Socrates, Plato and so many others. Aeschylus, Euripides and Sophocles mastered drama and touched the very core of human soul, as did Aristophanes from another angle. Echoes of Pericles’ voice might still charm the traveler and it was not so long ago since Demosthenes roused the “Demos” against a now deified Megas Alexandros. This is where democracy was cradled, philosophy born, and Hellenic spirit turned into a beacon to be taken to the edge of India.
Geography
Attike is a peninsula at the end of mainland Greece to the south. It borders Boeotia to the northwest and its coast face Euboea to the East and the Peloponnesus to the south. The province is dominated in the center by mountains: Parnes, Pentelikon and Aegaleon. They form a basin in which the city of Athens is situated. Three main rivers ran through Athens: Cephissus, Ilissos and Eridanos and two smaller ones: Skiros kai Kyklovoros. Asopos and Erasinos are outside Athens in Attike. Technically not belonging to Attike, the islands of Salamis and Aegina are part of it for almost all intents and purposes.
The People, Society and Government
The people of Attike pride themselves on being autochthonous. Ionian and even Pelasgian descent was claimed. During classical times criteria for citizenship were not as strict as before so the population became less homogenous as it often comes to pass in any cosmopolitan city.
The Athenians were excellent seafarers and merchants and their skill was put to good use both for the accumulation of wealth and war. Extensive trade also entails cultural exchange and variety, which in turn makes a fertile base for artistic and intellectual development. Hence, the Athenians exhibited active political acumen, which led to democracy, and a wonderfully restless spirit that ushered in a new era for science, philosophy and the fine arts; literally, the birth of western civilization.
Athens displays an interesting progression in types of government through the centuries. Kings ruled until after the turn of the first millennium BC. When the last King, Codrus died, his sons became hereditary archons, with less power than Kings. In 753 BC the hereditary right was abolished and three archons shared power with different duties: the archon eponymous that later served as a dating system of reference, the polemarchos in charge of armed forces, and the archon basileus mostly with ceremonial authority. The archons were essentially the chosen leaders of the landed aristocracy. They maintained social balance up to a point, but ultimately had to concede power to a wider base. The aristocracy fought back, often using excessive force, and tyrants ruled the city. These were often driven from power or even killed and the “tyranoktonoi” (tyrannicides) earned lasting fame in ancient Athens. After 508 BC, the reforms of Cleisthenes saw the introduction and flourishing of democracy in the immediate, participant form.
King Cecrops is considered to have divided Athenians into four “phyles”, or tribes and taught them marriage, writing and ceremonial burial. Though the latter claims can perhaps be disproved historically, it hints on the importance of such institutions for Athenian life. They were later divided in ten tribes by Cleisthenes. A careful reader will notice that the line of rulers and elected leaders is filled with descendants of old aristocrats most belonging to the Alcmaeonidae, a tribe whose name can be roughly translated as “those who hold power”. Democracy… an elusive concept.
History
Attike’s history is defined by that of its capital city, Athens. History and myth often intertwine in cases of cities like Athens. Aktaios, whose name means “of the coast”, was the mythical king of Akte which refers to the coastal areas of Attike. It is possible that a loose cultural and perhaps political connection existed in Neolithic times and provided the foundation for the myth of Aktaios. According to the myth Aktaios had three daughters one of which was married to the Cecrops the founder and first king of Athens. Its Acropolis was initially named Cekropia after him. He is credited with providing the city with its first institutions. Aktaios and Cecrops were both considered “earth-born”. The line of Athenian kings continues and featuring prominently we find Erechtheus, another “earth-born” king in whose time Poseidon and Athena contested for patronage of the city. The result was a city re-founded under a glorious name that would command the respect of the likes of Megas Alexandros and Emperor Hadrian, even when conquered and subdued. Back to the line of kings, Theseus, whose exploits make him perhaps the most famous mythical king, has a story of very important historical implications for Athens both external and domestic. His labors (“athloi”), too extensive to thoroughly mention here, represent the efforts made to rid Athens of Minoan control (the slaying of the Minotaur, the bull of king Minos) and consolidate Attica under Athenian control, probably not in that order.
Theseus’ son, Menestheus fought according to Homer in the Trojan War. Modern theory on the Trojan War suggests that it was in fact a series of confrontations between the rising Mycenaean power and Hittite client kingdoms like Wilusa (Ilion – Troy), the land of river Seka and the land of the Luka (Lykia), which lasted as long as two hundred years, in sharp contrast to Homer’s ten. Putting the pieces together, it seems plausible that the city of Athens first consolidated its power in Attike, then participated in the Mycenaean invasion that brought down Minoan Crete. Perhaps there was even a Mycenaean palace on or around the Acropolis at some point in the distant past. There certainly was a section of Cyclopean walls present until much later. Like all important power centers of that time, Athens contributed ships and manpower to the eastern conflicts whether against Wilusa, the land of Luka or Cyprus. And then the world changed.
Following the collapse of the Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean, due to invasion, famine, plague, volcanic eruption, seismic activity or any combination thereof, Athens no longer has a king - Codrus was the last one - but a hereditary ruler that in later times was chosen or elected. Boasting the fact that its people were indigenous, contrary to Dorian adversaries like the Lakedaemonians who “invaded” at some point after the collapse, the example of Athens suggests continuity between the Mycenaean and the “Dark Age” of the eighty century BC in mainland Greece. An evolution in mode of government and social function came about in order to match the conditions of the new world order. Next to Euboean archeological evidence, Attic pottery and other finds suggest that Athens managed to retain some sort of cohesion for Attike as a whole and to revitalize distant trade routes as a source of income. Perhaps wealth was the element that brought about political change that granted access to power for an increasing portion of the Athenian citizenry, culminating in the establishment of Democracy.
The rulers (archons) brought Athens to a state of social imbalance that Dracon tried to remedy with a line of extremely harsh laws (one of them stipulated that the punishment for sloth was death). Dracon was only successful in passing into history for his “draconteia metra” an expression still used today in Greece for strict security measures. Solon followed soon after and brought an end to the city’s woes with his “Seisachtheia”, the abolishment of mounting debt. Solon was considered a very wise man and he is thought to have paved the way for democracy. However, his reforms initially faced resistance and their results were not immediately recognized.
It was later, in 508 BC, that the tyrant Hippias fell and Cleisthenes came to power in Athens, even after being initially exiled by the opposing faction, and changed the political landscape. The four “tribes” became ten and the familial division became a geographical one. The sense of belonging was transferred from the wider family to the “demos” or municipality. Members of parliament came from all social strata and were sworn “to advise in accordance with the law and the interest of the people”. A broader power base was formed and democracy was born. With it came ostracism, a measure aimed at threats to democracy, but eventually targeted anyone with more-than-normal power in the Athenian political scene. Most of the prominent figures glorified during the Persian Wars and following conflicts were eventually ostracized.
Democracy was well established in Athens, when in 490 BC, the Persian fleet anchored near Marathon. Miltiades led the Athenian and Plataean phalanxes in a charge to avoid the Persian arrow volleys, rout the flanks and encircle the Persian center. A massacre ensued after the rout. The Persian army whose elite force, the heavy cavalry, did not take part in the battle, re-embarked and made for the coast of Phaliron at southern Attike. The Hellenic army force-marched from Marathon to the site and the Persian fleet retired at the very sight of last night’s victors. King Darius was said to have charged one of his servant to remind him daily of the Athenians. As if his defeat was not a sufficiently strong reminder. Up until that time the Persian army had suffered few reversals and fewer still were outright defeats. For example, the Scyths of the western Euxinus were not defeated, but neither had they won; and the strategic goal of securing Darius’ flank for a march toward Greece was achieved.
Miltiades had little luck in the following year and failure in his endeavors led to his death while in prison.
Ten years later, in 480 BC the mighty Xerxes crossed into Europe. Receiving a first taste at Thermopylae at the hands of elite Spartans, he then marched his army into Attike. There he devastated the countryside and then laid siege to Athens' walls that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat. Pythia the Delphian oracle had prophesized that these walls would save the city. The Persians made short work of both the walls and the inhabitants and delivered the city to fire. The powerful Xerxes must have thought his work in Hellas to be nearing an end.
Themistocles however proposed that the wooden walls were the mighty Athenian fleet. The Battle of Salamis, which he almost singlehandedly made inevitable, proved him right. In his attempt to persuade, he is said to have been slapped by the Spartan commander Euribiades, only to reply “Strike (me) but listen”. Xerxes had to watch powerless from his throne up on mount Aegaleon as his fleet was drawn into a trap and relentlessly destroyed. Gone were his hopes for a swift end to the war and the invasion of the Peloponnesus. Accepting the inevitable, his army, unsupported by a fleet, retired under Mardonius his son in law and Xerxes himself crossed the Aegean. At this point Athenian ascension to regional prominence begins.
Themistocles was initially ostracized and exiled to Argos, then accused of treason against the common Greek cause. He fled to the court of the Persian king where he died a satrap of Magnesia.
In the following years (480 BC to 460BC) Athens dominated most of coastal Hellas and the islands, as well as the invaluable trade routes to the northern Euxinus, which secured the grain supply. Such was the confidence of Athenian power that conflict was moved to lands under Persian rule and even the Nile Delta in Egypt, where after initial success, disaster followed. These are the years of Athenian Hegemony (the first League) and Cimon, Miltiades’ son. A less celebrated figure but as capable and important as his father or even Themistocles.
Cimon was also ostracized. He was later recalled to Athens and died in combat on Cyprus in 451 BC.
Athenian supremacy was not unrivaled and during its peak (460 BC to 430 BC) the Spartans and their allies, mainly Peloponnesians, formed a counterweight. They were able to hold their own, but had to watch Pericles turn the Delian League into an Athenian empire and dress the Acropolis and the whole city in splendor and glory. They were perhaps somewhat relieved when Pericles managed to ostracized Cimon but in his person found an adversary as formidable as his predecessor and politically keener. Pericles was able to consolidate power and further broaden the political and military base of the state (much as the Romans repeatedly did). There is some controversy regarding this policy, even in our time, but it should come as no surprise; there are solid arguments on both sides. Although elected, Pericles' time in power has been called the arche of one man, but also “The Golden Age of Pericles”. He sponsored the arts and literature, fortified the city and expanded its sphere of influence. He led the Athenians during the first two years of the Peloponnesian War.
Pericles died in 429 BC of the epidemic, that followed the siege of Athens by the Spartans, as did both his sons before him. His case is an exception when compared to the demise of other capable Athenian leaders, both before and after him.
The Peloponnesian War (431 BC to 404 BC) went through three phases. The first phase (431 BC to 421 BC) ended with the Peace of Nicias and was strategically a draw, but might be considered a marginal Athenian victory on a different level. Operations in Sfakteria led to the first ever surrender of Spartan hoplites, thus compromising their perceived invincibility.
The second phase (415 BC to 413 BC) was the phase of the Sicilian expedition proposed by Alcibiades, a particularly gifted individual whose charisma and ability rival Alexander’s. After internal turmoil in Athens, while the fleet was en route to Sicily, the campaign ended up being led by the militarily conservative Nicias of the previous Peace and ended in disaster. Alcibiades escaped the trap and defected to Sparta, where it is said he become more Spartan than the inhabitants.
The third phase (411 BC to 404 BC) saw the return of Alcibiades who turned the tide in favor of the Athenians in the first five years. However, the Athenians disfavored yet another brilliant leader and he exiled himself first to Thrace, where he tried to avert the disaster at Aegospotamoi, then to Phrygia.
Alcibiades met his end in Phrygia under obscure circumstances.
Athens was never to restore its supremacy, but joined coalitions that allowed it to balance out Spartan and Theban power as their power rose and waned. A similar attempt to hold Macedonian power was permanently laid to rest at the Battle of Chaeronea, by Alexander’s first famous charge. Both Philip and Alexander held their hand when it came to Athens. Both could perhaps have taken a harsher stance than they did. Alexander could certainly have leveled the city much as he did Thebes. But then a friendly powerful navy is priceless to a man planning to invade Asia.
In the following centuries Athens was a wealthy and culturally preeminent city but unable or unwilling to affect the balance of power against Macedon that garrisoned the city fiercely at times or later Roman occupation after the Battle of Corinth in 146 BC. The Roman Emperor Hadrian loved the city and sponsored it generously.
Strategy
Attike is the eastern gate to the Peloponnesus from the North and to Euboea. It is an important base from which to control the Aegean and project power across to Asia Minor. The silver mines at Lavrion are an important source of income, which in the past helped propel Athens towards regional supremacy.
Lovely work sir ^^
Just have these observations:
"Following the collapse of the Bronze Age"
"due [...] divine intervention" which perspective do we favor here? :)
"[...]an end to the city’s woes with his [...]"
"his “Seisachtheia”, the abolishment "
"came ostracism, a measure aimed at threats "
"[...]laid siege to the “wooden walls” that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat" Athen's walls, right? :)
“Strike (me) but listen”.
"Egypt, where after"
"[...](460 BC to 430 BC) the Spartans and their allies,[...]"
"There are critics and counter-arguments, but there always are." This sentece is not clear. At first glance is not clear to what those critics and counter-arguments refer and how should the reader interpret the adversative sentence, which seems to loosen the seriousness of the text. Second, it contradicts the afirmative sentence to which it seems to be related.
"[...]followed the siege of Athens after it[...]" Which, by who?
"individual (//and a personal favorite[...]" quite obvious :)
"[...]Both Philip and Alexander held their hand when it came to Athens.[...]" Philip is not properly introduced. What does this sentence means?
And here's Lydia. I tried to be careful with the syntax, but let's not get our hopes up too high XD
As usual the "History" section is pretty long, I'll leave to the team to decide what to cut...
Put me down as working on Ionia now I guess :)
Province: Lydia
Traveller's Log
Stepping off his ship, the traveller is welcomed to Smyrna. Once rased by the Lydoi, it was rebuilt by Antigonos Monophthalmos and Lysimachos. This polis is now, some say, the most beautiful of all: paved streets arrayed in straight lines, porticoes with lower and upper stories, a library and the Homereion. The latter is a shrine dedicated to the poet, for the citizens of Smyrna lay claim to Homeros and indeed called their bronze currency after him. This port has always been object of contention, because it stands at the end of trade routes to the Far East. Therefore the Seleukid basileis have detached military garrisons to the Smyrnean Akropolis. To the North lays the thundering Mount Sipylos, rugged by its violent convulsions of the earth. At the foot of this mountain stands Magnesia, a town garrisoned by the Arche Seleukeia. It secures important metal deposits and overlooks the upper Hermos Valley, also known as the Katakekaumene (the burnt country). This because the rocky country is black, as though from conflagration and without trees, except the vine of quality inferior to none. Further to the East lays Mount Tmolos, marking the Lydian border, its waters used to be a great source of gold dust. But Lydia still enjoys much wealth, due to marble quarries, harnessed by Sardis. This most ancient city stands in a fertile plain and has always been a royal or Satrapal residence. In its vicinity stands Lake Gygaia and the Lydian Nekropolis, with its tumuli once towered by giant phalluses. To the South-East, past the Maiandros River, there are hot springs and a Ploutonion (sanctuary to the god of the Underworld). Here the air is full of a dense and misty vapour, harmful to living beings. For through the openings lays the Realm of the dead. Beyond stands Mount Messogis, which marks the end of Lydia.
Geography
Lydia is made up of three valleys, each having its proper river and separated by mountainous ridges. That of the Gediz River (ancient Hermos) is the most extensive, rich and populous. It encompasses the northern portion of Lydia, stretching from Mount Sipylos to Mount Tmolos. A great number of large tumuli is scattered over the plain of Sardis, dating to the Early Iron Age. In the vicinity there is also Lake Marmara (ancient Gygaia), which Herodotos names after the founder of the Kingdom of Lydia. In the middle there is the Kaystros Basin, very contracted it eventually opens to Ephesos. In fact here ran the ancient road to Sardis. The last valley is that of the Büyük Menderes River (ancient Maiandros). Second only to the fertility of the "burnt country", but possessing woodlands, it became the productive centre for the region. Gaivs Plinivs Secvndvs (Pliny the Elder) reports peculiar islands, named Calaminae, which were driven about by the wind or could be pushed by poles. Lydia possesses a Mediterranean climate, with mild winters, but rainfall is quite heavy and leads to serious spring flooding. Lake Gygaia, according to Strabon, was dug to contain such floods and might have been used as a reservoir. Wells and channels for water were definitely part of the landscape. Lydian aristocracy developed royal hunting-grounds, both in enclosed and open spaces, that allowed a blending of customs with the advent of Persian suzerainty. Mount Bozdağ (ancient Tmolos) was roamed by leopards, hyenas, boars, deers and wild goats. The mountain's Sart River (ancient Paktolos), according to Theophrastos, was the only place where touchstone could be found. This basanite, known as Lydian stone, helped measure the purity of precious metals. Lydia was also home to majestic plane trees, so large and beautiful that Khšayaršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I) adorned one with golden bracelets and chains. The origins of Lydia are a much debated subject. It has been connected to Maionia, the Greek rendering of an unknown toponym or ethnonym. When the Mermnad dynasty rose to power in the 7th century BCE, the name Lydia was adopted. What was its meaning it is not known. However this event could represent the resurgence of a social stratum, reflected in the reconstruction (by the Lydian sound law y > d) *lūda- < *luwida- < *luwiya-. Luwiya was a broad ethno-geographical designation, attested in Hittite laws, for western Anatolia. Overall Lydia was one of the richest regions, allowing high standards of living, but quite an unstable land. Archaeology has revealed, for example, that Smyrna suffered numerous earthquakes. During the 3rd century BCE several seisms were recorded in the vicinity of Mikra Asia. Gaivs Plinivs Secvndvs speaks even of 57 such shocks, solely in 217 BCE. While in 17 CE what was called "the greatest earthquake which has occurred in our memory" destroyed twelve cities, most of them in Lydia.
The People, Society and Government
The Lydoi (Lydians) have always been associated to prosperity. It is clear that they were a very industrious and creative people. They are thought to have established inns for travellers and coining money. The Lydoi developed such an advanced society, in the Early Iron Age, to heavily influence the Hellenes. Semonides speaks of Lydian unguents made from hazelwort. Psappho remarks how Lydian headbands look splendid on women. Hipponax particularly appreciated a Lydian perfume "as used by Kroisos (Croesus)". Lydian banquests were musically awestrucking and Asiatic Hellenes hastily copied their instruments. However these feasts were also characterized by copious debauchery and so the idea of oriental decadence took hold of Greek imagination. Lydoi were also highly valued manufacturers, especially of dyed textiles, and master traders. Herodotos mentions a certain Pythios, who owned important mines in Lydia, said to be "the richest man besides the king [of Persia]". While Kambūĵiya of Pârsa (Cambyses II) summoned workers especially from Lydia, denoting specialized craftsmen. Lydian influence extended over religion aswell: Pausanias went as far as saying that "Hellas probably did [learn religion] from Lydia. Artemis, Dionysos and Kybele are just some examples of adopted deities. The latter, called Kuvava by the Lydoi, was considered the Mother of the Gods and the Lydian ruler was her lover. Their sexual communion, for the Lydoi, assured the well-being of humanity. It is in this context of sacred sexuality, that Lydian women earned their dowry, with what Herodotos perceived as prostitution and thus were free to choose their husbands. The Lydoi also identified themselves by their matronymic, another indication for the social revelance of women. Persian reliefs show men from Lydia with sidelocks, cloaks draped over long dresses and boots. The Lydoi were also famed for their might and prowess. Their armoured chariots were often compared for their splendour and their cavalry, which used lances instead of javelins, was highly thought of. In overall their equipment was described as very similar to Greek arms. Well into the Hellenistic period, Lydian polities were using their own laws and institutions. All they were required to do was to supply manpower and resources to Satrapal authority. However contacts with different cultures shaped a new "Greaco-Persian" synthesis, where local traditions and imported ones existed side by side. This polyethnic society combined aspects into an independent context, which thrived regardless of original influence and in fact did not change or revert with Alexandros of Makedonia (Alexander III)'s arrival. Hellenistic culture would simply offer yet another inspiration for Lydian pluralism.
The Smyrnaioi (Smyrnaeans) belonged culturally to the Early Bronze Age sphere of communities that founded cities on the Aegean Coast of Asia Minor, as far north as Ilion. They suffered incursions by Indo-Europeans towards the late 3rd millennium BCE. This brought the adoption of scribal traditions, influenced by Luwian communities. Polities and trade developed as a result, but new migrations around 1200 BCE disrupted this network. The general chaos allowed Aioleis, two centuries later, to assume control of the locals and the coast. Thus Archaic Smyrna came to be, extracting agricultural surplus from inland communities. But the end of the 9th century BCE saw the arrival of a second wave of Greek invaders: the Iones. Their colonies formed links and, near Ephesos, established the Panionion, a sanctuary to Poseidon and centre of a political league. It could be said that the Smyrnaioi helped conceptualize the idea of polis. By the 7th century BCE Smyrna enjoyed a unique prosperity among Greek cities: a large temple to Athena, private terracotta baths, exportation of local products in an international trade from the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) to Kypros. Conflicts inevitably arose with the interior, Alyattes of Lydia destroyed Smyrna's walls and expelled its population to the countryside. These villagers endured and eventually a small port was re-established, under Persian suzerainty. Finally in the Hellenistic period city-state life and institutions were brought back. The Smyrnaioi stood proud of their past, participating in intense rivalry at sacred games for the top rank as "the first polis of Asia".
History
In the late 3rd millennium BCE north-western Anatolia endured much upheaval and it is possible that among the Indo-European speakers, who caused it, were the Lydoi's ancestors. These groups eventually settled the whole of western Anatolia, from the Hellespont to the Mediterranean Sea, forming regional powers in loose contact with eachother. From an Hittite point of view, this area was referred to as Luwiya, because at the Hittite border lived Luwian speakers. In the late 17th century BCE as direct activity by the rulers of Hattuša went as far as the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean Sea), they started referring to the area as Arzawiya. The latter was a confederation of tribes, which put under pressure recognized an high king figure reigning in Apaša (Ephesos), around the 15th century BCE. This was a reaction to Hittite influence, setting up vassals. One of these was Madduwatta, expelled from Lukka (Lykia), became the ruler of the Hermos Valley. Madduwatta then used Hittite troops to become King of Arzawa and his homeland connections to gain tributaries. When instructed by Tudhaliya I, his putative Hittite overlord, to quell a revolt Madduwatta instead used the occasion to expand further. This caused open warfare between Arzawa and Hattuša. Madduwatta enjoyed successes and raided along southern Anatolia, even in Kypros with Mycenaean or Minoan assistance. In the early 14th century BCE so great and surprising was this Arzawan ascendancy, that Pharaoh Amāna-Hātpa (Amenhotep III) asked to marry the daughter of the new King Tarhundaradu. Much to the latter's disbelief, who went as far as asking a written confirmation of such request. The rest of the century, however, saw a reversal and Hittite suzerainty once again in place. The kingdom of Arzawa ceased to exist, the new Hittite policy called for its splitting into smaller polities. One of these was called by Homeros Maionia, probably representing Madduwatta's dynasty, which previously lost Arzawa leadership and sided with Hittite resurgeance.
The 13th century BCE was characterized by few anti-Hittite revolts and, at its end, the migration of the Muški. Some of their leaders now held sway over the land between the Hermos and Maiandros Rivers. By the late 9th century BCE the kings were clearly Mysian and loosely affiliated with Phrygia. Around 695 BCE Kimmerioi (Cimmerians) raiders destroyed Phrygian central authority and it would seem the Mysoi (Mysians) were not capable of mounting a proper resistance. Around 685 BCE revolution started in Sardis, led by a general called Gyges. Who enjoyed Mysian and Karian ties, deposed Myrsilos and established a new kingdom: Lydia. What is clear is that for the first time ethnic Lydoi came to power, for their language was used at court. Gyges was very successful and expanded his power as far as the Hellespontos. Probably siding with Assyrian forces, Gyges managed to push back the Kimmerioi. Now secure of his position, the Lydian king promoted himself as the Phrygian successor: expanding Sardis into a royal capital, with bricks and tiles modelled after Gordion's. Gyges also adopted the Phrygian burial tumuli and sent lavish gifts to Delphoi, ensuring the benevolence of the gods. This because he now set his eyes on the coastal Hellenic poleis. During the 650s BCE Gyges even helped Psamtik of Aigyptos (Psammetichus I) to break off Assyrian suzerainty. This left him alone to deal with the nomad raiders and around 644 BCE he died in battle. His son Ardyes resisted in Sardis' Akropolis, which the Kimmerioi could not take and left. Lydia quickly recovered and resumed campaigns against the Iones. By the end of the 7th century BCE, the new Lydian king Alyattes had allied himself with Skuda (Scythian) tribes and expelled for good the Kimmerioi. This eastward expansion caused friction with the Mādai (Medes) and eventually borders were agreed at the Halys River in 585 BCE. Lydian hegemony in western Mikra Asia was assured, exacting tribute from Hellenic poleis and making alliances with the islands of the Aigaion. Only Lykia and Kilikia resisted Kroisos around 560 BCE. In 549 BCE Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) had overthrown the Mādai, alarming Kroisos of Lydia, who formed a coalition with Sparta, Babylonia and Aigyptos against the Persian growing power. This pre-emptive attack proved to be disastrous: Lydian cavalry, the strongest contingent, could not prevail (scared off by dromedaries) and Kūruš of Pârsa unexpectedly descended in the middle of winter on Sardis. Thus in 546 BCE with its capital sacked, Lydian independence ended.
Marching away on another campaign, the Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) ordered the Lydian Paktyes to collect tribute and send it to him. However this official used the resources to rally troops and besiege Sardis, which had become the seat of a Persian governor. Hastily generals were sent back to deal with this revolt and after four years, spent dealing with every community or polis, Mikra Asia was pacified. The lesson was learnt and high offices were now entrusted solely to Persian men. But the Lydian administrative model was left in place for the new governorship, named after the Persian rendering of its capital Sparda (Sardis). If anything Lydia was enriched even more by the flow of people from other lands, producing a cosmopolitan society. By 522 BCE the governor of Sardis had consolidated Lydia as his possession so much, that he started to act independently. With dynastic turbulence in the Persian capital, this governor decided to expand his power at the expenses of other Persian dependencies. However Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius I)'s coup had already succeeded and the governor of Sardis was eliminated. Afterwards the Persian Empire was consolidated formalizing the position of Khšaçapāvan (Satrap). Works started to connect and rebuild ways, eventually becoming the famous Royal Road. Lydian craftsmen were employed at this time even near Persepolis. In 508 BCE Athenai, which had just introduced an isonomic (equality before the law) constitution, sent envoys to Sparda. Artafarnâ, the Khšaçapāvan, demanded earth and water in exchange for his cooperation. The Athenian envoys obliged, oblivious to the meaning of these symbolic gifts and the Athenian assembly disavowed their actions. But three years later Artafarnâ ordered Athenai to reinstate the Tyrannos Hippias, who had been expelled by the Athenaioi in 510 BCE. This was obviously rejected, but relations between Athenai and Pârsa deteriorated deeply. Thus in 499 BCE the Ionian Revolt caused some instability in Lydia, with Athenian assistance, but was eventually suppressed. Sardis must have become an adequate fortification by 490 BCE, as it allowed safe mustering and dwelling for troops and imperial entourage through the winter months. In the decades following Khšayaršā's invasion of Hellas, Sparda actively engaged in diplomatic and political pressure over the Asiatic poleis that allied with Athenai. However these ties allowed satraps to rely on Hellenic mercenaries, during their regional power struggles to expand their administrative dominions. In 420 BCE Sparda's Khšaçapāvan rebelled, but was betrayed by his mercenary commander and in 415 BCE Čiçafarnah (Tissaphernes) took over both satrapy and generalship of Mikra Asia. An alliance with Agis of Sparta was reached to help re-establish Persian suzerainty over Asiatic Hellenes, in exchange of subsidies and assistance against Athenai. However Čiçafarnah, who for the first time struck silver coins in his own image, tried to detriment as much as possible the Peloponnesians and Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II) replaced him. A more resolute conduct was to be followed by Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger) in 407 BCE. But the ascension of his hated brother, convinced him to take over the Persian throne and assembled all his forces at Sardis. Čiçafarnah lost no time and raced to inform the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām, with the revolt over he was rewarded all his former possessions. Reinstated he set to put into shape his satrapy, whoever refused to pay tribute had his territory ravaged and polis besieged. This time Sparta was appealed to fight against the Khšaçapāvan in 399 BCE. However the Spartan commander Derkylidas preferred to ally himself with Čiçafarnah against the Khšaçapāvan of Phrygia. Two years later he was rebuked by Spartan authorities and marched towards the Maiandros River to fight the reconciled satraps. Both sides did not like what they saw in the open field, superior cavalry for the Persian army and superior infantry for the Greek force. So they simply decided to make a truce on the spot, declaring the Asiatic Hellenes free from Persian and Spartan rule alike. Furious the Spartan Archagetes Agesilaos (Agesilaus II) resolved to embark for Mikra Asia himself. In 395 BCE, after levying a capable mounted contingent at Ephesos, Agesilaos marched straight for Sardis. With the Persian scouts taken care of, an ambush was set and Čiçafarnah's army was soundly beaten. The Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām, who already considered this as essentially the Khšaçapāvan's personal war, sent a substitute. The Queen Mother Parušyātiš also made sure that Čiçafarnah was assassinated, for causing the downfall of her beloved Kūruš. Agesilaos was eventually forced to fall back to Lakonike, for unable to defeat him on the field the satraps resolved in stirring up rebellion. In 386 BCE peace was finally agreed recognizing Persian suzerainty in mainland Anatolia. In 368 BCE the new Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, Vātafradāta (Autophradates) was tasked to put down a rebellion in Kappadokia. Outmanouvered Vātafradāta arranged a truce to preserve his forces, alarmed by widespread revolts in Mikra Asia. Throughout the 360s BCE alone with Mausolos of Karia, faced a larger opposition cutting them off other loyalists. So isolated in 362 BCE they were compelled to side with the rebels. Only two years later Vātafradāta and Mausolos managed to put down the revolts, thanks to disunity and betrayals.
In 334 BCE the new Khšaçapāvan of Sparda was killed at the Grenikos River, his officer Mihran (Mithrenes) was left as commander of the garrison. This man was Yervand of Hayasdan's grandson and soon as Alexandros of Makedonia reached Sardis, opened the gates without a struggle. Thus he was named Satrapes of Armenia and his dynasty would rule that land in the following centuries. As for the Lydoi, they were given the right to follow their traditional customs and permitted to be free. This really was just a confirmation of the status quo and later grateful Lydian reinforcements joined Alexandros at the newly founded Alexandreia Ariana. Antigonos Monophthalmos, highly undermanned, in 332 BCE repelled remnants of Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius III)'s army, who were trying to retake the Aigaion seaboard. Such actions helped Antigonos establish friendly relations with influential locals. In 323 BCE Perdikkas, as guardian of the Argead basileis, ordered the Satrapai of Mikra Asia to support the conquest of Kappadokia. However the guardian had shown desire to gain full royal power and put Kleopatra (Alexandros Megas' sister), whom he was courting, in charge of the administration of Lydia. Thus alienating other Satrapai, causing Monophthalmos to flee in 321 BCE and form a league of rebels. Soon as Antigonos returned western Mikra Asia defected en masse to him, causing Eumenes of Kardia (loyalist Satrapes of Kappadokia and Paphlagonia) to flee from Sardis. However Perdikkas' subsequent defeat was not enough: Monophthalmos, despite having been nominated Strategos of Asia, set off to dispossess former allies of their land in Mikra Asia. At Sardis Antigonos, unable to convince Kleopatra to marry him, decided to put Alexandros Megas' sister in honourable captivity. Eventually he would order her assassination and stage her grandiose funeral. In 306 BCE Antigonos was acclaimed Basileus and he then strove to keep his direct involvement in his cities' affairs to a minimum. This in ancient times was perceived as good government and Monophthalmos even distributed corn from his own royal lands in Lydia. Following the battle of Ipsos (301 BCE) Lysimachos of Thraikia fought against Antigonid remnants in Mikra Asia, to secure his new domain. What he found was a well established and prosperous territory, granting him a substantial annual income. His son Agathokles in 287 BCE successfully protected Lydia from Demetrios Poliorketes of Makedonia (Demetrius I)'s attacks. But intrigues at Lysimachos' court and the subsequent assassination of Agathokles, unleashed political chaos in Mikra Asia. This attracted Seleukos Nikator in 282 BCE to invade and defeat Lysimachos the following year at the plain of Kyros, west of Sardis. The latter's commander of the garrison resolved to open the gates, handing over all the treasures stored in the Lydian capital.
Around 275 BCE Antiochos I, probably near the Hermos River, won a battle against the raiding Galatai. Thus he was honoured as Soter (saviour) by Hellenistic polities. However raids did not end and Achaios, youngest son of Seleukos I Nikator, who owned estates in Lydia, had to ransom captives in 267 BCE. His daughter Laodike would marry the Basileus second son Antiochos (later Antiochos II Theos) and his son Alexandros was named Satrapes of Lydia in 261 BCE, likely with viceregal status. It is around this time that Makedones and other ethnicities were increasingly settled as Katoikai (military settlers) in Lydia. Among the new foundations was Laodikeia, expanding the town in the vicinity of the Ploutonion near the Maiandors River. Achaios' was certainly an influencial family in the Arche Seleukeia. In 246 BCE Antiochos Theos died and Laodike, to safeguard her children's interests, had Berenike (daughter of Ptolemaios II Philadephos) and her son by Antiochos Theos (from a repudiated political marriage) murdered. However Berenike's brother Ptolemaios III had already been asked to help support his nephew's claim and invaded Syria. So in 245 BCE Basileus Seleukos II Pogon nominated his brother Antiochos Hierax as Strategos of Mikra Asia, for he had to take care of the Ptolemaic armies. However, following setbacks in the campaign, Laodike instigated Hierax to revolt and proclaim himself Basileus. She then sought her brother Alexandros' protection at Sardis and recognition of such claims. Thanks to her family soon most of Mikra Asia supported Hierax, but in 237 BCE he was defeated by Attalos I of Pergamon. Whose mother was Laodike's sister and in 223 BCE faced another Achaios (Hierax's cousin), who remained loyal to Seleukos II. Achaios was extremely successful at first, rallying his family troops from Lydia and Mikra Asia, expelling the Pergamese. So much so that two years later he proclaimed himself Basileus at Sardis, which had become a full fledged Hellenistic polis by this time. But his soldiers refused to march into Syria, they were only concerned about their possessions in Mikra Asia and so Achaios could not coordinate his efforts against the new Seleukid Basileus Antiochos III with Ptolemaic forces. This allowed Antiochos to concentrate on other fronts and in 216 BCE finally besieged Achaios at Sardis. However the Akropolis could not be stormed and after two years of blockade thanks only to Kretan treachery, Achaios was captured, his nose, ears and hands cut off and then crucified. In the aftermath Zeuxis, a macedonian general of unquestionable loyalty, was nominated Satrapes of Lydia and Strategos of Mikra Asia. Straight away fiscal exemptions were granted Lydian poleis and administration was centralized in Zeuxis' hands, effectively removing any strong institution or network at a regional level. As another measure Ioudaioi veterans were settled at strategic locations throughout Lydia, ensuring the presence of soldiers loyal to the Basileus Megas. In 197 BCE Sardis was to serve as the headquarters for the campaign against Ptolemaic territories in Anatolia, which were systematically conquered.
Ultimately Pergamon benefited from this consolidation, because in 190 BCE near Magnesia by Mount Sipylos Antiochos was defeated. Two years later the Arche Seleukeia formally lost possession of Mikra Asia west of the Tauros Mountains. Eumenes II of Pergamon took over from where Zeuxis had left off, but introduced a new policy: he transferred the burden of extracting surplus to allied communities of military settlers. This effectively expanded their dependent territories, for the inland had been neglected due to logistics. Now the Hellenistic urban polities exacted much more tribute in kind, which was converted into coins and transferred to the Pergamese treasuries. In 166 BCE Eumenes went even further with this fiscal decentralization, by transferring stretches of royal land to towns affected by Galatian raids. Thus Pergamon instead of enriching single families, strengthened the loyalty of its poleis and soldiers. Attalos II followed his brother policies and brought the urbanization of the Lydian interior to its maximum, founding Philadelpheia. Unfortunately subsequent earthquakes nearly deserted it. Already with the Attalidai and later with the Romani, Lydia ceased being the political centre for Mikra Asia. But the inhabitants were involved in Mithradates VI of Pontos' Wars. Smyrna particularly enjoyed growth during the Roman period, thanks to its harbour. In 23 CE the Smyrnaioi built a temple in honour of Tiberivs and his mother.
Strategy
Lydia has riches to support substantial forces, but its geography does not offer full protection. Still its position in the middle of western Anatolia, makes it the perfect centre to control the neighbouring regions.
Lovely work sir ^^
Thank you.
Just have these observations:
Sure. The whole thing was posted for editing.The EB team can change what they feel needs changing.
"Following the collapse of the Bronze Age"
of course
"due [...] divine intervention" which perspective do we favor here? :)
This topic is a thread in its own right. Personally I favor a combination thereof and geographically diverse at that. Divine intervention is not included. Plague and inter-Mycenaean conflict in Greece (I consider the Dorian invasion to be an overstatement, they merely came down from the mountains in my opinion), drought induced famine in the Hittite kingdom (proper) whose downfall created a power vacuum, Sea Peoples in southern Anatolia, Cyprus, the Neo Hittite kingom in Cargemish, the Levant and the Palestine (not 100% on who they were or what areas they devastated) an earthquake or volcano here and there.... yes, that should do it. Or maybe it's all one big divine intervention...not sure which god.
"[...]an end to the city’s woes with his [...]"
right
"his “Seisachtheia”, the abolishment "
right
"came ostracism, a measure aimed at threats "
right
"[...]laid siege to the “wooden walls” that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat" Athen's walls, right? :)
right; and I don't need the quotes there do I?
“Strike (me) but listen”.
right
"Egypt, where after"
right
"[...](460 BC to 430 BC) the Spartans and their allies,[...]"
right
"There are critics and counter-arguments, but there always are." This sentece is not clear. At first glance is not clear to what those critics and counter-arguments refer and how should the reader interpret the adversative sentence, which seems to loosen the seriousness of the text. Second, it contradicts the afirmative sentence to which it seems to be related.
There were critics against the enlargement of the political and military power base and those critics had sound counter-arguments to Pericles' arguments for broadening...the sentence does stand all alone and lonely there in the text, you are right; edit away EB
and your sentece needs a n :)
"[...]followed the siege of Athens after it[...]" Which, by who?
How about this?: "Pericles died in 429 BC of the epidemic, that followed the siege of Athens (by the Spartans), as did both his sons before him."
Of course the siege is by the Spartans. The previous sentence introduces the Peloponnesian War.
"individual (//and a personal favorite[...]" quite obvious :)
can we add something like: "by Alcibiades, a particularly gifted individual, an Athenian Alexander the Great with slightly less luck than he needed" ?
"[...]Both Philip and Alexander held their hand when it came to Athens.[...]" Philip is not properly introduced. What does this sentence means?
True, but neither is Alexander. Those two scarcely need introduction in my opinion, unlike perhaps the Philip in an other description (the V), sorry no offense.
The sentence means that both could perhaps have taken a harsher stance than they did. Alexander could certainly have leveled the city much as he did Thebes. But then a friendly powerful navy is priceless to a man planning to invade Asia.
Thank you for taking the time to proofread the text.
Do I edit and re-post or does the team have this covered?
"Following the collapse of the Bronge Age in the eastern Mediterranean, due to invasion, famine, plague, volcanic eruption, seismic activity, divine intervention or any combination thereof, Athens no longer has a king - "
My point here is if we should speak of divine intervention as causing any events in history, for, as I see it, we are writing as historians, don't we? Or perhaps I don't see your point.
[...]laid siege to the “wooden walls” that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat" Athen's walls, right? :)
right; and I don't need the quotes there do I?" Of course you don't need them.
"and your sentece needs a n :)"
Right. Proofreading is an infinite task.
Best.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-12-2013, 23:37
Thank you for taking the time to proofread the text.
Do I edit and re-post or does the team have this covered?
If you have the time, and wouldn't mind doing so, it would probably be more helpful to IAHN if you incorporated the grammatical and spelling changes which you accept, whether as a separate post or by editing your original one (though make it clear that you have done so).
It just prevents him from reduplicating effort...
"Following the collapse of the Bronge Age in the eastern Mediterranean, due to invasion, famine, plague, volcanic eruption, seismic activity, divine intervention or any combination thereof, Athens no longer has a king - "
My point here is if we should speak of divine intervention as causing any events in history, for, as I see it, we are writing as historians, don't we? Or perhaps I don't see your point.
[...]laid siege to the “wooden walls” that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat" Athen's walls, right? :)
right; and I don't need the quotes there do I?" Of course you don't need them.
"and your sentece needs a n :)"
Right. Proofreading is an infinite task.
Best.
Divine intervention is meant as a joke. I meant to stress the fact that we do not really know what happened, anywhere on the Eastern Mediterranean, on any level, with the possible exception of Egypt. We know of the Sea Peoples as a certain cause of turmoil, but we do not really know where they came from or the extent of their effect. And that's about all we know. :) Personally I favor Mesopotamian descent but that only explains the origin of a portion of them.
If you have the time, and wouldn't mind doing so, it would probably be more helpful to IAHN if you incorporated the grammatical and spelling changes which you accept, whether as a separate post or by editing your original one (though make it clear that you have done so).
It just prevents him from reduplicating effort...
Ok I'll do that soon. What or who is IANH?
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-13-2013, 10:32
I Am Herenow... our resident editor. He has already posted comments on Arjos' first description above. Given the overwhelming response I am not sure how quickly he will go through them, but he will eventually.
Btw Rob, this is growing fast, might be a good idea to edit your first post. So that each province name becomes clickable, redirecting to the post where it was "published"...
Brave Brave Sir Robin
05-14-2013, 02:45
Btw Rob, this is growing fast, might be a good idea to edit your first post. So that each province name becomes clickable, redirecting to the post where it was "published"...
Done. Now I just have to finish my own province :laugh4:
QuintusSertorius
05-14-2013, 17:29
Krete is proving a difficult one to write; loads on Greece generally in the period, less on our period specifically. Here's what I've got so far:
Province: Krete
Traveller’s Log
From the Aegean, the traveller arrives at Kydonia, the foremost polis on Krete, though that title might be disputed by Knossos, Gortyn and others. If Poseidon shows his favour, the bow of your ship may be ridden by an escort of dolphins, a good omen.
(More stuff)
Geography
Krete is the largest island in the Aegean and the second-largest in the Mediterranean. It is a mountainous island characterised by three groups of mountains forming a high range that spans west to east. Important features include Lefka Ori (White Mountains), the Idi range, Kedros, the Dikti mountains and Thripti. These mountains create a terrain enhanced by valleys, fertile plateaus and gorges. There are a number of rivers, including Ieropotamos, the Koiliaris, the Anapodiaris, the Almiros, and Megas Potamos. The coastline of the main island is dotted with many islands, islets and rocks
Separating the Aegean Sea from the Libyan Sea, it straddles the Medeterranean and North African climate zones, though is primarily in the former, resulting in a temperate climate. The atmosphere is more humid towards the coast and winters are mild, though snowfall is not uncommon on the heights. The south coast, in the North African zone, enjoys more sunny days and high temperatures throughout the year, a climate where date palms bear fruit. The south-east corner around Hieraptyna is particularly fertile.
The People, Society and Government
The Kretans are an ancient people, not only hosting one of the earliest civilisations in Europe, and being an integral part of Mycenean and Doric civilisation, but also playing a fundamental role in the development of Hellenic culture. It is believe that the Kretan form of pederasty, with the ritual kidnapping of a noble boy by an aristocratic man (with the consent of the boy’s father) influenced Spartan forms of the same institution. The pair would spend several months hunting and feasting, and if the boy was satisfied would afterwards return to live with his partner, learning adult skills and fighting alongside his older lover. This was intended to prove the status of the best men and give both the chance to show their nobility. The practise on Krete traces it’s origins back to King Minos and is motivated by population control.
The Kretans are not a unified people, deriving identity from their polis of origin, though most settlements belong to the Kretan League. There are over thirty city-states on Krete, including Knossos, Gortyn, Tylisos, Hieraptyna, Biannos, Chersonesos, Apollonia, Itanos, Phaistos, Olous, Dreros, Lato, Eleutherna, Oaxos, Kydonia, and Phalasarn.
(More society)
(Government?)
History
Krete has a long and storied history of settlements stretching back millennia. The first hominids arrived in Krete around 130,000 years ago, precursors to modern man possibly arriving from Africa on rafts. In the Neolithic period, Krete was influenced by the cultures of the Cyclades and Egypt, and early settlements were located in Knossos and Trapeza. It was the centre of Minoan culture, Europe’s first advanced civilisation, from around 2700BC to 1420BC. Early Kretan history are filled with legends of these times passed on through oral history by the likes of Homer, like the legend of King Minos.
Minoan civilisation was devastated by an eruption at Thera, after which it was overrun by the Mycenaeans from mainland Greece around 1400BC. Where the Minoans had benefitted from trader, the Mycenaeans were dominated by a warrior aristocracy who profited through conquest. The conquerors adopted Minoan script, though it was never in widespread use across the mainland. Knossos remained an important city, with it’s own king, and along with Pylos one of the few places which has much surviving evidence from this period. Mycenaean civilisation fell around 1100BC, beginning a period characterised as the Greek Dark Ages, running from around 1100BC to 750BC.
The Greek Dark Ages formed part of the Bronze Age collapse. Economic and political instability resulted in large-scale revolts, attempts to overthrow kingdoms, invasions by the “Sea People” and a general fragmentation and localisation of cultures. Some regions of Greece, including Krete, Attica and Euboea recovered faster economically from this turmoil. Greece divided into independent regions organised by kinship groups and these tribes were the basis of the later polis. In the last two centuries of this period it is believed that a migration of Doric people occurred in the Peloponnesus along with Krete, Rhodes and other eastern Aegean islands. The palace economy, writing, law and order fell and there was a loss of trade, population decrease and abandonment of settlements. The main evidence for the migration theory is in the change of dialect spoken in these places, Doric replacing Achaean, rather than primary sources. Thus it is an unsettled question in classical history as to precisely what happened in this period.
The Archaic period (roughly 800BC to 450BC) saw the rise of the polis, the founding of colonies and the flowering of philosophy, theatre and literature. Greece adopted the Phoenician alphabet facilitating the reintroduction of written language. Population growth put pressure on farming communities and poor harvests could result in famine, debt and slavery. This combined with competition between aristocrats, sometimes resulting in armed conflict which disrupted the lives of the agricultural classes, and the expansion of sea trade as a new source of profit and risk. All these factors created the conditions for both political change at home, with the decrease in monarchical power and increase in power of gatherings of elders and seeking external opportunities abroad. Colonists might be men seeking adventure, or serving out exile, and they surrendered citizenship of their birth polis when they left. While recognising their mother-cities, colonies were independent states in their own right, and coming into contact with the host communities enabled the spread of Greek language, religion and culture across the known world. This period is brought to an end by the wars between the Hellenic world and Persia, beginning with the Ionian Revolt and ending with the failure of the second Persian invasion and formation of the Athenian-led Delian League.
(Classical Period)
(Hellenistic Period)
(Roman Period)
Strategy
EDIT: I mean to add the question; am I going too heavy on the general Greek history, of which Krete is a part? Is that useful in there as context for the more detailed later stuff?
Done with the corrections on Attike. Should there be more... well... let's hope not :)
I was thinking of taking up Makedonia. I am a little busy and will continue to be for the next two weeks or so, but I could start working on it. Should I?
Brave Brave Sir Robin
05-14-2013, 23:23
Done with the corrections on Attike. Should there be more... well... let's hope not :)
I was thinking of taking up Makedonia. I am a little busy and will continue to be for the next two weeks or so, but I could start working on it. Should I?
If you are willing and able why not? Like it was stated earlier, there is no time limit on these, just try to get one done in a few weeks. Since there are about 10 of us working on them currently I wouldn't be surprised to see 75% of the needed provinces done within 2 months. Although, the Iranian ones are somewhat difficult to research compared to Greece and Asia Minor.
ok then. put me down for makedonia,
The Irate Pirate
05-21-2013, 01:24
I'll have a go at taking on Kilikia and Kypros, i've still got a little while before my exams so I can get through at least one of them.
Also I did a travellor's log for Mauretania before realising someone had already got to it. I'll post it here anyway just so it wasn't a completely pointless endeavour. Tried to do it in the style of someone like Pliny who did not have much first hand experience of the region. Also did a rough draft of some of the later parts.
This is the great land of Atlas, a region of craggy mountains and lions who devour the local nomads’ flocks with great frequency. Once these peaks to the south are surmounted beyond them lays the great impassable desert of the west, a barrier to all but the hardiest of men. Much of this region is a plain between the mountains stretching towards the tumultuous ocean and it is here most of the inhabitants live, tending to their crops and herds as all men do.
Though the land is hot (as of course, one is much closer to the sun here), mountain tops curiously always seem to have snow falling onto them as it is in colder regions of the world. From these frosty peaks local rivers are formed, it seems the gods have been forced to give even these hardy peoples respite and as such agriculture is a possibility in the mountain valleys and plains of the interior. The melt water allows mighty trees to grow on the mountain slopes from which a type of cloth can be created.
The coastal region, though not massively hospitable compared to the Mediterranean coastline is reasonable enough and several settlements exist here. Once away from the fertile coastal plain however the land begins to turn rocky as one approaches the mountains to the east and south. There are few fixed poleis, instead roaming nomadic tribes become more plentiful in number inland, surviving off their goats alone and not the crops of civilised men. The people who inhabit this land are disparate tribes, though we know of them as Mauri or Mauroi, they are western Aethiopians and more akin to the hardy Gaetulians than the Mauri coastal dwellers on the northern coast. These people braid their hair in elaborate ways and fight with light armaments, on horseback or with a shield of skin. The southerners are not as soft as the coastal dwellers and are famed for their ability to protect their livestock from the dangers of the mountains; the animals and the ever present dust storms.
Geography
Southern Mauretania is a land of mountains dominated by a large coastal plain that extends inland, rainwater from the Atlas Mountains collects into rivers and waters this plain enough to allow for a fertile region to exist, protected from the fierce conditions of the Sahara Desert by the Middle Atlas Mountains of the south and east. It is located in what is now modern day Morocco and includes parts of western Algeria.
The weather here is mostly Mediterranean in style with hot and dry summers with fairly mild yet very rainy winters, colder temperatures present in the mountains allow for year round snowfall on the highest peaks leading to a large system of rivers to exist and large areas of forest on the slopes of the eastern ranges.
The division between this coastal plain and the Mediterranean coastal plain to the north east by mountains governed Roman provincial policy in the area with the west regarded as Tingitana and the east Caesariensis. Mauretania is famous for its diverse flora as a result of great variations in terrain height and much of the wood used by Rome and Phoenician colonists was taken from here, some prevalent flora included the pinus halepensis (Aleppo pine) and cedrus libani (Lebanon Cedar).
The People, Society and Government
The inhabitants of the region are Mauretanian ‘Berbers’ with their own kingdom based further to the north on the coast though though at one point there was a fairly sizeable Phoenician presence, with numerous inscriptions found in some of the coastal cities and Volubilis itself. The term Berber stems from the Arabic readings of Greek texts which referred to ‘barbarians’, the Greeks called these Berbers peoples ‘Libyans’ to differentiate them from the eastern African peoples who were usually labelled as ‘Ethiopians’
QuintusSertorius
05-21-2013, 09:54
I'd already asked upthread; Kypros has been done.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-21-2013, 10:04
I'll have a go at taking on Kilikia and Kypros, i've still got a little while before my exams so I can get through at least one of them.
I'd already asked upthread; Kypros has been done.
Hi The Irate Pirate, welcome to the .Org :balloon:
As QuintusSertorius says Kypros has already been done. Kilikia, however, does seem to still need a volunteer, so please go ahead. Thanks, and good luck with your efforts...
The Irate Pirate
05-21-2013, 11:16
Hi The Irate Pirate, welcome to the .Org :balloon:
As QuintusSertorius says Kypros has already been done. Kilikia, however, does seem to still need a volunteer, so please go ahead. Thanks, and good luck with your efforts...
Alright thanks guys, i'll get on Kilikia then. I remember reading Kypros a few days ago it just completely slipped my mind.
Marcus F
05-25-2013, 00:31
i would love to help the EBII team but is their some sort of guideline to follow when writing a regional description? because it could get out of hand/messy quickly. I could do some research for the team regarding a specific region and pass on the information to the appropriate team member if this would help???
V.T. Marvin
05-25-2013, 12:47
Thank you for you willingness to help, Marcus F!
Check the OP for an example of a description written by Brennus on a British province. Try to keep the structure, but don't be shy to write it shorter. Focus on history just before and during EB timeframe, i.e. cca 300 - 1 BC.
This is just to let everyone know I am back on putting together the piece for Makedonia. I aim to have it ready by the next weekend.
Empire*Of*Media
06-02-2013, 16:48
please dont forget KURDISH UNITS !! in all Total War Series they created a very Weak and not accurate Kurdish units !!
as in GREATER Iran & Middle East, there The Kurdish units were important for enemies, because they were truly brave and powerful, as we see in Wars Between MADAI (medes) with Ashurians (Assyrians), Achamenid Persians with Greeks, specially in Xenphone's Anabasis (Karduchians), Parthians, as Kurds were like Parthians-in Guerrilla & Partizan fights,Sassanids used them against Romans in Hard Ararat and Qandil mountains of modern Turkey and in armenia and etc, and many more including Safavid persians with Ottomon Turks and ETC. and although Ancient Kurdish Lands were greater than this, that its vastness, is from Kapadochia (Kapadukiya) to kermanshah or Behistun in iran and from Modern Azerbaijan Republic (Adurbadegan) to modern Musel (or Mousl) and to Modern Eskandarun in Mediteranian!! means consists of great parts of now Turkey and Iran and Iraq, and much northern parts of Syria!
so it has played a big role in ancient eras as even we had a great KURDISH EMPIRE, The Medians (medes) in 700-550 BC that overcame the Assyrians,Persians,Armenians and united them. but unfortunately there is a fact that Kurds in that times never started writing its own History, and what we have now its from Russians and Germans in early 20th Century and even that is incomplete.
but anyway, even that inaccurate & false Kurdish units were in Total War, i was surprised that even not one indication was about Kurds in EB1 !! when you create an accurate Persian & Greek & Barbarian Civilizations, you must be at least pay attention to its Ethnic units.
and of course dont forget religion! in EB 1 the most thing that it lacked, was Religion in Cultures and kingdoms.
another suggest for EB 2 = https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144389-Please-EB-Moderators-why-EB2-could-be-not-Repetitive-!
joshmahurin
06-02-2013, 20:36
Extremely unrelated to the topic of this thread...
And that is related to regional descriptions how?
I Am Herenow
06-02-2013, 23:25
Thank you to the people who have been offering proof-reading advice to others :)
Brave Brave Sir Robin
06-03-2013, 03:16
Finally found the time to work on my province. Please note that this is a VERY rough draft. I will proofread it later this week to make what I am sure will be copious corrections but I figured I would post it now so that I don't seem to be shirking the duties I had assigned to myself:rolleyes:
Traveler’s Log:
Heading to the north and west of the Caspian gates, the traveler finds himself in the footsteps of Alexandros himself! On the southern shores of the great inland sea, which stretches north toward the domain of Amazons, lays the land from which the sea derives its name. Hyrkania is a land of wondrous fertility, one the Persikoi claim is blessed by Ahura-Mazda himself. Verily, it is unlike any other land in the entire world! There are great forests here, a sight most uncommon in this part of the world. In fact some compare them to the forests of far off India, though these men should know that Hyrkania is famous for its oak and pine, not the firs or pitch pines of that distant land. There also abound many dangerous and exotic beasts here. The Hyrkanian tiger is known to the traveler from far off, but it is a more common and dangerous sight to see packs of wolves nearby. In fact, the Persikoi even gave this land the name Verkâna, “land of wolves.” The traveler through this land should beware, for they have no fear of men and often grow to the size of a horse! Passing eastwards the traveler finds themselves coming upon more arid regions as you move from the foothills of the Alburz. This is a land known to the horsemen from the north, fierce and cunning. It would not do well to journey alone here, as these tribes often fall upon the unwary traveler as a human wolf upon its prey.
Geography:
The ancient province of Hyrkania roughly equates to the modern regions of Gorgan, Golestan, Mazandaran, Gilan, and Ardabil in Iran. It is home to one of the more diverse ecosystems on Earth, featuring mountains, subtropical forests, and desert. The climate of the land itself is defined by the geographical features which surround it; by the Elburz Mountains, which stretch across its southern border from the Caspian Gates towards the east, and the Caspian Sea which creates a northern boundary. The mountains themselves buffer Hyrkania from the arid regions to the south and the rainfall off of these same peaks creates suitable land for farming throughout much of the territory. Some notable rivers running through the province include the Mardos, the Sarneius, the Socanaa, the Syderis, the Maxera, and the Ochus, which ancient writers noted as one of the main rivers to water the Caspian Sea. Hundreds of smaller rivers run down from the mountains towards the Caspian, though some of these are seasonal, as more rainfall is received in the spring, fall, and winter months. The subtropical regions of Hyrkania, located in the foothills and moderate elevations of the Elburz, are populated by oak, poplar, date-plum, and beech trees in great number. As the elevation slopes downwards, alluvial plains dotted with oaks and wildflowers dominate the countryside, many of which gave rise to towns and cities in the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods. The grasslands themselves were famous for their grape vines, figs, and wheat which grew in great abundance and often produced a surplus.
The eastern stretches of Hyrkania are remarkable for their transition from subtropical forests in the highlands and a descent into desert as the elevation drops. Unlike most of the district, rainfall is relatively light in the south-eastern corner of the Caspian leading to arid summers and mild winters. The vegetation here is typical of dry steppe, with forests replaced by shrub and grasslands.
Hyrkania is also a region with a wide variety of fauna. The famed Hyrkanian Tiger is now extinct, but was well known to writers such as Livy, who used it to denote fierceness in the Aenead. Panthers and Persian leopards are likewise native to Hyrkania, but perhaps the most iconic is the wolf, from which the region derived its name. Verkâna in Old Persian means “Land of Wolves” and Hyrkania is a Greek derivative of this name. Smaller denizens include bees, said to have produced sweet honey in such great quantities that it quite literally dripped from the trees, jackals, wild boar, lynx, otters, and numerous water fowl.
The People, Society and Government:
Human habitation of the area along the southern Caspian Sea dates back at least 50,000 years. The earliest communities were mainly pastoral, with permanent settlements few and far between who would eventually coalesce into tribal identities. There is substantial proof of widespread Bronze Age settlement of Hyrkania, with the archeological evidence pointing towards a uniquely Iranian culture. The archeological record leaves traces of what appears to have been a flourishing culture; tombs contain intricately crafted gold, silver and bronze artifacts along with pottery native to the region, often with long spouts. The most common figure which appears in these tombs is the humped bull, though figures of humans, stags, boars and rams are also widespread. A great number of these tombs seem to belong to warriors, due to the proliferation of weapons they were buried with. The majority of these are made of bronze though the presence of arms of iron in several tombs indicates that this civilization lasted at least into the early Iron Age.
The people of Hyrkania were, according to writers such as Strabo, as varied as the geography of the country. The main tribes of the country include the Gelae, the Amardi, the Vitii, the Anariacae, the Hyrkani, and most prominent of all the Cadusii. According to Strabo, the Cadusii occupy the greater portion of the lowlands surrounding the Caspian Sea for a distance of nearly five thousand stadia from Media into Hyrkania. Of the Cadusii it is said they are excellent mountaineers and javelin-throwers. Those tribes who resided in the mountainous regions of Hyrkania were renowned for being predatory and fiercely independent while those who lived along the Caspian Sea were considered more compliant. There are also traces of Hellenes living along the sea, possibly as colonists settled either by the Persians or by Alexander and his successors. Strabo mentions a city called Aeniana located within the territory of the Vitii where Greek armor and bronze amphora are to be found and that there is another town nearby with a Hellenic oracle. Another people placed in Hyrkania were the Tabyri who it appears were named as such since their land was so heavily wooded and the use of such a tool as an axe in clearing the dense forests. Tabyri men were said to practice the custom of giving away their wives in marriage to another husband after they had secured multiple children by them. Strabo makes note of another unique custom of the Hyrkanians, where revelers gather near larger rivers where the water rushes down from higher places. They will seek out recesses behind the waterfalls and in here worship their gods and recline during the warmer months in the sunlight filtering through the water.
History:
Hyrkania first enters recorded history when, according to Xenophon, they were one of the people subdued by the Assyrians. We next hear of Hyrkania from the Behistun Inscription which mentions them as one of the conquered peoples of the Achaemenids. It is likely that the region was incorporated sometime during the rule of Cyrus the Great but since the Behistun Inscription dates from the reign of Darius, it is impossible to discern if it was indeed integrated during the reign of Cyrus or of Cambyses. Hyrkania was one of the regions which saw fit to rebel against Achamenid authority after the ascension of Darius to the throne. They joined their neighboring province Parthia in siding with the Median ruler Phraortes who had set himself up as king as various parts of the Achaemenid Empire broke away. After Phraortes’ defeat it appears Hyrkania was re-integrated by Darius. Next we know that Hyrkanians made up a considerable detachment of the Persian force which invaded Hellas under Xerxes as Herodotus makes mention of them in his list of the peoples which constituted this force.
In 423 BCE a satrap of Hyrkania named Ochus, who may have been an illegitimate son of Artaxerxes I, rebelled against his brother Sogdianus who had in turn, murdered his older brother Xerxes II after he had ascended to the throne. Ochus assumed the kingship of Persia and renamed himself Darius II. After these events, Hyrkania again fades from history until the coming of Alexandros in the 4th century BCE.
Hyrkanians are mentioned again as part of the force which opposed Alexander at Gaugamela. After the final defeat and subsequent murder of Darius III by Bessus in 330 BCE, Alexander marched to Hyrkania where a large contingent of Persian nobility had fled, hoping to receive their surrender but also to continue his pursuits of Bessus as well as a group of Greek mercenaries who had fought on the side of Darius. Shortly after entering Hyrkania, Alexander was met by Nabarzanes, one of Darius’ most loyal advisors, and Phrataphernes, the satrap of Hyrkania and Parthia, where both men yielded to the invader. Phrataphernes was then reinstituted as satrap of Hyrkania and Parthia under the new Makedonian dynasty. Alexander then marched to Zadrakarta, the capital of Hyrkania although he was harassed en route by the various mountain tribes of the region. After spending some time in Zadrakarta, Alexander marched against the Mardians and subjugated them before accepting the surrender of the Hellenic mercenaries of Darius and absorbing them into his own army. It seems that while he was in Hyrkania, Alexander also placed under arrest several Lakedaemonian ambassadors who had traveled east seeking Persian assistance should they possibly seek to challenge Makedonian hegemony in Hellas.
After Alexander’s death, Phrataphernes seems to have retained his position for at least several years before he was displaced by a Macedonian named Philip in 321 BCE who was himself killed by Pithon, the satrap of Media in 318 and replaced with Eudames. During the wars of the Diadochi, Hyrkania was brought into the fold of the Seleukid Empire by Seleucus I, though when and whether with force or through diplomatic means is unknown. The next important figure associated with Hyrkania is the satrap Andragoras who was ruler of both Parthia and Hyrkania under the Seleukids. An inscription recording the manumission of a slave in a temple dedicated to Serapis reveals that Andragoras was satrap during the reign of Antiochus I and he was still in place after the death of Antiochus II in 247 BCE. The successor to Antiochus was Seleucus II who was soon embroiled in both the Third Syrian War with the Ptolemies as well as a war against the pretender Antiochus Hierax. When Antioch itself was captured by Ptolemy III, Andragoras rebelled against Seleucid authority, declaring independence for the joint satrapy of Parthia and Hyrkania. This move may have seemed opportunistic but its root cause may have been similar to that of Baktria’s. Seleucid authority was never as strong in the eastern provinces of the empire as it was in the heartlands of Syria, Babylon and Asia Minor and it seems that pressure from nomadic tribes may have provoked this declaration from the veteran satrap. Nevertheless, Andragoras began minting coins in his image for some time until a new disaster befell the region. A sub-group of the nomadic Dahae confederacy, the Parni under Arsaces I, began moving south, possibly due to pressures from other nomadic peoples. They took Andragoras by surprise and were able to kill him in battle and take control of the satrapy. This began Pahlava control of Hyrkania though it is unclear as to how strong of a grip the Arsacids were able to maintain in the region. What is known is that Seleucus II mounted an expedition eastwards after consolidating his realm and campaigned against the Parni who were beginning to identify themselves as “Parthian.” The details of the campaign are unknown with sources disagreeing on whether it was the Parni or the Seleukids who gained the upper hand but eventually the forces of Arsaces were able to reconsolidate control over Hyrkania.
It was this situation which existed when Antiochus III came into power on the Syrian throne. Seeking to re-establish Seleukid authority over the upper satrapies, Antiochus began his anabasis by marching against the rebellious Parni who now controlled Hyrkania and Parthia. Antiochus captured the capital of Parthia at Hekatompylos and then moved north into Hyrkania where he was met with greater resistance at Mount Labus. Overcoming this, the Seleukids were able reach the fortified city of Syrinx (likely a Greek nickname for Zadrakata) and lay siege to it. The city would eventually fall to Antiochus and he would conclude a treaty with the Parni which allowed for Arsacid rule of Hyrkania and Parthia but as vassals kings of the Seleukids. Under Phraates I who came to power in 176 BCE the Parthians would reassert their independence and Hyrkania was never to be considered again part of the Arche Seleukia. The natural beauty of Hyrkania would attract the independent Arsacid rulers and at some point, the Shahanshah would use the region as a royal retreat. After the unsuccessful attempt to reconquer Babylonia in 140 BCE by the Seleukid Demetrius II Nicator, the captured Basileus was brought before Mithradates I at his royal residence in Hyrkania where he was treated kindly and even offered the daughter of Mithradates in marriage. Hyrkania was now considered one of the core provinces of the Arsacid Parthian Empire but its rule was not entirely uncontested. It is believed that the earliest formations of the Wall of Alexander, also known as the Great Wall of Gorgan on the eastern border of Hyrkania, had their origins in this period as waves of nomadic Saka challenged Parthian authority in their northern possessions and likely raided into Hyrkania as the Parni themselves had done several centuries earlier. Hyrkania would later shelter the deposed Parthian kings Artabanus III and Gotarzes during a long period of civil strife in the early part of the first century AD. In 59 AD Hyrkania declared outright independence from Arsacid rule and sought alliance with Rome, though it was eventually brought back into the fold as a Parthian possession.
Strategy:
Hyrkania is a rich province, one with many resources a strong ruler might desire. Besides the wealth of the region, its position on the southern shores of the Hyrkanian Sea is also strategically important for a ruler from either east or west. The road through Hyrkania is the surest and quickest path for a Seleukid army to reinforce the upper satrapies but it also a tempting target for the nomadic raiders of the Pahlava.
What I meant was, who fulfilled the oracle's prophecy: the settlers, or someone else?
The situation in itself or the mice, being an "attack" from the earth, it shown the Teukroi that was the land to settle...
But really it was just to present an Hellenic view point for the area, for them such tales were widely accepted as reality...
I meant, did Farnavaz respond once, or more than once?
That one time, right after the region became the stage of larger conflicts...
Seeing also how Agesilaos had to tackle the Mysoi himself, Farnavaz probably was not even completely successful. But I picked that particular episode, to illustrate the importance of that response and how Mysian tribes alone could pose quite a threat...
Sorry for the double post, but here's Ionia ^^
Province: Ionia
Traveller's Log
Following the Maiandros River, the traveller encounters Magnesia. This town is famous for its fertile land, which produces a three-leaved fig. Recently Magnesia has been claimed by Ptolemaic forces, but war still rages on. While by the Southern bank of the Maiandros, lays the polis of Tralleis. This is naturally fortified by the trapezoid height it was built on and its surroundings are protected by Mount Messogis as well. Near this mountain lays also the polis of Nysa, peculiarly split in halves by a torrent. In the vicinity is a cave, called Charoneion, with a wonderful sacred precinct. Here the diseased are treated by priests, who on their behalf sleep in the cave and through dreams discover the cures prescribed by the gods. They often bring the sick into the cave and leave them there, without food for many days. To all others the place is forbidden and deadly. A festival is celebrated every year, where the boys and young men take up a bull and with haste carry him up into the Charoneion. Let loose, the bull goes forward a short distance, falls and breathes out his life. Continuing westwards lays the Ionian seaboard, once inhabited only by Kares and Leleges. Androklos, a son of Basileus Kodros of Athenai, led the Iones to colonise these shores. He established his royal seat at Ephesos and, still today, his descendants are called Basileis, wear purple robes, carry a staff, superintend the Eleusinian sacrifices and have the privilege of front seats at the games. Right to the South, on Mount Mykale, stands the Panionion. Dedicated to Poseidon Helikonios, it holds games for all the Iones and it is their sacred seat for the Koinon Ionon. Continuing southwards lays Miletos, serving as the main port for Ionia. The Milesioi claim to be the best born of the Iones, saying that they started from the Prytaneion of Athenai (the seat of government). And that it was Neileos, another son of Kodros, who led the colonisation. Miletos is the greatest metropolis of colonies: its citizens colonised everywhere in the Pontos Euxeinos and also in the Propontis and Aigaion Pelagos. Off to sea is the island of Samos a very rich place, whose Tyrannoi once claimed supremacy of the waters. Little further inland, following the Hiera Hodos (Sacred Way), there is Didyma, with the most eminent oracle to Apollon in Asia. Its temple was set on fire during the Persian invasion, but Seleukos Nikator sponsored the reconstruction. The Iones outdid themselves, expanding the temple to become the largest in the world, and on account of its size it remained without a roof. Back North past Ephesos, whose emporion grows daily and soon could become the largest West of the Tauros, stands the polis of Kolophon. Its citizens once possessed a notable naval and cavalry forces, so superior that whichever side, in a war, allied with Kolophon won. This is why the proverb "He put Kolophon to it" is quoted when a sure end is brought to any affair. Another version has it describe a deciding vote, because Kolophon took possession of Smyrna and thus held two votes at the Panionion. To the North-West is Erythrai, a polis guarding its namesake isthmus. Here is a sacred precinct to Alexandros Megas, where the Iones celebrate the Alexandreia games. To the West is the island of Chios. A very fertile land producing one of the best Ionian wines, with a deep harbour, a marble quarry and a grove of palm trees. All these bases have allowed the Ptolemaioi to take control of the southern Aigaion. To this end that Patroklos, the Ptolemaic Nauarchos has been setting up garrisons and capturing islands. Aeolian Lesbos was one of such conquests, only the Macedonian held Akropolis of Mytilene is resisting. This last island has several hot springs and is famous for its olives.
Geography
Ionia is a mountainous land, characterized by formidable ridges, extending into the sea. These rock formations separated communities, but at the same time sheltered bays and trade routes. Another feature are the extensive drainage basins, such as the Büyük Menderes River's (ancient Maiandros). Copious amounts of silt are deposited, forming new alluvial land on the coasts. This phenomenon created very fertile land, renewing the soil annually. Unfortunately the absence of proper drainage, lets most areas become too swampy. Thankfully the rivers also carry freshwater fish, an addittion to the already plentiful marine fish. Wild boars, deers and goats were hunted, while Milesian wool was exported around the eastern Mediterranean. The various islands appeared to be a continuation of the mainland and indeed they were an integral part of Ionia. But the islanders always had to content with possible shortage of water. Nevertheless communities were able to sustain themselves, exploiting the available fertile flat spaces. Ionia is particular, because its waters of the Aegean Sea (ancient Aigaion) could be considered an integral part of the province. Natural harbours and safe shelters were rare, but local knowledge managed to cope with it. So that advanced naval technology was not necessary to hop from one island to another. Storms were one genuine threat, for they rose up quickly; the other was piracy. Traders and pilgrims were often intercepted, like it happened to Caivs Ivlivs Caesar. Although the climate is dry in the summer, the Iones cleverly interplanted crops between olives and other trees, to take advantage of the shade. While winter is still hot, bad weather often blocked both seas and mountain passes.
The People, Society and Government
The Iones (Ionians) are said to have been the first who introduced the use of perfumes, garlands, sweetmeats and desserts to the Hellenic world. They loved lascivious dances and thus mainland Hellenes considered them unfit for any military service and effeminate. In truth the Iones were a very advanced society, which embraced very early many aspects: philosophy, art, diplomacy, warfare, religion, politics and pleasure. This multifaceted expression transpires even in their language, for Herodotos speaks of four different dialects. One common for Miletos, Myous and Priene; another for Ephesos, Kolophon, Lebedos, Teos, Klazomenai and Phokaia; also one for Erythrai and Chios; and a last speech specific of Samos. Many other communities also took part in the Ionian Migration or joined at a later time and became part of them. These were Abantes from Euboia; Minyes from Orchomenos; renegades from Kadmeia, Dryopis and Phokis; Molossoi, Pelasgoi, Epidaurioi and many other tribes. While those from Athenai, thought to be the best born of the Iones, for they led the expedition and were born in royalty. But they did not bring wives with them and married Karian women, whose families they had slaughtered. So these women took an oath, transmitted to their daughters, not to sit at a table with their husbands or call them by name. The Iones also celebrate an initiation feast called Apatouria, except men of Ephesos and Kolophon, in which grown-up youths were welcomed officially to each phratria (clan). This heterogeneity becomes apparent from the various inscriptions, found around the Eastern Mediterranean, of Ionian mercenaries/raiders, who identified themselves with their own polis. Nevertheless their common origins and tongue were recognized as Ionian. Tradition held that Kodros' offspring set up monarchies, but soon disputes and violent feuds developed. These brought much chaos and aristocrats, to restore order, decided to appoint elective rulers. Successively in the 8th century BCE the rise of a mercantile class, not possessing any land, sought political power and this stasis favoured tyrants. Another consequence was the start of colonial efforts. During the same century the Ionian poleis organised themselves into an Amphiktyonia (league of neighbours) against Melia, a Ionian polis at Mount Mykale, because of its "arrogance". Victorious the Iones built the Panionion and their loose federation continued to meet there, discussing ad hoc proposals at times of crisis. Later contacts with diverse cultures and a growth in prosperity laid the foundations for receptivity of new ideas. The Iones experience an impulse towards an investigation of nature, creating theories to explain the observations. This brought about an intellectual revolution for rational thought and scientific enquiry, making Ionia the leading figure of the Hellenic world during the 6th century BCE. The Iones had a defensive approach to land warfare, faced with vast armies from the East, opting for fortifications with glacis manned by archers. Arrowheads are in fact the most common votive offering in Ionia, panoplia was more of a status symbol and luxury. Iones appreciated Karian weapons and commissioned hilts made of ivory and gold. They still offered services as mercenaries or bodyguards as far as Aigyptos and Phoinike. These soldiers were however appreciated for their technical experties, advising builders about the construction of timber and mudbrick walls. While at the same time securing prestige and power to their foreign employers. But what they were actually doing was limiting Hellenic military power, because piracy and naval warfare was what the Iones clung to. Assyrian documents record their activity as early as the 8th century BCE. Still the Iones never fostered a common resistance to something external, their foes were both opponents and role models. The greatest animosity and rivalry was between other Ionian polities. They developed an elitist culture interested in gorgeous trailing garments, elegant hairstyles, exquisite scents and all sorts of decorations. Theirs was an internationalism, deeply influenced by Lydia, to express a refined way of life about martial conduct and enjoyment of pleasures. This, in time of defeats, was seen as the cause for failures. In reality their undoing would be the inability to unite.
History
Mycenaean tablets, dated between the 15th and 13th centuries BCE, list detachments of warriors and one ethnonym is Ijawone. This is thought to be the earliest mention for the Iones, by their archaizing form Iaones. They were under the authority of Mukānai (Mycenae). The latter's Wanaka (king), during the 14th century BCE, became increasingly involved with western Anatolian polities, encouraging disloyalty towards Hittite rule by offering assistance and asylum. This forced Muwatalli around 1275 BCE to recognise Mycenaean soverignty over Milawata (Miletos), which had suffered an Hittite punitive campaign and subsequently was taken over by Mukānai. This was done in exchange of an alliance and the following year at Qadeš, four captains in the Hittite army were recorded as coming from the land of Inas (Ionia). Nevertheless Milawata continued to support disgruntled Hittite vassals like Piyamaradu. Hard pressed he sought refuge in Mycenaean territory, but the Wanaka eventually handed him over to avoid a direct conflict. However Tudhaliya IV of Hattuša could not let such interference to go on and around 1235 BCE sent an army against Milawata, setting up a pro-Hittite ruler. Mukānai was not able to retaliate due to the Bronze Age Collapse. Archaeology has identified Mycenaean refuges in Attike and Euboia, dated to the period of destruction at Pylos. This could corroborate the legends about Nestor's family moving to Attike, where his descendants would become the Athenian royalty. Wherever they might have come from, during the 12th century BCE, communities adopted isolationism to survive. This was likely led by the figure of the Qasireu, the Mycenaean town official, which would develop into the Classical Basileus. What occured was a gradual regionalism, shaping dialects and different cultural identities.
Few eastern luxuries reached the Kyklades Islands and perhaps inspired piracy, making communities of the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean Sea) take part in the "Sea Peoples" phenomenon. This system however could not sustain large populations, political strife could also have played some part, and a substantial number of Iones gradually left Attike to join their fellow communities in the islands of the Aigaion. Around 1130-1070 BCE the marauding activites destroyed settlements like Milawata and Apaša (Ephesos). It is possible that oral tradition, preserving the knowledge of activities in western Anatolia, fomented a migratory movement to those places. By around 1050 BCE Protogeometric foundations were established in the coasts of Mikra Asia. This of course was not an official enterprise, sponsored by a state, but independent groups led by their own elite in a long drawn out process. For the course of 10th century BCE these communities would have dealt with pressing matters, related to basic survival, while integrating local populace. The recovery by the 9th century BCE must have been substantial, because circular granaries make their appearance. This is when the Iones captured Smyrna. It is also around this time that a sense of shared ethnic and religious culture was felt by the Iones, assembling at the Panionion in the mid of the 8th century BCE. Raids in Phoinike followed and from the early 7th century BCE Ionia started to experience an orientalisation of its material culture, influenced by Phrygia and Bianili.
However Kimmerioi disrupted the political cohesion in Anatolia and the upstart Lydian power started to expand in Ionia. Kolophon was overran and an army attacked Miletos and Smyrna. The Kolophonioi now served Gyges of Lydia and campaigned in Aigyptos against Assyrian forces. The successes inspired more Iones to become mercenaries and they would eventually found Naukratis, the chief port of Aigyptos prior to Alexandreia. Campaigns were halted in the 650s BCE when Kimmerian raiders came back, laying siege and pillaging as far as Priene, Miletos and Ephesos. The poet Kallinos exorted his fellow Ephesioi with martial elegies and successful they went on attacking Magnesia by the Maiandros, which had suffered Kimmerian attacks as well. During these turbulent times, the Iones initiated colonial enterprises around the Propontis (Sea of Marmara). Phokaia also engaged in long voyages as far as Tartessos, beyond the Herakleioi Stelai (Pillars of Hercules). Founding Alalia, Massalia and Emporiton on the way. Thanks to the Lydian takeover of Kolophon, the erstwhile rival of Miletos, the latter came to be the Thalassokraton of the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) and eastern Aigaion. Alyattes of Lydia resumed war with Ionia, rasing Smyrna around 600 BCE and ravaging the Milesian countryside during harvest time for twelve years. Still Miletos could not be compelled to surrender and its tyrant Thrasyboulos concluded a non-aggression pact with Lydia. This was possible because Alyattes had to fight the Mādai (Medians) and both sides were eager to end the stalemate. From this time Miletos adopted Lydian coinage, but would see more internal strife and the enforcement of an oligarchy. In the meantime the Ephesian tyrant Pythagoras was dealing with a plague, brought by the devastation of the previous years. His successor Melas, looking for stability, allied with Alyattes of Lydia thanks to a double marriage. From these unions were born Pindaros in Ephesos and Pantaleon in Sardis, the former brother in law and the latter half brother to Kroisos of Lydia. In 562 BCE Kroisos inherited the Lydian throne and Pantaleon started a civil war, backed by Pindaros, which failed. As a consequence Ephesos came under siege, but this time Lydia had adopted undermining techniques from Assyria and quickly conquered the place. Kroisos followed this victory by systematically capturing all mainland poleis of the Iones. Futile was Thales' appeal for a unified federal state of Ionia, instead Lydia was free to fight againt each polis in succession. However the installed tributary tyrants and the overlordship of Kroisos allowed much prosperity. Lydia financed reconstructions and offered many dedications to the Ionian temples.
In 547 BCE preparations for the war against Pârsa were undergoing and Kroisos dispatched Eurybatos of Ephesos to recruit mercenaries in the Peloponnesos. But this man went straight to Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) and revealed the Lydian mobilization. Probably the Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) sent the Ephesian back, to advice the Iones to revolt against Kroisos and side with Pârsa, but only Miletos accepted. Eurybatos' name became a byword for knavery in the Hellenic world and it is no wonder that most Iones refused to follow his example. In 546 BCE Kūruš of Pârsa was victorious and the rest of the Iones flocked to offer their surrender, but it was too late and they now had to face Persian retribution. Phokaia's citizens abandoned their polis and fled by sea to Chios. There they offered to buy some land to settle, but were refused. At that point some decided to accept Persian suzerainty and get back to Phokaia, while most refugees kept on going towards Megale Hellas. Founding Hyele in Campania and joining their compatriots in Alalia. There they engaged in piracy, causing Rašna (Etruscan) and Qarthadastim fleets to join against them. Facing twice their number the Phokaieis won, but suffered casualties so high to compel them to leave Alalia. The majority of the citizens of Teos fled as well, to Thraikia settling in the Ionian colony of Abdera. However the rest of the mainland Iones were defeated and accepted Persian suzerainty by 540 BCE. Exploiting the turmoil Polykrates of Samos took power and as Tyrannos attempted a bid for Thalassokratia. He had an aqueduct excavated in a tunnel over one kilometre long, a large temple to Hera erected and a mole to protect the port built, later Aristoteles compared them to the pyramids of Aigyptos prasing their engineering. Then Polykrates offered mercenary service to Ahmose of Aigyptos (Amasis II), helping him to conquer Kypros. The relation grew into a military alliance against Persian expansion and mastery of the eastern Mediterranean. With the funds acquired Polykrates supported a fleet of 100 Pentekonteroi and attacked the Asiatic Hellenes, defeating Mytilene and Miletos. He's recorded as commenting the success with these words: "Once, long ago, the Milesioi were powerful.", a phrase that became proverbial for fading glory. In 530 BCE Samos was the Thalassokraton and held the command to protect Aigyptos from the sea, but Kambūĵiya of Pârsa (Cambyses II) bribed Samos and other naval allies to support his invasion. Polykrates sent 40 Triereis, possibly the first ever Hellenic fleet of such vessels. In 525 BCE the Samian faction opposing the Tyrannos managed to find assistance in Sparta and Korinthos, these joined fleets were successful in defeating Polykrates' navy and invading Samos. However they could not storm the polis, which had been fortified at the start of Polykrates' reign. This was the first ever campaign outside of Hellas by the Lakedaimonioi, however the prolongation of the siege caused them to leave and the other Peloponnesioi followed them. But Polykrates' troubles were not over. His coffers were running dry and Pârsa in civil war could not support him, but the Khšaçapāvan (Satrap) of Sparda (Sardis) offered him financial assistance. Unfortunately this was a ploy to eliminate the dangerous Tyrannos and once in Lydia Polykrates was murdered, later in 519 BCE Samos was annexed by Pârsa. Over the decades between 540 and 520 BCE the Iones were employed to help building and manning the Persian navy, Triereis now composed the bulk of fleets, something Polykrates definitely influenced. In 514 BCE Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius I) assembled an invasion force and put the Asiatic Hellenes in charge of the fleet. They had to bridge the Istros River (Danube) and protect the crossing. Histiaios of Miletos proved so loyal that was rewarded mines in Thraikia. These were put to good use and Miletos started to recover enlarging its temples and raising new public buildings. So much so that Dārayavahuš was advised to keep a close eye on Histiaios and "awarded" him the position of table-companion, effectively forcing him to live at Susa.
During the past decades isonomic tendencies spread in the Aigaion: Chios untouched by Lydian authority formed a popular assembly and elected magistrates around 575-550 BCE. Athenai also introduced isonomia (equality of law) in 508 BCE and a similar revolution took place at Naxos. Overall the Hellenic Tyrannoi were having much trouble in keeping general consensus. Thus in 500 BCE Aristagoras of Miletos welcomed the Naxian oligarchai, who offered to finance their reinstallation. However Miletos was not capable of manning such an action alone and proposed the operation to the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, presenting Naxos as the "key to the Kyklades". Contradictory agendas from the start hindered the campaign in 499 BCE and mistrust arose between the commanders. The situation worsened when the funds, likely exaggerated by Aristagoras, proved insufficient. The Persian fleet had been given the nominal provisions by Dārayavahuš and soon it was forced to retreat. Aristagoras' attempt to increase his prestige in Persian eyes and contain unrest had failed. This left only one course of action available: open rebellion. Aristagoras decided to seize the assembled Persian fleet at Myous, capturing all the Tyrannoi serving as captains of the ships. These men were set free or delivered to their poleis in exchange of cooperation, Aristagoras relinquished his power and declared Miletos a Demokratia to incite the population against Pârsa. However not all Asiatic Hellenes joined straight away, some poleis had to be coerced into revolting. Also it was soon realised how their numbers were going to be insufficient and Aristagoras quickly sailed for Sparta to seek military assistance. He was rejected, but Athenai and Eretria answered the call. The forces united at Ephesos, which refused to directly help the revolt, but instead would provide guides for the marches inland. In 498 BCE Aristagoras then nominated two generals and sent them with the army against Sardis. There they caught the satrapal garrison off guard and sacked the lower city, for they could not storm the Akropolis. However the Khšaçapāvan managed to restore order in his soldiers and launched a successful counter attack, forcing the Hellenic army, more or less intact, to fall back to Ephesos. Artafarnah, the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, quickly pursued them and defeated the Hellenes near Ephesos. But he was in no position to start a siege and shut himself in Sardis to regroup. This managed to convince other communities that Persian authority was weaker and that it could be possible to regain independence. However Hellenic unity fell short: Athenai and Eretria had had enough and sailed back to Attike, the Asiatic Hellenes also dispersed to their own poleis. At this time heralds from Kypros came asking for help and the Iones dispatched a large force. In 497 BCE off the coast of Salamis they defeated the Ponnim (Phoenicians), who manned the newly built Persian fleet. Nonetheless the Kyprioi were overwhelmed in a land battle and so the Iones sailed back home. During the same year Persian generals were subduing the rebelling poleis and Klazomenai was captured. Aristagoras, seeing how the Iones had no hopes in the Asian mainland, put forward to fall back to Myrkinos in Thraikia. For that was the fortification Histiaios of Miletos built to secure the mines gifted by Dārayavahuš and with those revenues the Iones could finance a fleet and soldiers. The Milesioi were divided and only some opted to follow Aristagoras there, but they were all killed by Thraikioi. In 496 BCE Histiaios had returned, on Persian order to reassume power in Miletos, however he was planning to revolt as well with the help of Persian nobles in Sardis. First he went to Chios asking for ships, since Miletos had installed a Demokratia soon as Aristagoras left and was not going to accept again a Tyrannos. He attempted a night attack by sea, but was wounded and repulsed. Artafarnah had also learnt of his scheme and executed the Persian conspirators, so without any ally Histiaios was rejected by the Chioi. He fled to Mytilene and persuaded the polis to supply him with eight Triereis. This force sailed to Byzantion and set up a base, blockading vessels coming from the Pontos Euxeinos. In 494 BCE, recovering from setbacks, the Persian offensive resumed and this time all forces were gathered against Miletos. Alarmed the Iones consulted at the Panionion and decided to let the Milesioi defend their fortifications on land, while every polis would muster its warships at Lades. This was a tiny island off the Milesian coast, even Aioleis from Lesbos came to help. Overall command was granted to Dionysios of Phokaia, whose sailors although only few were considered the best. He set forth training the Hellenes daily, but most were not as professional as the Phokaieis and could not bear it. Discipline collapsed, exacerbated as well by the former Tyrannoi who sought refuge in Pârsa and were inciting the Iones to surrender. When battle ensued the Samioi simply turned back, causing the Aioleis to give up as well and the remaining Iones were overwhelmed. Dionysios and his men, with just three captured Triereis, would continue raiding as far as Phoinike. Miletos, now besieged from both land and sea, was captured and part of its population was relocated. The temples were plundered and burned, this was the Hakhāmanišiya practice of punishing both insurgents and the gods, who were invoked in support of rebellions. Such punishment was carried out for the other poleis too, as a consequence celebrations at the Panionion ceased and Ephesos took over as religious centre. In the meantime Histiaios had descended on Chios with his mercenaries from Lesbos and coerced the survivors of Lades to join his raids. His target was the island of Thasos and its mines, but while besieging it news that the Persian fleet was on its way forced him to flee. He would later be captured in Mysia and executed. In 493 BCE Artafarnah, having pacified Ionia, imposed an end to the infighting between Asiatic Hellenes, which would be settled by Persian arbitration henceforth. By the following year Iones were already enlisted in Persian expedition and in 490 BCE they also fought at Marathon. With Khšayaršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I)'s ascension to the throne in 485 BCE Ionia retained a degree of autonomy, thanks to Tyrannoi appointed by the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda. They duly supplied men and warships for the invasion of Hellas in 480 BCE. However the Iones still would not fight in unison at Salamis. Some commanders informed the Hellenes in advance of the Persian battle plans, but only few decided to fight poorly in order to help the Greek cause. In fact the Iones excelled at Salamis in the number of kills to their credit.
In 479 BCE ambassadors from Samos urged the Spartan Archagetes Leotychidas and the Athenian Eponymos Archon Xanthippos to attack the Persian fleet as soon as possible, encouraging the Iones to revolt once again. The same year at Mount Mykale battle was joined on land and the Milesioi, fighting for the Persian army, were ordered to hold position overlooking the army. This was done first to avoid any betrayal the battle, but also to have the Milesioi serve as guides should there be need for a fast retreat. However, seeing as the Hellenes were gaining the upper hand and men started to flee, the Milesioi aptly made sure they would retreat right into their pursuers. In the aftermath the Lakedaimonioi advised the Asiatic Hellenes to abandon Mikra Asia, but the Athenaioi rebuked and brought Samos, Chios and Lesbos into the Hellenic symmachia. This was supposed to be merely a continuation of the league formed at Korinthos, but it would quickly become the Koinon Delion. However this symmachia held undertones of "Ionianism", for it held Athenai as the Ionian Metropolis and Delos was were Iones (both from Asia and Hellas) venerated Apollon. Miletos was still nominally under Persian authority and it saw the greater part of its cultivable land taken over by Persian nobles. This diminishing of Milesian resources allowed Athenai to take over the Aigaion and gradually colonize Thraikia and the Propontis. In 478 BCE cracks in the alliance between Athenai and Sparta were revealed, when Pausanias the Spartan commander for the joined Hellenes was removed formally removed from his position. His successor nominated by Sparta was refused by the Iones and preferred the Athenian Kimon to take charge. Samos, Chios and Lesbos proved to be the staunchest supporters of Athenai during the following decades, assisting any campaign even against revolting Naxos and Thasos. This allowed the three islands to become independent members. In the 460s BCE Kimon defeated the Persian fleet and army near the Eurymedon River and exploiting the Hakhāmanišiya succession crisis, following Khšayaršā's assassination, convinced coastal Mikra Asia to side with Athenai. In 454 BCE the Samioi even proposed to transfer the Koinon's treasury to Athenai itself. This centralization of power provoked Erythrai and Miletos to revolt. The former suffered a military expedition, which put in place a Demokratia favourable to Athenai in 453 BCE and by 450 BCE Miletos was beaten. However the Asiatic Hellenes once again developed various internal factions, split between Persian and Athenian sympathies. In 446 BCE Miletos revolted once again and as a result a Demokratia was installed by Perikles. Infighting was not over and in 440 BCE Athenai had to arbitrate in favour of Miletos against Samos, who had a territorial dispute over Priene. But this happened only after Samos had won, because it refused to recognize Athenian intervention. This was tantamount to open revolt and an Athenian garrison was installed. The Samian oligarchai, in response, asked for help to the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda. They proved successful and handed over the garrison to become Persian captives, causing members of the Koinon Delion to consider rebellion as well. Perikles acted swiftly dispatching Triereis to the interested scenarios and defeated the Samian fleet, convincing Chios and Lesbos to continue their support. After a blockade in 439 BCE this time forced Samos to accept an installed Demokratia, have its walls demolished, surrender its fleet and cover all the expenditure of this campaign. Athenian authority recovered quickly in the Aigaion as a result. In 428 the oligarchai of Mytilene revolted with Peloponnesian support, which came only the following year. They found the polis already besieged from land and sea, its population already famished threatened to help the Athenian cause. Thus the oligarchai decided to come to terms and Athenai leased the farmland back to the rebels, while imposing a garrison of Klerouchoi.
Following the destruction of Athenian forces at Syrakousai in 413 BCE, many Hellenes rebelled on their own initiative or encouraged by Persian officials. Lesbos again with Lakedaimonian help, while Chios and Erythrai in league with Čiçafarnah (Tissaphernes) at Sparda. Alkibiades of Athenai rapidly spread the rebellion to Klazomenai, Teos and Ephesos. He then set for Miletos in 412 BCE and turned it into the Spartan naval base for the coming war. But Alkibiades' conduct put him in bad terms with the Archagetes Agis II and the Athenaios switched to Persian service. However in 409 BCE Alkibiades was in contact with Athenian commanders and insisted for them to attack Ephesos. Čiçafarnah learnt of this and rushed his horsemen to the polis, rallying the Iones and the allied Hellenes from Sikelia to successfully defeat the Athenaioi. In 407 BCE the Spartan Nauarchos Lysandros transferred the fleet to Ephesos, due to its better location, and not only set his base there, but he filled the port with merchants. Bringing much business and Ephesos began to grew in splendor and wealth. Learning of this, in 406 BCE, Alkibiades sailed to raid Ephesian land. His lieutenant Antiochos was sent to reconnaissance the Lakedaimonian fleet near Notion, but exchanged insults and went as far as parading with few galleys. This quickly escalated in a conflict, with both sides feeding more ships and Lysandros was ultimately victorious. Athenai took it as the perfect excuse to remove Alkibiades from command and his substitute Konon sailed to blockade Lesbos. Off the coast of Smyrna at the Arginoussai Islands the Athenian fleet defeated the Peloponnesian one led by Kallikratidas, who had just assumed his term as Nauarchos. Lysandros was then reappointed, officially as Epistoleus (notional secretary), and in 405 BCE effectively destroyed the Athenian navy. Ephesos was so overjoyed and enthralled by his personality that dedicated him and other Spartiates statues in the temple of Artemis. The Samioi even performed sacrifices to Lysandros, this was the first instance of such honours to be granted a living man. When Lysandros left Mikra Asia to finish the war with Athenai, the Iones flocked to Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger), who had been in amicable terms with the Nauarchos. Thus in 404 BCE the Asiatic Hellenes and other mercenaries from Hellas assembled at Ephesos to serve Kūruš. The venture failed and in 396 BCE the Spartan Archagetes Agesilaos II set his headquarters in Ephesos, to wage war against Čiçafarnah. In the Ionian polis Agesilaos armed many rich Iones as Hippeis and offered prizes for whichever division would prove in the best physical condition. Also making good use of the infrastructure laid by Lysandros, the marketplace became full of horses and weapons, with the carpenters, smiths, leather artisans and painters all engaged in a real military workshop. The following year Agesilaos' army was successful, but the Archagetes had to get back to Hellas for Argos, Athenai, Korinthos and Thebai had formed a league against Sparta. In 394 BCE the Lakedaimonian fleet was destroyed by the Strategos Konon of Athenai, employed by the Khšaçapāvan of Phrygia. As a result the Ephesioi now joined the anti-Spartan maritime league and helped expell the pro-Spartan oligarchai from other poleis. In 392 BCE the new Khšaçapāvan of Sparda ambushed and killed the appointed Spartan commander near Ephesos and effectively re-established Persian suzerainty in coastal Mikra Asia. The following year this Khšaçapāvan was already arbitrating disputes and hearing Ionian juries. Later in 388 BCE Persian overlordship was officialised by the Spartan diplomat Antalkidas during negotiations with Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II). In 366 BCE Asiatic Hellenes joined Yervand of Hayasdan in revolt and the Khšaçapāvan of Karia, Mausolos, as a result, marched against Ephesos. This polis had been taken over by Heropythos, who started to rule as Tyrannos and extended his dominion to the east of Miletos in Karia. Mausolos managed to push him back to Ephesos, but there Heropythos died repelling the Karian army. The Ephesioi to show their gratitude buried the Tyrannos in their marketplace. In the meantime Athenai had dispatched the Strategos Timotheos with desires to revive Athenian Hegemonia in the Aigaion. To this aim he besieged Samos and captured it by 365 BCE. In 362 BCE Vātafradāta (Autophradates), the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, surrounded by rebels joined their cause. However by 360 BCE the revolt was losing cohesion and Vātafradāta approached the Ephesian leaders for a conference, but there he took them prisoners and stormed the polis with hidden troops. In 357 BCE Mausolos instigated revolts among the islands of the Aigaion against Athenai and the Strategos Chabrias attacked Chios in the ensuing war. The following year the sole remaining Strategos Chares allied with Artavazdah, the new Khšaçapāvan of Phrygia who had just started a rebellion against Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes III). As a consequence the Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) threatened Athenai that he would support the rebels in the Aigaion, prompting an end to the war in the islands. These were declared independent in 355 BCE, but received Karian garrisons for protection. Stasis developed among the Iones quickly, with pro-Persian oligarchai facing democratic factions.
Around 345 BCE Delios of Ephesos, an alledged follower of Platon, went to Makedonia as an emissary representing his fellow Asiatic Hellenes. There he spurred Philippos II of Makedonia to lead an expedition, which the Iones and other Hellenes would support. The Iones also followed Phillipos' claim to divinity and even set up a quasi-cultic image at the temple of Artemis in Ephesos. In 336 BCE Parmenion led 10.000 men to support these democratic risings, but as he marched away to fight against Memnon of Rhodos, the oligarchai promptly re-took power. When Philippos was assassinated, the Makedonian Strategos Amyntas fled to Ephesos and there was employed as a mercenary captain by Memnon. However 334 BCE following the battle at the Grenikos River, Alexandros III of Makedonia marched to Ephesos and the mercenary garrison fled. The oligarchai were executed, among other reasons because they had destroyed Philippos' statue. Alexandros spent some time in the polis, harbouring his fleet, and commissioned a painting of himself as Zeus wielding a thunderbolt. He also received ambassadors from other poleis offering their submission and Alexandros dispatched the Strategoi Parmenion and Alkimachos to remove any pro-Persian government in coastal Mikra Asia. Klazomenai, up to this point an island, was linked to the mainland as part of the program to strengthen Ionia against the Persian fleet. Then news reached Alexandros III that Memnon and all the mercenaries were assembling at Miletos. The Basileus assembled what forces he could gather, recalling the two Strategoi, and marched to besiege Miletos. Nikanor, Nauarchos for the Koinon Hellenon, was also sailed to Lades, fortifying the place. Thus the Persian fleet was forced to anchor off-shore under Mount Mykale and Alexandros quickly captured the Milesian Akropolis. Later in 333 BCE the Makedonian army was setting out to meet with Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius III), but ever resourceful Memnon of Rhodos had already retaken the islands in the Aigaion, Priene and Miletos. The Hellenes started to look on Memnon as the real liberator, for Alexandros had no scruple about enslaving whoever refused to submit and instead offered to become a neutral and open city. When Mytilene, after a fierce struggle, expelled its Makedonian garrison, all the Kyklades offered their allegiance to Memnon. Luckily for Alexandros, the Rhodian Strategos fell ill and died; thus without his charisma and genius the anti-Makedonian league lost any hope for a united front. Word of the Makedonian victory at Issos also dampened their spirits, so in 332 BCE the Nauarchos of the Hellespontos Amphoteros and his officer Hegelochos managed to raise a powerful fleet from the Asiatic Hellenes. Recapturing Chios, Lesbos and the other islands. While the Somatophylax Balakros on land was also successful in taking back Miletos. This prompted the Milesioi to report how Didyma's spring began to flow again and how its oracle heard, once more, prophecies from Apollon, ratifying Alexandros' descent from Zeus. Thus, with more favourable propaganda, Alexandros ended the harder measures in Mikra Asia: granting land to poleis, covering war expenses and conciliate as far as possible the Hellenes with their garrisons. Alexandros also revived the Panionion, which once again held festivals and games.
In 318 BCE Antigonos Monophthalmos seized Ephesos, supporting Kassandros against Polyperchon, and made it his base for war in the Aigaion. At that time ships were taking 600 talents of silver to Makedonia, to cover the expenses for the Basileis under the regency of Polyperchon. But Antigonos promptly seized them and used them to pay his army and fund his campaign to gain control of Ionia and the Aigaion. Later in 315 BCE Antigonos dispossessed Seleukos of Babylonia, forcing him to flee to Aegyptos. There he served as Nauarchos for Ptolemaios I and led raids in Ionia and Karia, he proved so successful that the oracle of Didyma hailed him as Basileus. But this was premature, Seleukos' objective was to divert Antigonid forces to the Aigaion, so that Ptolemaios could defeat whatever troops remained in Syria. In 307 BCE, now secure of his position in Mikra Asia, Antigonos proclaimed several Ionian communities free. Now the fleet at Ephesos consisted of 250 vessels and Demetrios was ordered to sail and free every polis in Hellas. However in 302 BCE Lysimachos of Thraikia joined the coalition against Antigonos and with the help of Strategos Prepelaos, dispatched by Kassandros, they quickly captured Ephesos taking control of Ionia. Demetrios, now known as Poliorketes (the Besieger), was recalled and with ease retook Ionia. This forced Lysimachos and Pleistarchos (Kassandros' brother) to engage in a delaying campaign, to buy time and allow Seleukos I and Ptolemaios I to bring up their armies in Mikra Asia. Subsequently Antigonos was killed in battle and Lysimachos was rewarded western Mikra Asia. Thus he set forth removing the still loyal Antigonid garrisons and Ephesos once again was captured, this time with the assistance of pirates. The polis was indispensable, but the past years had made all too clear how its position was too exposed. So in the late 290s BCE Lysimachos ordered its relocation and fortification, renamed Arsinoeia (after his second wife). It had as many as sixty towers, its drystone walls carefully fitted onto the bedrock, becoming strong to the point of brutality. Lysimachos certainly had big plans for Ephesos, forcibly transplanting citizens from Lebedos and Colophon to it, and started planning the foundations for the Great Theater. He also had a large gate made for the trading traffic coming from the east and built a mausoleion for himself, but he would not be buried there. By 285 BCE Lysimachos was indeed showing great ambition and resources, which threatened his former allies and they let Demetrios cross to Mikra Asia. The Antigonid were still much loved and respected by the populace: Miletos defected to become his naval base. Soon other coastal poleis' governors switched sides as well, Ephesos included. Fortunately for Lysimachos, his son Agathokles proved a resolute commander drawing Demetrios ever farther inland, to cut the latter's supply lines and retaking all his settlements. The fleet at Miletos, with no port to go to, had no choice but to surrender and Agathokles effectively defeated the Poliorketes without even meeting him in battle. Thus in 284 BCE Agathokles, who already had a personal mint striking coins in his image wearing a diadem, may have started to demand his father to share his power. Arsinoe at this time obfuscated Lysimachos' mind, to further her sons succession or directly attempt to poison her son in law. Whatever the case Agathokles ended up in prison and Ptolemaios Keraunos executed him. This caused great disaffection towards Lysimachos by his officials, who offered their loyalty to Seleukos I Nikator. The latter was victorious in 281 BCE, but Keraunos betrayed him and murdered him the same year, bringing political chaos in Mikra Asia.
So Ptolemaios II Philadelphos of Aigyptos was all too glad to rectify that, making Kallikrates of Samos his Nauarchos with orders to take all the Ionian seaboard for Aigyptos. Ptolemaic dominance was then secured, thanks to the Galatian invasion keeping Seleukid forces occupied. But in 261 BCE the Ptolemaic fleet was defeated by Antigonos Gonatas, who now allied himself with Antiochos II and carried the war to Ionia. Ptolemaic power in the Aigaion was thus uncertain and in 259 BCE Timarchos of Aitolia proclaimed himself Tyrannos of Miletos, killing the Ptolemaic officer in the polis. Antiochos II swiftly assaulted the rebel, capturing both Miletos and Samos, earning the title of Theos (God). In 258 BCE Agathostratos of Rhodos, who had sided with the Makedonian and Seleukid Basileis, defeated Chremonides of Athenai, now an exile serving Ptolemaios II, at Ephesos by feigning a naval retreat and falling on the Ptolemaic sailors as they were disembarking. Thus Antiochos II Soter took over the whole of Ionia and engaged the remaining Ptolemaic naval bases in the Aigaion. Although victorious these were only small detachments of Philadephos' fleet, but Ptolemaios managed to broker a favourable peace in 253 BCE by marrying his daughter to the Seleukid Basileus. However Antiochos II Soter already had a wife, Laodike, whom he sent to live in Ephesos with her sons. The union allowed Philadelphos to revive his power in the Aigaion and defeat Antigonos Gonatas around 250 BCE in a naval battle. Antiochos II Soter on the other hand was unable to recover his eastern satrapeies and may have just given up, preferring the pleasures of a dissolute life. In 246 BCE, with the death of Philadelphos, Antiochos II Soter was all too happy to repudiate the former's daughter Berenike and rush back to Laodike in Ephesos, where unfortunately for him that very summer he died. Thus Seleukos II Pogon was proclaimed Basileus, but Berenike refused and named her son the successor calling for her brother Ptolemaios III's support. Sophron, the Seleukid governor of Ephesos, was informed that Laodike intended to kill him and so he fled to Ptolemaios III. Who sent him with Ptolemaios Andromachos to retake Ionia and the islands of the Aigaion. They were successful, but in 245 BCE they lost a naval battle against Antigonos Gonatas and Ptolemaios Andromachos was killed by his soldiers from Thraikia at Ephesos. Ptolemaios III in 243 BCE answered by siding with the Koinon Achaion and concentrated his efforts towards the eastern Aigaion. Exploiting the civil war, which erupted between the two sons of Laodike, Ptolemaios III gained Lesbos, Samos, Kos and poleis in the Chersonesos Thraikios by stricking a peace with Seleukos II in 241 BCE. From then on Ptolemaic activities in Ionia and Mikra Asia were concentrated on providing aid, to whatever polity happened to be fighting the central Seleukid authority.
In 201 BCE Philippos V of Makedonia, in accordance with Antiochos III Megas, was undertaking a massive naval campaign in the Aigaion against Rhodos. He sailed to Samos, capturing every Ptolemaic vessel and using the harbour as his base. The Rhodoi attempted to block his way at Lades, but Philippos V broke through and sailed for Miletos. There he was welcomed, although the Milesioi could scarcely do anything else. The defeated Rhodian Nauarchos Theophiliskos then contacted Attalos I of Pergamon and formed a naval coalition. Quickly Chios, Byzantion, Kyzikos and Kos joined as well, causing Philippos V to invade Mysia. He planned on knocking out the most powerful member of the coalition, but he was unable to capture Pergamon. Thus Philippos V decided to blockade Chios, preventing the allies to link their fleets. This was a vain hope, because he found himself effectively trapped on two fronts. Realising this Philippos V tried to escape, but was intercepted by Attalos and later Theophiliskos joined battle into two linked fights. Philippos V lost 96 of his 200 warships, all sunk, but managed to flee. However by 197 BCE Antiochos III Megas had finished off Ptolemaic resistance in Syria, gathering warships and building new ones. With both these and his land army, Antiochos captured every single Ptolemaic base in Mikra Asia. With 300 warships hardly any polity could oppose him at the present moment and Rhodos sent emissaries to inquiry about his intentions. The Basileus Megas offered them influence over the Kyklades, Karia and every island as far north as Samos. Continuing his journey Antiochos III wintered at Ephesos, establishing contacts with Roma and Titvs Qvinctivs Flamininvs. But relations eventually deteriorated and in 192 BCE Antiochos Megas was drawn into a conflict against the SPQR, to assist his Aitolian allies. Defeated the following year he sent part of his fleet to Hellespontos, while he sailed the rest to Ephesos. His failed campaign also convinced Eumenes III of Pergamon and Rhodos to side with Roma, but the three fleets were separated and Antiochos Megas felt necessary to keep them apart. To this end he sent his Nauarchos Polyxenidas of Rhodos and 200 ships to Phokaia, between Eumenes and the Roman naval Praetor Caivs Livivs Salinator. However the latter moved to Chios, threatening Ephesos and Polyxenidas came south of Erythrai at Kissos. This was a ploy that allowed Eumenes to join and now the allied fleet was larger and possessed heavier vessels. Polyxenidas attempted to quickly capture enemy ships with his fast ships, but the Romani were using grappling irons and prevented them to manouver. Seeing this the Seleukid fleet called off the attack mostly intact, with ten ships swamped and thirteen captured, sailing back to Ephesos. The polis could not be captured for the fleet was supported by both the garrison and Seleukid land forces. Thus winter set in with both sides taking quarters, to equip more ships and recruiting allies. In 190 BCE C. Livivs Salinator took thirty Roman ships and four Pergamene ones to the Hellespontos, in an attempt to clear it for the land army, while leaving the rest under the Rhodian Pausistratos. This fleet was positioned to prevent Polyxenidas in Ephesos to sail towards the Hellespontos, but left all the Rhodian outposts in the Aigaion vulnerable. Thus the Seleukid Nauarchos decoyed his opponent to Samos and raided a Rhodian squadron, capturing twenty vessels and sinking one. In the meantime Antichos Megas' son, Seleukos, captured Phokaia which had been used as a naval base by the Romani. Upon hearing of this C. Livivs Salinator rushed back to join the Rhodioi, who had appointed a new Nauarchos, Eudamos, and dispatched him with twenty more ships. Polyxenidas figured he would be caught again between two contingents, or simply dreaded being in a similar scenario, and took position to intercept the Roman fleet at Myonessos. But a storm prevented any manouver and after another abortive attempt, the Seleukid fleet had to get back to Ephesos to resupply. The allies were not faring any better: the new naval Praetor Lvcivs Aemilivs Regillvs had to be escorted by four qvinqveremes, four qvadriremes and four triremes because the Ionion Pelagos (Ionian Sea) and the Kyklades were teeming with Seleukid allies. A conference was held at Samos, where the Pergamenoi were concerned about Mysia being invaded by Seleukos and the Rhodioi alarmed by news of Hannibal Barca sailing from Syria against Rhodos itself. The alliance cohesion was put under severe pressure and the Rhodioi resolved to send 35 warships to block Hannibal, which they did successfully. In the meantime L. Aemilivs Regillvs was running out of supplies and sailed out to Chios, but was deliberately fed informations about a Seleukid consignment of wine on its way to Antiochos. Unaware of the trap, the Roman fleet set forth seizing the convoy on its way to Chios, but close to the Myonessos Cape Polyxenidas had deployed his 90 vessels. The Praetor could rely on 80, because Eumenes' and other Roman warships were at the Hellespontos, while the greater part of the Rhodian fleet had been engaging Hannibal. Nevertheless L. Aemilivs Regillvs was confident enough to attack, employing fire-pots mounted on a pole in front of the bow and concentrating on the thinner centre of the enemy formation. This proved victorious and 42 Seleukid ships were sunk, burnt and captured, at the cost of only three allied vessels. The Aigaion now belonged to the allies, Phokaia was recaptured as winter quarters and Polyxenidas unable to break through Rhodian squadrons, after the Seleukid defeat at Magnesia by Mount Sypilos, was compelled to march his crew inland.
Ionia was now Eumenes' and poleis like Miletos and Ephesos enjoyed a second blooming thanks to benefactions. In 184 BCE Eumenes gained a major victory against Galatian raiders and was hailed by the Hellenes as Soter (Saviour), also in appreciation the citizens of Ephesos, Miletos and Sardis contributed financially for a commemorative frieze of the battle. Later in 171 BCE Eumenes II Soter fought alongside the SPQR against Makedonia, shipping troops and supplies across the Aigaion. Although facing set backs, like a cavalry convoy destroyed by the Makedonian fleet in 168 BCE off Chios, and renewed Galatian raids, Eumenes kept his kingdom safe. His successor and brother Attalos II Philadelphos engaged in building programs, in an attempt to deal with the silting of Ionia. In 155 BCE he had the Ephesian harbour dredged and built new breakwaters, but this was an insufficient measure simply delaying the inevitable. In general the Ionian communities enjoyed a benevolent rule, honouring the Attalidai with statues and festivals. In 133 BCE Aristonikos declared himself a bastard son of Eumenes II Soter, to oppose the Roman inheritance of Attalid Pergamon. However the rich urban communities banished him and the Ephesioi even assembled a fleet to defeat him near Kyme. Once Aristonikos was captured, the Provincia of Asia was established and Ephesos became the administrative centre. Quickly the Pvblicani (overseers, tax and duties collectors) initiated a ruthless extraction of capital, among other measures by lending money at usurious rates. In 94 BCE the Proconsvl of Asia, Qvintvs Mvcivs Scaevola responded by allowing cases to be settled by neutral parties, as per Hellenic law, and set about reforming the administration. His Legatvs Pvblivs Rvtilivs Rvfvs was however falsely condemned by Roman juries, composed of Eqvites (members of the equestrian order), who were the very Pvblicani conducting extortions. The local Hellenes offered him asylum at Mytilene and later Smyrna, while previously the Asiatic Hellenes had honoured Q. Mvcivs Scaevola with festivals. Unfortunately these upright men proved to be the exception, rather than the rule and corruption resumed.
In 89 BCE Mithradates VI of Pontos invaded the Roman Provincia of Asia and Asiatic Hellenes were generally amenable to his cause. The Mytilenaioi seized Manivs Aqvillivs as he was fleeing, sending him back to the Pontic Basileus to be executed. While the Ephesioi helped resident Romani to escape to Rhodos, but soon as the Pontic army turned up, they opened their gates and overthrew every Roman statue in the polis as a show of loyalty. Nonetheless in 88 BCE the poleis of Ionia duly followed Mithradates' instructions to kill every single Romanvs and Latinvs, for financial incentives. Actually Ephesos was the stage of the largest number of murders, where the resident aliens were dragged away from the temples to be slain. Now the Hellenes were undeniably made part of the Pontic cause and supplied warships for the siege of Rhodos. Frustrated by failures and superior Rhodian seamanship, Mithradates paranoically concocted Hellenic betrayal when a ship from Chios slammed his royal flagship during a night attack by the Rhodioi. Thus later in 86 BCE, when a Chian delegation approached Lvcivs Cornelivs Svlla, Mithradates ordered his Strategos Zenobios, en route to Athenai, to occupy the island and demand hostages. This was followed by a charge of embezzlement over the Roman loot from the massacre, which Mithradates announced deserved death. But he "magnanimously" would waive for a 2.000 talents fine, which by stripping temples and donating jewellery the Chioi managed to cover. While the campaign in Hellas was suffering major reversals, Zenobios had returned and was supposed to meet the governor of Ephesos. However the citizens, fearing a similar treatment that befell Chios, executed Zenobios, gathered supplies and prepared to defend their polis. Other communities followed their example, but Mithradates harassed the rebels in the countryside, making a gruesome example of anyone caught outside. To prevent further insurrections he erased debts, freed slaves and granted citizenship to foreigners, envisioning fervent pro- and anti-Mithradatic factions in every poleis paralyzed in civic strife. In 84 BCE Svlla recovered Ephesos and summarily put to death those who sided with Mithradates. Then he demanded the arrears in taxation and to cover the war expenses. The islands of the Aigaion repudiated Svlla's settlement and engaged in piracy, which may have been sponsored by Mithradates himself. Around 78 BCE Caivs Ivlivs Caesar stormed Mytilene, bringing its pirates to heel and earned the Corona Civica for his valour. By the 60s BCE Cnaevs Pompeivs had cleared the seas from piracy and Miletos dedicated him a monument at one of its harbours. Later in 49 BCE Pompeian supporters were in Ephesos, contemplating to strip the temple of Artemis to finance their cause and assembling all the warships they could find in the Provincia of Asia. Upon hearing of C. Ivlivs Caesar crossing of the Hadriaticvm Mare (Adriatic Sea), they had only time to commandeer 2200 Sestertia, previously deposited to the Pvblicani by Marcvs Tvllivs Cicero. In 44 BCE Arsinoe IV, co-ruler of Aigyptos with Ptolemaios XIII, was deposed and escaped to Ephesos. Where she helped finance the lost republican cause, but in 41 BCE her sister Kleopatra VII arranged for Marcvs Antonivs to have her murdered. While in Ephesos M. Antonivs raised revenues for his war against Parthia, also arranged for a statue of Apollon and 200.000 parchments from Pergamon to be confiscated and sent to Kleopatra VII as a wedding gift. Around 33 BCE M. Antonivs and Kleopatra assembled in Ephesos 800 vessels, 500 of them warships, for the civil war with Caivs Ivlivs Caesar Octavianvs. When the latter was victorious in 31 BCE, he punished the Ephesioi with taxation, but let the polis be free. Octavianvs also replaced, in the temples of Asia, all the ornaments despoiled by M. Antonivs. By 14 CE Ephesos had enjoyed much patronage and extended its aqueducts, paved its streets, enlarged the marketplaces, built monumental triple gates and fountains. Thus the polis received the title of First and Greatest Metropolis of Asia.
Strategy
Ionia is vital for the control of the Aigaion and it has enough resources to finance military forces. But its position makes it a superb trading centre, with the potential of increasing the revenues further.
I know, way too long, I'll wait for feedback on my previous three descriptions, so that maybe I can adjust the History sections to the team's criteria. Right now I honestly wouldn't know what to cut :S
fightermedic
06-08-2013, 22:50
just wanted to say thank you to all the people who contributed
writing is something i myself find very hard to do right, so you sure have my admiration here :)
and when the time comes to write stuff for the stone fort descriptions, your help will be welcome once more, that's for certain
If this is still up and running, I can try my hand at some Eastern provinces, how about Gedrosia to start off with?
Gaius Scribonius Curio
06-10-2013, 00:44
Hi Zastrow,
As far as I can tell Gedrosia is free, so please feel free to start writing. Thank you for your enthusiasm.
Brave Brave Sir Robin
06-10-2013, 23:35
Since I worked on Hyrkania it would only seem logical to do Parthyaia next since the two were administered as one for most of EB's history.
On a side note, just want to thank everyone who has/is contributing and to encourage you to keep it up. The descriptions here are really phenomenal and I'm sure of great help to team members whose skills can be better directed elsewhere.
Makedonia is coming along soon. "Traveller's log", "geography" and "people, society and government" and "strategy" sectors are ready, but could use the editing. The history sector has progressed but is not yet done. Especially in EB timeframe the succession of events is like aimless machine-gun fire and no cooling. Rapid, doomed to implode and can lead to no good. Trying to sift through what's important (Alexander on a level of his and everything else that made a difference) and what is not worth the time and pixels taken to type (Meleagros) is proving more challenging than I thought (or hoped).
Getting there...
Put me on the board with Bithynia please, I feel Eleutheroish :P
Just saw your new edits I Am Herenow
Here are the answers:
This does not make sense; do you mean 'Darius allowed'?
Yes, his father the King granted him free hand and money to recruit mercenaries...
What do you mean by 'impressed enough'?
Failing to coerce them into joining his army, through fear and a show of strength...
Gah forgot my previous post was the last one, sorry for the double :(
Gah forgot my previous post was the last one, sorry for the double :(
No need to apologize. In fact, if you had edited the previous post instead of submitting a new one, I wouldn't have noticed that the thread had been updated.
Adalingum
06-20-2013, 07:05
I have not been capable of working much on Lakonike in the past few weeks (mainly due to school work), but with the holidays approaching I have good hopes I can start working on it again. Apologies for the delay.
Makedonia as promised...
I had a hard time keeping it "brief". I didn't exactly succeed either. Classical and pre-classical Makedonia rarely gets the attention its history's twists and turns deserve. I focused in this period in terms of text length. I wrote very little about Phillip and practically nothing about Alexander. My impression is that people playing this game are well informed on Alexander and could benefit little from Phillip's particulars; whose genius deserves volumes. The EB era of Makedonia has been aptly described in EB I and in some detail too. I did provide a list of events, around the lineage of Makedonian Kings as an axis, but perhaps somewhat summarily.
At any rate the text is of course up for editing, addition or any other form of manipulation by the team.
Hope you enjoy.
Province Makedonia
Traveler’s Log
A traveler’s most rewarding approach would be through the northern mountains, from whose high passes, Makedonia’s lowlands, rivers, sea and a majestic Olympus are a breathtaking sight. Tough people were brought to heel under Phillip’s rule and he rewarded their loyal service with supremacy over all Aimos and… his son. Phillip used a mixture of all means available to him to achieve his goal. Alexander, it seems, would only need his own will. And what a will it was, forged between rugged mountain, roaring river and cool sea. All under the gaze of the Olympians.
The traveler should go south to visit the new Makedonian capital at Pella and the old, ceremonial capital at Aigai, whose name probably derives from the word for goat. Goats are aplenty in Makedonia and the Persian Empire’s conquerors were mostly goat herders once. Before reaching the capitals in the Makedonian heartland by the sea, the traveler will cross the lowland lying before him and to the east the gentle slope descends uninterrupted all the way to the sea. Parallel to his route, but farther to the east, are rivers, Strymon and Nestos, that formed natural borders of the Makedonian kingdom of old. There are also rivers that flow into the bay Thermaikos, where the kingdom’s capital has access to the sea. The gulf is sheltered by the Chalcidice peninsula to the east and the mainland forms its west. Farther to the west, the sheer volume of the Pindos Mountains forms a wall, both separating and joining, Makedonia and Epeiros, in geography and fate.
Moving southwards, the traveler approaches the highest mountain in all of Hellas: Olympus, home to the gods. Crowned by clouds formed by Zeus Nefeligeretes, it dominates the southern Makedonian lowlands all the way to the pass of Tempi, southern Makedonia’s border with Thessaly.
Geography
Makedonia is dominated by mountains to the North and West. The snowy mountains are the source of rivers running to the sea. The lowlands are both fertile farmland and excellent pastureland for livestock and superior horses. The Chalcidicean peninsula expands three-pronged into the sea and near its cliff shores the sea can be treacherous, as many a seaman have discovered, Persian invaders being a prominent example. To the south, mount Olympus boasts its height and the honor of being the seat of the Gods.
The People, Society and Government
Makedon was a son of Zeus and Thyia, daughter of Deucalion. Zeus needs no introduction, but Thyia’s name probably derives from the word “to sacrifice” and was a naiad and a Maenad, a worshiper in the cult of Dionysus, from mount Parnassus in central Hellas. This is only the prevalent mythological origin, but other possibilities are less appealing (Aeolus and Lykaon). Makedon or Makednos probably means highlander or long, tall, but there are advocates of pre-Greek, non-Indo-European origin of the word. His brother was Magnes. The two grew up and ruled in areas around mount Olympus, ultimately giving their names to their realms: Makedonia and Magnesia, the land of Centaurs. Makedon himself is attributed the epithet hippiocharmes, a word found both in Hesiod and Homer (attributed to characters of the Iliad). The word is translated mainly in three ways all of which denote appreciation and love of horses.
So these sons of Zeus loved (and/or fought on) horses, enjoyed excessive drinking and lived right next-door to the gods. The stuff of empire?
Makedonian society was initially a cluster of clans from the highlands and lowlands around the capital. The clan leaders were responsible for their subjects’ conduct and they all answered to the king. They formed the core of the King’s council that later on became the Hetairoi.
Mostly goat herders, the Makedonians were a hardy folk and their code of ethics reflected this fact. It was only during the late fourth century that increased contact with southern Hellas and substantial wealth led to a refinement at court and the incorporation of more advanced political institutions in the kingdom’s function. The cult of Dionysus boasted a strong presence in the kingdom, but Zeus and Heracles also enjoyed fervent worship, the latter based on the Makedonian people’s sense of descent from the legendary demigod.
Makedonia always had a king. Whether Perdikas I or Karanos, the mythic founder of Aigai, the first King of Macedon claimed descent from Argos. Temenus of the line of Heracles, as the story goes, was one of the three Dorian leaders that invaded Mycenaean Peloponnesus. Temenus became king of Argolis and had three sons; Karanos was one of them. When the division of their father’s lands didn’t quite agree with him Karanos led his followers north and settled in the heartland of what later became the kingdom of Makedonia. The king ruled without some form of written law, but his power was curtailed by a council of nobles, among which quite often were clan leaders of the periphery and their kin. Other than that it would seem that the king’s power could be only limited by public support of potential rivals when his rule might seem to wane; and even then it took more to overthrow a king. Still, the other mythical Argeadean progenitor’s name, Perdikas, has been explained as deriving from “Peridikaios” meaning just; it was a popular name it seems.
History
In terms of historical record, except for the epics, there is almost nothing to speak of before the 5th century BC. Furthermore, the word Makedonia does not appear in the Iliad or the Odyssey. The inhabitants of those lands are instead called Paiones. They were later to be found at the Axios valley to the North. In fact, since the 9th century BC it was Illyrian and Thracian tribes that mostly inhabited the lands of Makedonia prior to the arrival of the Argives who set up their capital at Aigai.
Despite the lack of other evidence, the early line of kings has been saved for the historical record. Starting at around the turn of the 700s BC Perdikas I, ruled for many years and was succeeded by his son with queen Kleopatra (another popular name), Argaeos I. Having ruled for many years he was in turn succeeded by his son Phillip I (see what I mean with the names?). Aeropos I ruled after Phillip I, “the lover of horses”, and his son Alketas I, perhaps meaning strong, succeeded him. Amyntas I was “the strong one’s” son and sat on the throne in 520 BC and held it until 498 BC. Each of the kings of the early line ruled for over 25 years according to this approach. This is where the historical record starts to provide us with more than names and years spent on the throne.
Amyntas I held a sizeable kingdom that still did not include what later became the makedonian kingdom’s core, namely the coastal area where the capitals were built. He maintained good relations with the Athenian tyrants of the time as did his son Alexander I after him. During his reign he bowed to the will of the Persian King of Kings Darius I. However, his son killed Persian envoys during a banquet at court for mistreating women at the feast and Amyntas must have been forced to make amends. Perhaps one such act was giving his daughter to marriage with a Persian noble name Bubaris. Amyntas also offered sanctuary in an estate in the Chalcidicean peninsula for Hippias when he was forced out of Athens.
Alexandros I (Alexander I) also called Philellinas, a word which at the time also meant patriot, ruled until 450 BC. During this time he recognized Persian suzerainty and campaigned with Xerxes against southern Greek city-states. Legend has it that he tried to warn them of the coming danger, but that might only be to preserve his reputation. When the tide turned he effected the destruction of Persian army remnants in his domain. After the Persian Wars he integrated the mountain territories of the Lyngestians, Orestians and Elymiates to the kingdom. As a prince he took part in the 504 BC Olympic Games after the Hellanodhikes approved of his application to take part. He had to prove that he was Hellene in order to participate, which he did by proudly claiming descent from Argos and Temenus. He ruled until 454 BC and was the first Makedonian king to mint coins that bore his name, a practice that afterwards became very popular.
Alketas II was Alexandros I’s son. Far from being strong, he earned a nickname for drunkard and was murdered after six years of rule. His brothers Phillip and Perdikas ruled for roughly ten years perhaps not as legitimate kings and at 436 BC a younger son of Alexandros I claimed and got the throne.
When Perdikas II began his rule, the kingdom was disintegrating and its constituents were largely gaining autonomy and only nominally recognized the king. When royal power waned in Makedonia there was always someone among the nobles to try and claim the throne. In this case it was the king’s brother who asked for the help of the Athenians and Elymiates to help him achieve his goal. Perdikas II reacted by inciting unrest in Athenian colonies in the area such as the city of Potidaia. Athens responded with a sizeable expeditionary force. Corinth got involved in the conflict also with a sizeable force. The Athenian force had to change its mind and side with the king against Potidaia, their colony, which he had encouraged to rebellion! Perdikas II was not true to his support of Athens, as can be expected when one’s kingdom is dotted at the coast by strong Athenian colonies.
Therefore at the onset of the Peloponnesian War he again urged cities in Chalcidice to leave the Delian Alliance and take refuge in Olynthus. Later on, when he sent a contingent to assist the Spartans in their operations in Akarnania, the Thracian King Sitalkes, at the bidding or suggestion of the Athenians and with a promise of military assistance, invaded Makedonia. Assistance never came and Perdikas II, shrewdly reached an agreement with the invader offering to his enemy’s nephew the hand of his daughter in marriage. The Thracians retired. Perdikas II later helped the Spartans take Amphipolis and thus dealt a mighty blow to the Athenians by greatly limiting their access to Makedonian timber which was superb for building their fleet. The grateful Spartans offered military assistance to the Makedonian king so that he might secure his borders. Operations did not meet with success and the professional Spartan army was let down by the then ill-disciplined Makedonian troops. Relations went sour. Perdikas II again switched sides in 423BC and helped the Athenians, only to change back in 417BC. Four years later he would again change his allegiance and help the Athenians in their attack on Amphipolis. Death was to stop him that same year (413BC) from yet another switch. This pendulum of foreign affairs was not a random irresponsible stance on the Makedonian king’s part. His rule was waning and the world around him was changing violently. It was all he could do and his actions perhaps point to Phillip II’s hyperactive diplomacy during the years of Makedonian ascendancy in the Aimos peninsula. Perdikas II was succeeded by his son Archelaos I.
Archelaos I was a very competent ruler, enough so that Thucydides would remark that he accomplished as much as all previous Makedonian kings combined. Archelaos was not flamboyant in his rule (413BC-399BC), even though he did start off with a dramatic set of murders to secure his throne. His uncle, his cousin and a younger brother were all to be murdered at his command. Brutal as it was at the onset, Archelaos I’s rule was stable and he went on to reform the process of government in the kingdom, trade and the army, both the cavalry and the hoplite phalanx. He minted new coinage of good quality, built roads and forts and became a patron of the arts, with Phillip II perhaps imitating this policy during his rule. Archelaos I invited scholars and philosophers to his court, among them the tragics Agathon and Euripides, the musician Timotheos and Socrates (who declined). During his stay Euripides wrote “Archelaos” to praise a king worthy of praise and more importantly what is considered by many his most daring and advanced work “Backhai” which he was never to see. When the poet died of his wounds inflicted by wild dogs the king entombed him with great honors. Parallels have been drawn between this particular tragedy and Christian doctrine.
It was Archelaos that moved the capital of Makedonia from Aiges to Pella. It would seem he was able to do all this in his fourteen-year rule, by largely staying out of the war, even though he did restore the badly needed timber supply to Athens thus rectifying state relations with the “kleinon asty”. Little war and lucrative trade makes for a good era otherwise defined by wide-spread havoc. He died in a hunt at the hands of a royal page that had been somehow disgruntled concerning the matter of his marriage to the king’s daughter. A somewhat unglorified death for a very important king.
Despite his hard work and reforms, Makedonia failed to cohere after Archelaos I’s death, possibly in no small part owing to two flaws in his bequest. Upper and Lower Makedonia were not sufficiently integrated and his dynasty had not been firmly established. From 399BC to 389BC there is a period dubbed a decade of anarchy. This period is dominated by the dynasty of the Lygistes, but the historical record is poor though it retains the names of the kings in the line of succession. After Orestes, son of Archelaos, came Aeropos II, Amyntas II and Pausanias. Ending this period was Amyntas III’s first rule of the same dynasty that lasted for three years. He first launched a ruthless campaign to purge the court of his rivals. The Illyrians mounted recurring invasions that devastated Makedonia during this whole period and before he could firmly establish his power Amyntas III had to face yet another Illyrian invasion under Bardylius who had ruled the tribes for over fourty years, undoubtedly a strong ruler. Amyntas III entered an alliance with the Koinon of the Chalcideans, then under the leadership of Olynthus, in hope of driving the invaders back over the mountains. However, Bardylius an experienced warlord marched speedily toward the Makedonian heartland before help could arrive from Chalcidice. Amyntas III had to abandon the capital and cede responsibility for a large portion of his kingdom to his allies. While Pella was up for the taking, the Dardanoi, the main Illyrian tribe in this invasion, devastated the countryside. After three months a deal was struck stipulating that the Illyrians would return to their lands and the kingdom would pay them annual tribute. Amyntas III was to regain control of the capital, Pella. However, his former allies refused to return control of his other lands that they had protected during the invasion. As if this was not enough in 383 BC they took Pella and installed Argaios II to the throne. A desperate Amyntas III asked for the help of Spartans to regain the throne. Two years after his fall, in 381, help was granted and the throne regained only now the king owed both the Illyrians their tribute and the Spartans a really big favour and probably more though we have no evidence of the details. In 379BC he dissolved the Koinon of the Chalcideans with Spartan assistance, only to see it reform with Athenian assistance. In 371 Spartan power was broken against the military genius of Epaminondas and Amyntas III was able to forego his debt to the Spartans and enter an alliance with Athens in 370 BC, despite the fact that their now independent colonies in the peninsula of Chalcidice were certain to cause friction. After his re-ascendance to the throne, he ruled for over a decade, albeit in a still fractious kingdom and with constant meddling from the Athenians and Thebans, determined to extend their influence in the North Aegean. In 369 BC Amyntas III died.
He was succeded by his son Alexandros II in 369 BC at a time that saw the rise of Thebes. Feeling threatened by his brother in law Ptolemaios of Aloros, he asked help from Thebes. In return, he got a Theban demand for fifty Makedonians of noble birth including the king’s younger brother Phillip (soon to be Phillip II) to be sent to Thebes as “guests”. While the new king was campaigning in Thessaly against an Alexandros of Pheres, there was turmoil at court as the queen regent had sponsored another claimant to the throne, Ptolemaios. The Theban general Pelopidas marched to Makedonia and settled the dispute by dividing the Makedonian domain between the candidates. The compromise was short-lived as Ptolemaios assassinated Alexandros II (sources are not in full agreement) and took all of Makedonia for himself in 368BC to rule as regent. At the same time the Koinon of the Chalcideans supported a Pausanias’ claim to the throne. Both Athens and Thebes intervened (none other than the innovative Iphicrates was sent on behalf of Athens) and the balance of power swung back and forth, until Ptolemaios died in 365 BC.
Perdikas III was sure to have a place in history as Phillip II’s predecessor. He took the throne in 365BC and immediately sided with Thebes. He sent military aid to Amphipolis that was under siege from an Athenian expeditionary force. In response they sent not one but two generals: Timotheos and Kallisthenes. The two of them were no less than able veterans and together with Iphicrates they dominated the political and military scene of Athens during the period after the Peloponnesian War. As expected Perdikas was hard pressed and lost control of significant portions of territory. Thebes acknowledging his allegiance and instead of any real support, release his brother Phillip who at the time was only 17 years old. In 360BC the Dardanoi from Illyria invaded yet again under Bardylios, now in his nineties. The young king went out to meet him and was killed in 359BC along with 4000 Makedonians. Enter Phillip.
“Phillip became the most important king of Europe in his time, and owing to the extent of his power earned a throne next to the gods […]reigned for twenty four years. He is known as the king who had very few means to support his position on the throne, but managed to form the greatest monarchy in the Hellenic world and did so not so much with his ability in arms as with his skill in diplomacy and compliment. It is said that Phillip prided himself more on his strategic abilities and the diplomatic successes than his valour in battle; because every soldier had a share to his success on the battlefield, while victories in diplomacy were exclusively his”.
And that just about sums it up. The greatest king of Europe at his time… no doubt.
And a very lucky father, if one does not subscribe to the allegations of patricide against Alexander. Fathering the Greatest of the Greats is probably very rewarding. Granted, Phillip died when Alexander was still young, but more often than not, parents know their kids.
Alexander changed the world and the course of history like no other man. He fused East and West in ways unprecedented. And then he died.
323 BC. The world froze for a moment; then kept on turning.
Antipater, an experienced general of Phillip’s generation was left in Makedonia as caretaker of European affairs and was diligent in his duties. When Alexander died Krateros was in Kilikia, on his way back to Makedonia to take over. The two generals reached an understanding and shared control as regents with a half-wit Phillip III and later Alexandros IV as “kings”. They reaffirmed Makedonian control over Hellas despite widespread rebellion. Craterus died in battle in 321 BC near the northern coasts of Asia Minor and Antipater briefly became regent over all of the Alexandrian empire. Soon, however, he fell ill and died in 319BC. Craterus’s companion on the way back, Polyperchon took over as regent and soon clashed with Antipater’s elder son Cassander, who eventually drove him out of Makedonia and seized the throne in 316 BC. Craterus murdered Olympias, Alexander’s mother. She had marched with an army from Epeirus and taken control of Makedonia relying mostly on her prestige. Craterus was not impressed, marched to her location, forced her surrender and put her to death. Polyperchon and Cassander are responsible for the murders of Alexander IV and Heracles, Alexander the Great’s sons and potential heirs, in 309, still boys at the time. Polyperchon died some time after 305BC. Cassander fought constantly in the Diadochoi Wars until the battle of Ipsos in 301BC which found him on the winning side and left him undisputed ruler of Makedonia. He died in 297BC of a disease called hydropikia (dropsy). He rebuilt Thebes, and founded Cassandreia in the ruins of Potidaia and Thessalonika in honour of his wife. A violent and ambitious man, he lived a life defined by his character. His sons Antipater I and Alexander V became kings in the two years that followed, but Demetrius the Besieger, Antigonos the One-eyed’s son, ended up with the throne in 294 BC. This was a true Makedonian of his age, the epitome of his era: dashing, undaunted, energetic and brave, but also drunkard, megalomaniac, arrogant and tragically lacking in perspective. A commander forged in the heat of battle, under his father’s solid guidance, he ended up drinking himself to death in Cherronesus of Syria, a guest at Seleucus Nikator’s court. The throne was given to him by a Makedonian council, but only after he had killed the last of Cassander’s sons. Demetrius was unlucky enough to cross historical paths with King Pyrrhus I of Epeirus. Pyrrhus’s military impetus sufficiently weakened Demetrius event though he did temporarily manage to recover (a feat he would repeat time and time again in his lifetime) and even mount an ambitious counterattack. The other Successors finally decided to remove Demetrius from the scene and when his campaign led him to Syria he was isolated and decided to surrender. Meanwhile Lysimachus who had mounted a combined invasion of Makedonia with Pyrrhus, consolidated his control of Makedonia and became King Of Makedonia in 285BC. In 283 BC he even invaded and ravaged Epeirus as Pyrrhus was probably campaigning in Illyria during the time. During the same year Lysimachus executed his son out of jealousy. This caused ripples of unrest that led Ptolemaios Keraynos, son of Ptolemaios Soter and his sister Lysandra to leave Lysimachus and seek refuge in Seleucus’ camp. This was all the excuse the last living companions of Alexander the Great needed to go to war. They met in Curupedion where Lysimachus died and Seleucus for a moment believed he could claim the throne of Makedonia. In Argos of Thrace, Ptolemaios Keraunos stabbed the aging commander of Alexander’s hypaspistai in the back fulfilled a prophecy on Seleucus’s death and claimed the throne for himself. There were other contenders to the throne: Antiochos, son of Seleucus Nikator, Antigonos Gonatas, son Demetrius the Besieger and Pyrrhus of Epeirus. Antigonos put forth his challenge without hesitation but was soundly defeated. Pyrrhus settled for five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry and fifty elephants to boost his numbers in the Italian campaign. Antiochos was rather far away. Keraunos tricked Lysimachus’ wife Arsinoe and killed two of her three sons that could claim the throne. Arsinoe found refuge in Egypt, but Keraunos (“the thunder”) thought nothing of it. He could enjoy the fruit of his labour. So he thought…
La Ten Gauls crossed the Danube and in 279 BC Keraunos had to fight the combined armies of the Gauls and the Thracians he chose not to support in hope that they would weaken the Celts. Keraunos rode a war elephant into battle but his mount went wild and threw him down. He was summarily beheaded and his head was placed on a spear and paraded around the battlefield. The Makedonians broke ranks.
While the Gauls devastated northern Makedonia, Keraunos’ brother Meleagros was named king for a couple of months and was subsequently replaced by an Antipater II who remained a king for even less. A strong enough man going by the name of Sosthenes took charge of the army and managed to bring the chaos to a halt, but not before the Gauls sacked Delphi and fought an Aetolian army that eventually forced them to return to their lands beyond Makedonia. Antigonos Gonatas used a stratagem to inflict a painful defeat on the Gauls in 277BC and claim Makedonian kingship. In 273BC Pyrrhus was running out of options so he invaded Makedonia with a small but veteran army and many Gaulish mercenaries. He successfully won over many of Antigonos’ troops and the king had to retreat to Thessalonika. Pyrrhus insulted him for a while but eventually left to launch an invasion to the south. Antigonos seized the opportunity gathered as many men as he could and followed Pyrrhus’ army cautiously to the Peloponnesus. A city of Argos proved once again fatal for a prominent Successor and Pyrrhus died, beheaded after being hit by a roof tile thrown by an old woman. Not what anyone expected… Antigonos Gonatas buried him with royal honours and united both armies under his leadership. In the following years Antigonos proved himself an able and prudent ruler, in sharp contrast with his father’s excesses. He fended off external threat mostly from the Ptolemaic kingdom, and dealt with rebellion in Hellas successfully. He died in 239BC at the age of eighty having ruled for almost forty years and left his kingdom to his son Demetrius II. Demetrius II ruled for ten years dealing with unrest in Hellas. In 229 BC he passed away having left his son Phillip V as his heir. However, as his son was too young to rule at only nine years old, Antigonos III Doson was chosen to rule as King. He proved very active and far sighted achieving what had been lost for many years, namely a stable alliance in Hellas under Makedonian preeminence. In 227BC he attacked Karia to compromise Ptolemaic ability to control the Aegean and provide support to his adversaries. In 224BC he campaigned in southern Hellas creating the new alliance. In 222BC he defeated a Spartan army in the Battle of Sellasia. It was the first time that enemy troops set foot in Sparta. In 221BC he returned to Makedonia to face an Illyrian invasion. He died in combat at age of forty two. In the meantime, he had adopted Phillip V who became king upon his death. Phillip V’s Makedonia was once again strong, but had to deal with a number of issues. The Aetolians rose up in 220BC and the conflict ended in 217 BC during which time the king displayed some skill and ability in military command. After the war he turned his attention to Illyria. In 215BC he allied with Hannibal and in return the Romans spread forces across the eastern Adriatic shore to block Makedonia. During his campaign in 214BC he confronted the Romans blocking his way near Appolonia. War was inevitable despite the fact that everything about it was small scale. It lasted until 205 BC when a Phillip V agreed to a favourable treaty at Phoiniki of Epeirus. After the peace treaty he commanded operations in the Aegean in order to expand his control of it, with some success.
It was not long, however, before Rome found suitable pretext to intervene in Hellas. In 200 BC the second Makedonian war begins. Two ultimatums were issued the Makedonian king in 200BC and 198BC. In 197 BC Phillip V met his first defeat in combat at the hands of Titus Flaminius. From this point on he is unable to sufficiently revive the kingdom. He switched sides as need dictated, accomodated the Romans in their campaign against Antiochos III (the Great?) in 191 BC, founds unlikely allies in the Bastarnai and even took some cities near Pergamon. Phillip V had his son Demetrius killed in 181 BC when proof of some sort was presented to him by his other son Perseus. In 179BC Phillip V died in Amphipolis. Perseus succeeded him. He renewed his alliance with Rome but at the same time pursued a different agenda. He enacted a series of measures aimed at reestablishing royal power in Makedonia and forming an anti-Roman front. In 171BC Rome went to war against Makedonia with the objective of conquest. For three years the balance of power was maintained, but in 168BC in the Battle of Pydna Leukios Aimilius Paulus “Makedonikus” defeated Perseus who is said to have fled the battlefield when he saw the tide turn against him. He was later taken to Italy and paraded during the customary triumph. Perseus died in 162BC. Thus ended Makedonia.
Strategy
Makedonia is mostly safe as long as it controls the mountains that surround its northern-northwestern flank and the passes through them. To the east the border provides some strategic depth and the rivers form natural front lines in case of invasion. To the southwest the Thessalian plain is a conquest opportunity rather than a point of invasion by the southern Hellenes. Makedonia has gold from the Pagaion, timber for shipbuilding or any other use, and good natural harbors both for trade and a strong navy. Sufficient plains for horse breeding and a potentially commanding hold of Thessaly grant what is arguably the finest cavalry force in the world, Alexander’s hammer.
Rex Somnorum
07-05-2013, 06:05
I'll take Persis if it's available - should be one of the easier provinces in Iran to research.
If anyone's interested, here's an excellent site for information on ancient Iran.
http://www.cais-soas.com/
Gaius Scribonius Curio
07-05-2013, 09:44
Though our internal list claims that Persis has been done, the description itself is not there.
Please feel free to begin and thank you for your assistance. :bow:
Rex Somnorum
07-07-2013, 01:49
I've finished the traveller's log and I'd prefer a review of the style before progressing:
Traveller's Log
Approaching from Karmania, the traveller enters the Persian heartland, a land of broad river basins and plateaus cradled by the Zagros, through a rift in the eastern mountains and first sets foot on arid lowlands locally called the garmsir, or “warm lands.” Sparse rain falls in the south and east and agriculture is only sustained by a complex web of irrigation ditches criss-crossing the country. Journeying further west, the traveller encounters Pasargad – the early capital of the Kings of Kings. Built at the command of Cyrus the Great, Pasargad still houses his tomb, though he fell in battle before the city's completion. Leaving Pasargad and continuing west, the traveller comes upon the jewel of the Persian empire: Parsapura, known to the Greeks as Persepolis. Despite burning to the ground during Alexander's campaigns, the city retains some of its former glory even today. As the largest and most central settlement in the region, Persepolis contains the administrative headquarters for Persis and remains a hub for trade between India and the West. Farther past Persepolis and nearer the salt lakes in the north lies Anshan, the ancient seat of Persian power and original home of Cyrus the Great. The Mand river separates Anshan from the other cities in the east and, should the traveller choose to follow it southward, winds to narrow coastal plains stretching between the southern mountains and the Persian Gulf. If the traveller had continued west from Anshan, however, they would climb onto the cooler, wetter highland plains called the sardsir, or “cold lands.” Although more rain falls, the hilly nature of the land precludes irrigation and farmers rely mainly on precipitation to water crops. At the western edge of the province, mountain passes lead to Elam and Babylonia or northward to Media.
Both garmsir and sardsir are modern Persian. After researching sources on Old Persian, I could find no tenable translation, and even Old Avestan is problematic. I'll probably cut both terms if I can't find a suitable approximation. Much of the description is based on the comfortable assumption that the climate has changed little in the last 2,300 years. Given that weather in Iran is largely determined by topographically generated microclimates, this is probably a safe assertion.
QuintusSertorius
07-07-2013, 12:18
Much of the description is based on the comfortable assumption that the climate has changed little in the last 2,300 years. Given that weather in Iran is largely determined by topographically generated microclimates, this is probably a safe assertion.
I'd be a little careful with that assumption, two millenia is long enough for rivers to dry up, cut new channels and otherwise move long distances. It's also enough for desertification to turn what was once a fertile land into a trackless patch of sand. Or for sea levels locally to rise or fall, and coastal erosion/deposits move material enough to completely change the coastline.
Adalingum
07-07-2013, 12:42
Hey everyone,
For reasons I am not willing to specify here, I am asking permission to withdraw from the Regional Descriptions Project. I have the feeling I will not be able to finish Lakonike within a reasonable time frame, as I have not made much progress over the past few months, again, due to reasons I am not willing to specify. I'm very sorry about this and I wish you all good luck on this project and on EB2 as a whole.
A good day to you all,
Adalingum
Rex Somnorum
07-07-2013, 12:57
I'd be a little careful with that assumption, two millenia is long enough for rivers to dry up, cut new channels and otherwise move long distances. It's also enough for desertification to turn what was once a fertile land into a trackless patch of sand. Or for sea levels locally to rise or fall, and coastal erosion/deposits move material enough to completely change the coastline.
Ordinarily, I'd agree with you, but Iran is a special case. Firstly, the region mainly comprises mountains and arid plains that receive very little rainfall. Significant temperate zones exist only at the fringes of Iran, along the Persian Gulf or Caspian Sea. No rivers comparable to the Nile, Tigris or Euphrates erodes the land, reducing deposition at the mouths of any stream. In the absence of global climactic shifts, the only sea-level change results from deposition, volcanic flows and land subsidence. Considering Iran lies in a tectonically active region, this is entirely possible, but minor alterations along the coast hardly affect my description. Lastly, fossil evidence indicates much of Iran has remained dry for thousands of years.
It's also important to note that deserts in Iran tend to form on the central plateaus, a consequence of the rainshadow effect. Not to mention most modern desertification occurs as a result of intensive human activity.
Brave Brave Sir Robin
07-07-2013, 20:36
Hey everyone,
For reasons I am not willing to specify here, I am asking permission to withdraw from the Regional Descriptions Project. I have the feeling I will not be able to finish Lakonike within a reasonable time frame, as I have not made much progress over the past few months, again, due to reasons I am not willing to specify. I'm very sorry about this and I wish you all good luck on this project and on EB2 as a whole.
A good day to you all,
Adalingum
No need for apologies and thank you for letting us know so that someone else might begin work on Lakonike if the mood strikes them!
Gaius Scribonius Curio
07-08-2013, 02:06
I've finished the traveller's log and I'd prefer a review of the style before progressing:
Stylistically, it fits with the general vibe of EB II: I think it is excellent. In terms of the climate assumptions, you clearly have data and evidence to support your claims, so it is not a problem. :bow:
Hey everyone,
For reasons I am not willing to specify here, I am asking permission to withdraw from the Regional Descriptions Project. I have the feeling I will not be able to finish Lakonike within a reasonable time frame, as I have not made much progress over the past few months, again, due to reasons I am not willing to specify. I'm very sorry about this and I wish you all good luck on this project and on EB2 as a whole.
A good day to you all,
Adalingum
As Brave Brave Sir Robin has said, please do not feel bad about it. We understand that circumstances change and thank you for letting us know.
Perditrix Mvndorvm
07-08-2013, 04:44
I've perused the thread to see if Alexandria was taken and it doesn't appear to be. I'll take Alexandria.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
07-08-2013, 07:03
Hi Perditrix Mundorum, welcome to the .Org! :balloon:
Unfortunately the list on the opening page of the thread does not include all of the descriptions which have been completed internally. I am sorry to inform you (and everyone else) Delta Neilou, Heptanomis and Thebais: the three northern Egyptian provinces have already been completed (Alexandria being within the first). :hide:
I thank you for your interest, and if another province takes your interest, please let us know.
Perditrix Mvndorvm
07-08-2013, 07:36
Thanks for the warm welcome! I will take Elymais if no one else has taken it then. Perhaps I will do more of Iran in the future but for now I don't want to bite off more than I can chew.
For curiosity's sake, which Egyptian provinces have not been done? I would love to try my hand at Kush.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
07-08-2013, 07:42
Elymais is free, as is Kush: feel free to start either.
Oasis Megale, Triakontaschoinos, Erythraia and Libye all need authors too.
QuintusSertorius
07-09-2013, 12:50
Ordinarily, I'd agree with you, but Iran is a special case. Firstly, the region mainly comprises mountains and arid plains that receive very little rainfall. Significant temperate zones exist only at the fringes of Iran, along the Persian Gulf or Caspian Sea. No rivers comparable to the Nile, Tigris or Euphrates erodes the land, reducing deposition at the mouths of any stream. In the absence of global climactic shifts, the only sea-level change results from deposition, volcanic flows and land subsidence. Considering Iran lies in a tectonically active region, this is entirely possible, but minor alterations along the coast hardly affect my description. Lastly, fossil evidence indicates much of Iran has remained dry for thousands of years.
It's also important to note that deserts in Iran tend to form on the central plateaus, a consequence of the rainshadow effect. Not to mention most modern desertification occurs as a result of intensive human activity.
Fair enough, though on your last point I'll note that desertification as a result of intensive human activity isn't a modern phenomenon. The Sahara was smaller than it is today in antiquity, the coastal part of North Africa was pretty fertile, and forested. Over-farming and deforestation have been a feature for a long time.
More pertinent to the thread, I really need to finish Krete.
Rex Somnorum
07-11-2013, 03:50
After some more research, I've discovered sardsir and garmsir are the same in Middle Persian (Pahlavi), which took ascendancy during the game's time period. I'm not sure if Pahlavi was spoken in Persis prior to Sassanian domination, so are the terms historically acceptable?
Who are the team's eastern historians, by the way?
Perditrix Mvndorvm
07-11-2013, 04:15
I have been doing research on Kush and Elymais the last couple of days with a focus on Kush, as that is what I will be finishing first. I will begin to write the travellers log tomorrow night and should be finished with Kush within two weeks, hopefully before my deadline. I just thought I would let someone know so they don't think I am AFK.
After some more research, I've discovered sardsir and garmsir are the same in Middle Persian (Pahlavi), which took ascendancy during the game's time period. I'm not sure if Pahlavi was spoken in Persis prior to Sassanian domination, so are the terms historically acceptable?
Who are the team's eastern historians, by the way?
Mithridates VI Eupator
Sorry for the delay, but where I live when a book is said to arrive in a week, it means a month :P
Province: Bithynia
Traveller's Log
Coming ashore in the small harbour of Myrleia, a Ionian colony of Kolophon, the traveller has arrived in Bithynia. To the West lays the mouth of the Rhyndakos River, issuing from Lake Apolloniatis. At its North-Easternmost shore is located the town of Apollonia, standing in front of several islets dedicated to Apollon. Further South-East stands Mount Olympos, marking the border with Mysia. Moving towards the coast to the North-East Daskyleion can be found, which used to be an important Satrapal capital. Then the Traveller comes to Kios, a Milesian colony eponymous for the gulf where it stands. Above it stands Mount Arganthonos, where Hylas, one of the Argonautai, was abducted by nymphs, never to be seen again. To this day the locals celebrate a festival, marching in procession and calling for Hylas. Striking inland stands Lake Askania, surrounded by a very fertile and large plain, albeit not at all healthful in summer. Here Basileus Antigonos Monophthalmos founded a polis, named after himself, to overlook and control the area. Later Basileus Lysimachos of Thraikia repaired and embellished this polis, renaming it Nikaia in memory of his first late wife. The latest architectural techniques were employed, ensuring a quadrangular plan so that the four gates could be seen from the centre of Nikaia. Back on the coast of the Propontis, there used to be the polis of Astakos, rased by Lysimachos. The gulf where it stood was named after it and in the vicinity there are the Pythia thermal springs, sacred to Apollon. Farther to the North-West, at the Thraikios Bosporos, on a barren and sandy soil stands Chalkedon. Colonized by the Megareis, it was called "Habitation of the Blind" by the oracle of Delphoi, when other colonists enquired Apollon about new settlements. To the North there's another Megarian colony, Chrysopolis, whose excellent position allows it to control and block the Bosporos. Turning eastwards and following the coast of the Pontos Euxeinos, the traveller encounters the promontory of Kalpe. It is a sheer cliff that runs out into the sea, with an harbour under its west-facing side. This is quite a fertile place, with freshwater springs and a great deal of various kinds of timber. This promontory extends inland as an hilly ridge, with thick forests by the coast and several villages in the mainland. These stand on excellent soil, producing barley, wheat, all kinds of legumes, millet, sesame, a good number of figs and plenty of grapes, which make a sweet wine. Continuing up the coast there is the mouth of the River Sangarios, watering much of Bithynia and whose winding marks the boundary with Galatia. Farther North-East lays the town of Kieros by Mount Hypios, an Herakleian colony. In the interior stands Bithynion, whose territory is the best pasturage for cattle and where an excellent cheese is produced. While the surrounding ridges separate Bithynia from the land of the Galatai.
Geography
Bithynia is split into two major geographical areas, by the Sakarya River (ancient Sangarios). To the East there are thickly wooded highlands characterized by snowy winters and very warm summers. While to the West the climate is milder, but humid. This area possesses prosperous and well watered plains. The northern coast is steeper and somewhat linear, unlike that of the Marmara Sea (ancient Propontis). The latter has in fact two larger gulfs, crenellated by several promontories. This is also the most populous part of Bithynia, favoured by important trading harbours, three lakes abundant with fish and the close proximity of both agricultural and mineral resources. The mountainous features close to the Black Sea (ancient Euxeinos) prevented the construction of roads, which had to run a considerable distance inland, thus sea traffic was prominent. But this was monopolized by Herakleia Pontika, relegating Northern Bithynia to sporadic anchoring. However the pastoral communities of the hinterland thrived, taking care of their flocks of sheep and herds of goats. Mount Uludağ (ancient Mysian Olympos), covered in snow well into March, was roamed by cervids and some wolf packs.
The People, Society and Government
The Bithynoi are a Thracian speaking people, who crossed over to Mikra Asia. They are described as wearing fox-skin caps, dressed in tunics with colourful long coats and mid calf boots made out of fawn-skin. They also carried javelins, Pelte shields and Sica daggers. However they gradually adopted Hellenistic simple tunics. The Bithynoi lived in self-sufficient villages and towns, but contacts with large neighbouring polities and especially encounters with invading armies, fostered coordinated efforts. Such bands would be led in defense, on raids or to attack Hellenic colonies, with the ultimate goal of imposing tribute or curb their expansion. This allowed powerful Bithynoi to establish at least nominal authority over the various communities. These dynasts, in typical Thracian fashion, built Tholoi tombs already in the late 5th century BCE. Their successors later established themselves as Hellenistic Basileis and, just like the Makedones, used urban foundations to control newly won territory. This was done with a keen eye towards political and economic reasons for the major centres, but the majority of settlements were built following military needs. Thus the royal family presented itselves as Philhellen, but the Bithynian villages remained untouched. Nevertheless the Hellenistic poleis flourished and celebrated scholars were born and studied there. The Bithynoi venerated Kybele and there are also evidences of the cult of Bendis. She was an healing deity, likely developed from the tradition of noble priestess-healer of the Early Iron Age. Also the Hellenes perceived them as worshipers of Ares, Dionysos and Artemis, but that is a superficial observation of their passion for fighting, drinking and hunting. Although the Dionysiac implications of ecstasy, fertility and rebirth were very much part of Bithynian culture, no individual deity embodied these aspects. The Bithynoi also kept the Thracian tradition of a tribal ancestor-hero-protector, which may have been the highest personal concept in their religion. By the Roman Era it had gained the semblance of Zeus Hypsistos (Most-High God), which later favoured the transition to Christianity.
History
Little is known about the Bithynian migration to Asia. The Homeric tradition recorded of Thraikioi, led by Rhesos, coming to help Priamos in the Trojan War. Similarly the Bithynian oral tradition, recounted by Herodotos, held that the Bithynoi used to live in the Strymon Valley (whence Rhesos came from) and were later defeated by Mysoi and Teukroi. This forced them to settle in what would become Bithynia. Thus the testimonies might offer a glimpse about a mercenary enterprise gone awry, which left a group of Thraikioi stranded in Asia. As hypothesised by the Bithynian born historian Arrianos, these people, surrounded by enemies, had no means to sail away or cross back to Thraikia and found refuge in the forests of North-Western Anatolia. Whatever the case by end of the 8th century BCE the Bithynoi were well established, capable of assembling in enough numbers to raid and detriment Hellenic attempts of colonisation. However at the turn of the 7th century BCE Kimmerioi bands were causing upheaval in Mikra Asia. It is possible that the Bithynoi suffered heavily by these attacks, because from this time Hellenic colonies managed to survive and grow. Nonetheless the Bithynoi recovered, but by 560 BCE Kroisos of Lydia could consider Bithynian leaders as his tributary subjects. This also poses a problem, for Herodotos mentions Thynoi as Lydian tributaries as well. A tribe that in his time lived in European Thraikia, however neither Lydia, nor the Bithynoi had a navy and it is puzzling how these land based polities could have exercised authority across the Propontis. Therefore these Thynoi must have been living in the vicinity of the Thraikios Bosporos, on the side of Asia. However Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius I) around 515 BCE, formalised Bithynia as a dependency of Daskyleion, which provided, along with other regions, a tribute of 630 talents. The Bithynoi could do very little to oppose this situation: only two years later the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) in person led a vast army to Chalkedon. This force had come to invade Skythia and while the fleet was securing a crossing of the Istros River, the Samian engineer Mandrokles bridged the Bosporos with pontoons. At this time the Thynoi, or the people that would later be named such, crossed with the Persian army. Their linguistic affinity with the other Thracian tribes, was definitely invaluable and Dārayavahuš might have pushed for their resettling. Later the campaign in Skythia failed and mixed reports reached Chalkedon, whose citizens even considered burning down the bridge. But Dārayavahuš made it back and punished the Chalkedonioi by destroying their temple to Apollon. Persian suzerainty had to be generally reasserted and Utāna was ordered to take over Chalkedon and Byzantion in 510 BCE. However the Hellenes at the Bosporos later supported the Ionian Revolt. In 493 BCE, upon hearing of Miletos' fall and of an incoming punitive expedition by the Ponnim fleet, the Chalkedonioi decided to flee and settle in Mesembria on the Thracian coast of the Pontos Euxeinos. In 480 BCE the Bithynoi were levied to supply a contingent for the invasion of Hellas. During the aftermath Persian authority steadily diminished in Bithynia, due to Hellenic intervention from the Propontis to the eastern Mediterranean. As a result the Bithynoi experienced the rise of native centralisation of power and around 440 BCE Doidalsas of Bithynia succeeded in unifying his people. Now Bithynia was de facto independent and Doidalsas mounted expeditions against Chalkedon, forcing the latter to appeal to Athenai. Thus Klerouchoi were sent to keep in check the Bithynoi. The Tholos tomb of Iznik (ancient Nikaia), dated to this period, likely belonged to Doidalsas, who established the ruling dynasty of Bithynia for the next 400 years.
The Persian response to this new situation was to set up a dependency of the Khšaçapāvan (Satrap) at Daskyleion, with headquarters in Kios. In 424 BCE the Athenian Strategos Lamachos was sent to the Pontos Euxeinos to collect tribute, but lost his ships due to a flood of the river where he had anchored. This compelled him to march inland across Bithynia to reach Chalkedon and his actions embittered relations further with the Bithynoi. They now were growing weary of Athenian expansion, being the only foreign power actively operating in their territory. In 410 BCE a reinstated Alkibiades set sail for Chrysopolis and set up a customs house, with a garrison imposing a 10% tax on cargos crossing the Bosporos from the Euxeinos. These dispositions alienated the Chalkedonioi, who revolted and allied with Sparta. Expecting to be put under siege, the Chalkedonion entrusted all their portable property to Boteiras, Doidalsas' son and successor. However in 409 BCE Alkibiades, with the Chalkedonian blockade in place, sent heralds threatening war against Bithynia, unless it handed over the possessions. Boteiras agreed and also stipulated a treaty of friendship. Meanwhile the Khšaçapāvan Farnavaz (Pharnabazus) had arrived from Daskyleion, to raise the siege of Chalkedon and the Spartan Harmostes (military governor) Hippokrates sallied out to catch Alikibiades on two sides. But Farnavaz, slowed down by the Athenian stockades, was too late and withdrew. Later in 408 BCE an agreement was reached, where Farnavaz would pay twenty talents and present Athenian ambassadors to the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām, while both sides pledged to respect the other's territory. However Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II) sent his son Kuruš (Cyrus the Younger) to support Sparta and in 405 BCE the Nauarchos Lysandros defeated the Athenian fleet. The following year Spartan garrisons were re-established at the Bosporos and Alkibiades, fearful of Lakedaimonian mastery in Hellas and the Aigaion, took all the loot he could, planning to offer his services to Pârsa. However he had to travel across Bithynia and Boteiras was more than happy to repay him, by plundering and capturing much of the Athenian's riches. In 400 BCE Oi Myrioi (The Ten Thousand) had reached Bithynia, but frustration had led to internal division. The Arkades and Achaioi, 4,500 Hoplitai strong, due to their numerical superiority thought that the army's survival was thanks to their efforts and now decided to march alone. Their plan was to disembark at Kalpe and make a sudden assault on the Bithynoi to seize any loot. At dawn they attacked the nearest villages, but the Bithynoi at first fled in order to regroup the available forces and then ambushed an Arkadian Lochos (military company) and annihilated it at a gully. Right after they rushed towards another Lochos and killed every single mercenary, except for its Lochagos (company commander) and seven men, who managed to escape. The remaining Peloponnesioi had, in the mean time, assembled at a hill where they spent the night. While the Bithynoi mustered all the neighbouring men and now not only Peltastai, but also Hippeis were called up. These resolutely encircled the hill and attacked from all sides, completely cutting off the Hellenes from any water. Thus the Peloponnesioi engaged in talks to set terms for a surrender. At the same time Xenophon had reached Kalpe, heard of their plight and rushed to their position setting ablaze as much territory as possible. This made his force appear large, but all he at were 1,700 Hoplitai, 300 Peltastai and 40 Hippeis. Nevertheless as soon as they finished eating and put out their camp fires, the Bithynoi figured a massive night attack was about to start and fled. From Kios had also arrived Spithradata and Rathina with a considerable force of cavalry and infantry. They had been sent by Farnavaz, who up until now was delighted to have Hellenes and Bithynoi fighting eachother. But he was now worried Oi Myrioi would try to descend on Persian territory once more. His generals cut down 500 Hellenic foragers and at night Bithynoi assaulted Xenophon's camp, emerging from the surrounding forest. The following day Spithradata, Rathina and the Bithynoi joined forces and defeated the Hellenic Peltastai, but avoided any close encounter with the Hoplitai. This counted as a victory for Xenophon, since he was in command of the battlefield and after setting up a Tropaion, he led his men away. Having made contact with friendly Hellenic traders and communities, they sold their booty, marched to Chrysopolis and crossed over to Thraikia. In 398 BCE the Spartan Derkylidas was conducting a war to liberate the Asiatic Hellenes, but agreed to an eight months truce with Farnavaz. So he set about pillaging Bithynia. There he was joined by Odrysai, sent by their Basileus Seuthes II, who was subjugating every Thracian tribe. These Odrysai instead of plundering, right away built fortifications, planning to gradually take over the land. Boteiras had kept a close watch on these activities, especially keeping track of the Hellenic raiding parties. After getting together all the Hippeis and Peltastai he had, Boteiras struck at dawn killing several men and all the Odrysai left guarding the booty. Which was recovered, the fallen were stripped of any valuable and as the Bithynoi came, they dispersed. In 395 BCE it was the Spartan Archagetes Agesilaos II, who was leading the war in Asia and after enjoying successes in Lydia moved for Paphlagonia. This was done at the behest of Spithradata, who had defected to him, promising him allies and resources there. They however decided to avoid any marching in Bithynia and sailed past it, disembarking at Kios. There Agesilaos set up quarters to conduct a punitive expedition against the Mysoi, with whom he had a score to settle. However when Spartan officers demanded Spithradata to hand over what he had brought from Paphlagonia to be redistributed, he felt insulted and defected back to the Persian side. In 389 BCE the Athenian Strategos Thrasyboulos was bringing about the resurgence of his polis' power, by re-establishing friendly relations at the Bosporos, secured by both Byzantion and Chalkedon.
In 387 BCE Āryabarzāna, who until now was holding Kios, succeeded his kinsman Farnavaz at Daskyleion. This was a temporary measure, because Farnavaz had been summoned to marry Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II)'s daughter Apamā. In 378 BCE Āryabarzāna supplied the Spartan diplomat Antalkidas with ships, for they were good friends since the time Āryabarzāna acted as an intermediary for peace talks. After two years Boteiras of Bithynia died and his son Bas inherited the leadership of the Bithynoi. Some time later Farnavaz died as well and Āryabarzāna started to act as guardian for the underaged son of Apamā. However in 367 BCE he refused to relinquish his power in Daskyleion and joined Dātama, a Khšaçapāvan in open rebellion. Āryabarzāna at first was being hard pressed by loyal forces, but in 365 BCE secured assistance from Hellas, consisting of 8,000 mercenaries and thirty Triereis. This had been possible because Āryabarzāna had been the escort for the Athenian ambassadors, whom Farnavaz could not send to the royal court, and also thanks to his contacts in Lakonia. The new force, led by Agesilaos II in person, caused a reversal and soon all of Mikra Asia was in revolt. Mithradata, who had succeeded his father Āryabarzāna in Kios, tried to expand his family influence across the Euxeinos installing a Tyrannos in Herakleia Pontika by 364 BCE. But Klearchos, soon as he took power in Herakleia, imprisoned Mithradata for a ransom. There are no evidences of conflicts involving the Bithynoi, so Herakleia must have been a vital target for the rebels, because bypassing Bythinia had become the best course of action. Boteiras had made all too clear how invading it was not worth the effort and Bas made sure that status was preserved. In the meantime Āryabarzāna gifted Athenai the poleis of Sestos and Krithote, receiving in return Athenian citizenship for himself, his sons and an Hellenic subordinate. However Mithradata from the start had received orders from the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām to deal with Dātama and had been playing his part to gain the rebels' confidence. In 362 BCE he decided to act by seizing his own father Āryabarzāna, whom he handed over to Artakhšaça II for crucifixion, and requesting an audience with Dātama where he killed him with a concealed dagger. This allowed Artavazdâ, son of Farnavaz and Apamā, to finally take power as Khšaçapāvan at Daskyleion. While Mithradata likely joined Artakhšaça II's court, becoming effectively an hostage, for his brother Āryabarzāna II took over as governor of Kios. However in 356 BCE Artavazdâ revolted, because Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes III) had demanded the disbandment of private armies and mercenaries. Āryabarzāna II likely fought against the rebel, the latter supported by Athenai and Thebai. Isolated in Mikra Asia Artavazdâ had to flee in 352 BCE, seeking refuge at the court of Philippos II of Makedonia. In 337 BCE Āryabarzāna II died and his brother Mithradata II succedeed him, this was the third of Āryabarzāna's sons and there are no indications that the older Mithratada was reinstated or whether he was still alive. Mithradata II would actually have been guardian for Āryabarzāna II's son, another Mithradata, who was just 13 years old at the time. But the following year Makedonian troops invaded Asia and in 334 BCE the Ilarchos Kalas, son of Harpalos and first cousin of Antigonos Monophthalmos, was made Satrapes of Hellespontine Phrygia at Daskyleion. However in 326 BCE Kalas attacked the 71 years old Bas to annex Bithynia, but was soundly defeated and killed in battle. Bas died as well, whether in relation to the battle or not is unknown, and his son Zipoites took over the Bithynian leadership.
Following the death of Alexandros Megas and soon as the political situation seemed somewhat clearer, local dynasties could pick sides among the Diadochoi. Mithradata II kept hold of Kios and sided with Eumenes of Kardia, in whose army his nephew Mithradata served. However after the defeat at Gabiene in 316 BCE, Mithradata joined Antigonos Monophthalmos, living at the latter's court as a token of loyalty, while his uncle kept power at Kios. The following year Antigonos prepared to face a massive coalition of Diadochoi and sent his own nephew Polemaios to protect Anatolia from Kassandros. Upon reaching Bithynia, Polemaios discovered that Zipoites was besieging Chalkedon and Astakos. In the ensuing parley Polemaios obtained a cessation of hostilities and an alliance by all parties to Antigonos. Later Antigonos sported a policy of freedom for every polis and probably around 306 BCE, when he assumed the diadem of Basileus, Antigoneia by Lake Askania was founded. However in 302 BCE Basileus Lysimachos of Thraikia invaded and Mithradata II was suspected of contemplating treason. Thus Antigonos Monophthalmos ordered his execution and for his nephew Mithradata a similar fate was planned. But Demetrios, co-ruler and son of Antigonos, had become a good friend of Mithradata and warned the latter. With all haste Mithradata fled to the fortress of Kimista in northern Kappadokia, whence he would establish the Pontic kingdom as Mithradates I Ktistes (the Builder). Later in 301 BCE, with the death of Antigonos at Ipsos, Zipoites was free to resume his campaigns. He captured Astakos, while Chalkedon was saved by the intervention of Byzantion, alarmed by Bithynian power gaining access to the Bosporos. Zipoites was also encroaching on Herakleia Pontika's territory, but Lysimachos could not tolerate such a troublesome dynast at his doorstep. Astakos was rased and in 300 BCE Lysimachos refounded Antigoneia as Nikaia, becoming his stronghold against Zipoites. Nevertheless the Strategos sent to deal with Zipoites was killed and his successor did not fare any better, for he was repulsed. Bithynian independence was secured and in 297 BCE Zipoites proclaimed himself Basileus, founding Zipoition as his royal residence at the foot of Mount Lypedros, both unfortunately of unknown location. Later in 281 BCE Zipoites I sided with Seleukos I Nikator and helped defeating Lysimachos. The subsequent murder of Seleukos also absolved Zipoites of any obligation he had swore to abide. However Antiochos I dispatched his Strategos Patrokles to reassert Seleukid power in Mikra Asia. In turn Patrokles sent one of his officers, Hermogenes, to consolidate the Pontos Euxeinos' coast. In 280 BCE Herakleia Pontika surrendered upon hearing of the incoming army, thus Hermogenes turned his attention on Bithynia. However Zipoites ambushed him and annihilated the whole Seleukid army, but died the following year.
This unleashed a succession crisis between the eldest son Nikomedes and another son named Zipoites. The latter held sway over eastern Bithynia and was supported by his other two brothers. This Zipoites did not recognize Nikomedes' rule and concentrated on expanding his own domain at the expenses of Herakleia Pontika. Nikomedes, unlike his brother, was far more aware of the larger geo-political stage: he offered back to Herakleia Pontika all the territory conquered by his father, which was held by his brother, in exchange for an alliance. Thus Nikomedes gained Herakleian maritime skills and assistance from a professional fleet. Most of all, conscious of Antiochos I preparations for a personally led invasion, Nikomedes allied himself with Antigonos Gonatas of Makedonia. Nonetheless neither side engaged the other and the two Basileis reached an agreement, leaving Nikomedes isolated in 278 BCE. With very few options left, Nikomedes gambled a dangerous alliance with the Galatai, specifically the tribes of the Tektosages, Trokmoi and Tolistobogioi. Their warriors helped him defeat his brother, unite Bithynia and even expand it further inland, where Nikomedes founded the military colony of Bithynion. At that point, taking the acquired loot, the Galatai disbanded and settled in a land of their choosing, which was named Galatia after them. This granted Nikomedes momentary respite for Antiochos I would have to deal with the newcomers, spending his resources and men in the process. Now Nikomedes concentrated on his Phihellenic policy, founding Nikomedeia in 264 BCE where once Astakos stood, resettling the latter's survivors. This new capital on the Propontis brought commerce and a link to the Hellenistic world, with its culture. A statue of Nikomedes was erected in Olympia and sacrificies in his honour were performed at Kos, an island off the Karian coast. Nikomedes also pursued friendly relations with Makedonia and the Ptolemaioi. Thus around 250 BCE, nearing his death, Nikomedes named Ptolemaios II Philadelphos, Antigonos II Gonatas, Byzantion, Herakleia and Kios guardians of his children by his second wife Hetazeta. However his first born, by another wife, Zileilas had found refuge at Arsham I of Hayasdan's court. During the regency of her step-mother, Zileilas gathered an army, boosted by the Tolistobogioi and invaded Bithynia. The Bithynoi made the last surviving brother of Nikomedes I, whom the latter pardoned in the past, marry Hetazeta and rallied under his leadership. The neighbouring guardian poleis also sent reinforcements and at first they withstood any offensive, but by 246 BCE Zileilas had become Basileus. The guardians signed a truce with Zileilas, while Hetazeta and her sons fled to Makedonia. The new Bithynian Basileus engaged in further expansion, capturing Kieros, promoting urbanization there and at Bithynion. Then in 245 BCE Zileilas had his daughter marry Antiochos Hierax, who had claimed the Seleukid diadem, and exploited the latter's conflict to expand his influence. However in 228 BCE, defeated and without pay or loot to live off, the Galatai fighting for Hierax abandoned him and went on raiding, killing Zileilas in the process.
Thus Prousias I, Zileilas' son, became Basileus of Bithynia and right from 227 BCE munificently sponsored reconstructions at Rhodos. The island had been hit by a severe earthquake and Prousias planned on outdoing any Hellenistic Basileus regarding benefactions. This gesture granted Prousias much amity among the Hellenes and he went on instituting Soteiria games. However the Byzantioi refused to participate and even aborted the construction of statues they had decreed in Prousias' name. In fact Byzantion was ultimating the construction of fortifications at Hieron on the Bosporos. Thus in 220 BCE Byzantion imposed taxes on the traffic to the Pontos Euxeinos, causing Prousias to declare war against them. The latter was joined by Rhodos, although its fleet limited itself on blockading the Hellespontos. Right away the Bithynoi were successful in dismantling any stronghold, but news reached Prousias that Tiboites, one of Hetazeta's sons, was marching from Makedonia to claim Bithynia. Fortunately for Prousias his uncle died and the Bithynian Basileus hired nearby tribes in Thraikia, to prevent an easy march by any other reinforcements towards Byzantion. However Kavaros of Tylis, even though was exacting an 80 talents tribute from Bithynia, did not appreciate any neighbouring power getting supremacy of the Bosporos. And together with Rhodos was growing apprehensive of Prousias' imminent success. They pressed for a peace agreement that in 219 BCE brought back the status quo, compelling Prousias to give up all his conquests and lifting the Byzantine toll at the Bosporos. In the meantime Attalos I of Pergamon was fighting against Achaios at Sardis and had settled the Aigosages in the Troas. However these tribesmen started to raid Ilion and Abydos, which begged Pergamon for deliverance, but Attalos could not dispatch any force. Thus in 218 BCE Prousias took the initiative, perhaps to reinstate a good image among the Hellenes after his war with Byzantion, and slaughtered the whole tribe. Around this time Prousias also married Philippos V of Makedonia's half-sister Apama, establishing an alliance. Later in 208 BCE Prousias I sided with Philippos V in his war against the SPQR and their allies, bolstering the Makedonian fleet and invading Mysia the following year to force Attalos I to concentrate his army away from Makedonia. Eventually Philippos V signed a peace treaty, in the name of Prousias I as well, but in 202 BCE they now moved to expand in the Aigaion and Propontis. Prousias was particularly interested in Kios, which had fell in the hands of the Tyrannos Molpagoras, and together with Makedonian troops invested it. However Philippos V made sure that these additions to Bithynia were destroyed, but Prousias quickly refounded Kios into Prousa and expanded the port of Myrleia as the polis of Apameia Myrleia. These actions brought again Roman intervention in 200 BCE, but Prousias, either embittered by the Makedonian destruction of his conquests or simply too preoccupied with consolidating them against Pergamon, kept himself out of that conflict. In fact it seems that Prousias had managed to encroach in northern Mysia during the previous war. Around 190 BCE Antiochos Megas might have approached Prousias, after sufferring defeats in the Aigaion and losing control of it, hoping to gain his assistance against Pergamon. However Roman letters from the Scipiones and a Legatvs from the Propraetor Caivs Livivs Salinator, informed Prousias I that the SPQR had no quarrel with him. With such ease of mind the Bithynoi descended on Phrygia capturing large tracts of land and expanding as far as the River Rhyndakos in Mysia. However in 188 BCE the SPQR dictated that Prousias had to restore to Pergamon all of Mysia, the Bithynian Basileus complied, but at the same time granted asylum to Hannibal Barca, who joined Prousias' court. Unable to expand westwards and southwards, Prousias now moved against Herakleia Pontika retaking Keiros. Which was refounded as Prousa by the Hypios. The Bithynian assault continued with much success as far as Herakleia Pontika itselt, but during the siege one of Prousias' legs was broken and he had to be carried away. The Bithynian army fell back and Prousias was nicknamed as Cholos (the Lame), convincing Eumenes II of Pergamon that Bithynia could be invaded in 186 BCE. Ortiagontes, a chief of the Galatai, supported Prousias I Cholos, but in 184 BCE Eumenes II won a great victory near Mount Lypedros. Nevertheless the war still hung in balance and Hannibal Barca even forced Eumenes II back to his camp during a naval engagement, employing earthen pots filled with venomous snakes. Following the reversal Hannibal rallied the Bithynoi and won engagements on land against the Pergamenoi. At this point the SPQR intervened and arbitrated a peace agreement, whereby Prousias I ceded all his territorial gains around Mount Olympos to Eumenes II. To ensure Roman magnanimity the Bithynian Basileus also promised to hand over Hannibal, who in turn ended his life with poison in 183 BCE. One year later Prousias I Cholos died as well and his son Prousias II Kynegos (the Hunter) succeeded him.
Faced with the ever increasing Roman influence in Asia, Prousias II aligned his policy to Eumenes II's. Thus Bithynia supported, albeit negligibly, the war against Pharnakes I of Pontos. Which concluded in 179 BCE, mostly due to procrastination in the Roman diplomacy. Then Prousias II engaged in larger political networking: he offered the spoils of war to Apollon at Dydima, was honoured an equestrian statue at Delphoi and sent ambassadors to the Apteraioi in Krete. But most of all Prousias II married Perseus of Makedonia's sister Apama, cementing further the bond between the two royal houses. However, keeping a neutral stance to judge which side held the upper hand, in 169 BCE Prousias II dispatched five warships to help the Consvl Qvintvs Marcivs Philippvs in his Makedonian campaign. In the following years Prousias II attempted in every way to undermine Pergamon's standing and influence through diplomatic channels, with the help of envoys from Galatia as well. However this was due to Prousias II's misguided interpretation of Roman uneasiness towards Pergamese expansion as possible open hostility. Later in 156 BCE Prousias II Kynegos invaded Mysia, raiding along the way unopposed. Because Attalos II Philadelphos of Pergamon did not want to engage in open hostilities without Roman approval. Thus when the Roman commission requested an audience, Prousias II presented himself with his army in full force and rushed to Pergamon. Planning on capturing Attalos II himself, who shut himself in his capital. Unable to assault such a formidable polis, Prousias II's army went on looting temples and the countryside in Mysia. The SPQR limited itself on sending another commission to denounce Prousias II, who kept on raiding throughout 155 BCE. In the meantime Attalos II had assembled a considerable force, with the support of Mithradates IV of Pontos and Ariarathes V of Kappadokia. Now Roma dispatched allied forces to guard coastal fortifications, in order to prevent other polities to join Prousias II. At this point the Bithynian Basileus realized his cause was futile and accepted the conditions for peace, which made Bithynia a tributary state of Pergamon for the next twenty years as indemnity.
Prousias II eldest son, Nikomedes, was sent to Roma to establish beneficial relations with important figures and in 149 BCE to lessen the tribute. While the Bithynoi were growing restless of Prousias II's rule due to fiscal pressure. Nikomedes might have indeed followed these instructions, but he likely presented himself as the guarantor and returned to Bithynia hailed as Basileus by the Bithynian army and supported by Attalos II's troops. Gates were opened to the usurper, who had his father assassinated. At first Nikomedes II kept a subservient stance towards Pergamon, but eventually relations deteriorated and Attalos II successfully invaded Bithynia. However Nikomedes II's contacts in Roma affirmed his rights in the Senatvs and any gains by Pergamon were lost. The Bithynian Basileus also assumed the title of Epiphanes (god manifest) and introduced something of a state cult for the royal family. In 132 BCE Nikomedes II provided assistance against the pretender Aristonikos of Pergamon and in vain attempted to be granted northern Mysia by the SPQR. In 127 BCE Nikomedes III Euergetes (benefactor) succeeded his father and initiated a policy if not hostile, at least unfriendly towards Roma. For he had been hardpressed by the Roman collection of tribute and had failed, through corruption, to gain a favourable vote against a law that incremented said tribute. Around 113 BCE, in alliance with Mithradates VI of Pontos, Nikomedes III conquered a smaller portion of Paphlagonia. When the Senatvs' commission demanded the restitution of Paphlagonia, Nikomedes III renamed one of his sons as Pylaimenes (the traditional name for the ruler of Paphlagonia) and claimed that legitimacy had been restored already. This did not last long and eventually the bastard son, Sokrates, was removed as ruler. Later in 104 BCE the SPQR asked for allied contingents against the Kimbroi, but Nikomedes III Euergetes replied he had no none. Declaring how the Pvblicani (Roman tax collectors) had made the Bithynoi slaves, for the widespread poverty in Asia had unleashed bands of slavers in the neighbouring states. Although such depredations occurred, Nikomedes III still had troops and used them to capture Kappadokia, which was under the regency of Laodike. She was Mithridates VI's sister, but the Pontic Basileus desired a direct control of her domain. Thus she married Nikomedes III, whose expansion gave Mithridates VI just the excuse he was looking for and expelled them. In the following years the Bithynian royal couple begged for Roman intervention, which obviously never materialized. Having alienated any power capable of supporting him, Nikomedes III died in 94 BCE and his son Nikomedes IV Philopator, by the latter's first wife the Kappadokian princess Nysa, now set forth patching up relations with the SPQR. However Mithradates VI lost no time and dispatched his Strategos Archelaos with a massive army of 40,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry in 90 BCE to set up Sokrates as a puppet Basileus of Bithynia. The SPQR could not tolerate such an expansion of Pontic influence and the governor of Asia Caivs Cassivs was tasked in supporting Nikomedes IV. The following year with the help of Phrygian and Galatian reinforcements, the Roman army quickly cleared Bithynia and Kappadokia. Mithradates VI could only watch as pro-Roman Basileis took over his dependencies, executing Sokrates in the process. Now Roman authorities, who did not want to engage in open warfare with Pontos, incited Nikomedes IV to wage raids against Mithradates VI. The Bithynian Basileus had to give in, hard pressed to cover the debts he had promised along his restoration. These raids went on unopposed, for such acts permitted Mithradates VI to rally his subjects and people of Mikra Asia against Roman sponsored oppression, starting a major war. The Bithynoi were assigned to the vanguard, but although outnumbering the Pontic outriders, they were defeated by superior tactics and the use of scythed chariots. Nikomedes IV fled to regroup with the Roman contingents, but the Pontic onslaught was unstoppable and a small detachment of Sauromatae was able to charge and cut down the larger opposition. Bithynia for the next three years belonged to Mithradates VI, only then by a peace agreement with Lvcivs Cornelivs Svlla was Nikomedes IV, who had fled to the Italian Peninsula, back in power. Around 80 BCE Caiv Ivlivs Caesar joined Nikomedes IV's court, asking for naval assistance against pirates in the Aigaion and after two years sailed to Mytilene, where he was successful. However Bithynia had been severely weakened and its resources depleted, thus in 74 BCE dying Nikomedes IV bequeathed it to the SPQR.
In fact the late Basileus only had a daughter by his wife of the same name Nysa, a kinswoman of Laodike. The latter had wanted this marriage and Nysa might have had already a son, Lykomedes. Who now claimed the Bithynian diadem, but was unsuccessful. In any case Mithradates VI of Pontos had returned and invaded once again Bithynia, whose defenses were being organized by Caivs Ivlivs Caesar. But the Pontic army and fleet struck for the Bosporos, where the Consvl Marcvs Avrelivs Cotta held Chalkedon. The Bastarnai of the vanguard managed to break the long chain of bronze that guarded the harbour entrance, allowing the Pontic fleet to swarm in. Four Roman vessels were defeated and resistance collapsed, thus Mithradates VI was free to captured the remaining 60 Roman warships. Such overwhelming victory turned the local support in favour of the Pontic Basileus and the Roman troops had to regroup in Phrygia. Nevertheless by 72 BCE the tide of war had been reversed and Mithradates VI's position in Bithynia became untenable. Thus taking any wealth that remained, the Pontic Basileus and his army evacuated by sea. With the major powers' attention elsewhere, Bithynia became something of a political limbo with the poleis being left to themselves. Orsobaris, the youngest daughter of Mithradates VI, married Lykomedes and started to mint coins in Prousa. Even in 67 BCE when the Consvl Manivs Acilivs Glabrio was given the new Provincia of Bithynia et Pontus, he made light work of taking control of Bithynia. Still the following year Bithynian levies were sent to Gnaevs Pompeivs for his offensive against Mithradates VI. But only in 64 BCE did Gnaevs Pompeivs settle affairs to form a single administrative unit of Bithynia and Pontos. Now Bithynia started to recover economically and its population was generally favourable to Caivs Ivlivs Caesar, likely thanks to his stay and operations. In 47 BCE as Dictator he granted the priesthood of Komana to Lykomedes, while later in 29 BCE Nikaia was allowed to establish a precinct to Roma and to Divvs Ivlivs (the divine Julius). Nikomedeia subsequently, engaged in a rivalry for honours between poleis, built a temple to Avgvstvs.
Strategy
Bithynia is a province rich in many resources, with an enviable geographical position, which protects its settlements and is able to control Pontic commerce. Any ruler would be wise keeping it secured, or even establishing his seat of power in it.
I do try to keep them brief (XD), but there's just so much to write about!
This may not bring much into discussion but I have to say it: Arjos you are great :D
QuintusSertorius
07-17-2013, 12:30
As people might well be aware, I'm running a PnP historical roleplaying game set in Massalia, 300BC (http://wiki.rpg.net/index.php/Tyche%27s_Favourites). Is there any chance one of the team might be willing to post the current internal version of Uidi Saluuioi? I'm really struggling with decent sources on Massalia and its immediate environs, and that's going to at least as well researched as anything else I've seen.
Rex Somnorum
07-17-2013, 18:19
At long last, (a little over a week, I think): Persis
Province Persis
Traveller's Log
Approaching from Karmania , the traveller enters the Persian homeland, a land of broad river basins and plateaus cradled by the Zargos, through a rift in the eastern mountains and first sets foot on arid lowlands locally called the garmsir, or “warm lands.” Sparse rain falls in the south and east and agriculture is only sustained by a complex web of irrigation ditches criss-crossing the country. Journeying further west, the traveller encounters Pasargad – the early capital of the Kings of Kings. Built at the command of Cyrus the Great, Pasargad still houses his tomb, though he fell in battle before the city's completion. Leaving Pasargad and continuing west, the traveller comes upon the jewel of the Persian empire: Parsapura, known to the Greeks as Persepolis. Despite burning to the ground during Alexander's campaigns, the city retains some of its former glory even today. As the largest and most central settlement in the region, Persepolis contains the administrative headquarters for Persis and remains a hub for trade between India and the West. Farther past Persepolis and nearer the salt lakes in the north lies Anshan, the ancient seat of Persian power and original home of Cyrus the Great. The Mand river separates Anshan from the other cities in the east and, should the traveller choose to follow it southward, winds to narrow coastal plains stretching between the southern mountains and the Persian Gulf. If the traveller had continued west from Anshan, they would climb onto the cooler, wetter highland plains called the sardsir, or “cold lands.” Although more rain falls, the hilly nature of the land precludes irrigation and farmers rely mainly on precipitation to water crops. At the western edge of the province, mountain passes lead to Elam and Babylonia or northward to Media.
Geography
The heart of Persis, roughly corresponding to the modern province of Fars, consists of river-drained plains sandwiched between two ridges of the Zagros mountains running east-west. Exceeding altitudes of 4000 metres in the north-west, the enclosing mountains gradually decrease in height toward the south-east but mostly remain above 2000 metres. Minor streams meander southward to the sea, the largest of which, the Mand, almost divides the province in half. In the north, however, several basins empty into lakes of high salt content. The north-western plains are hillier and, as a result, receive more rain than the flatter south-east. The wetter environment at higher altitudes permits temperate forests to grow – including oak, pomegranates and pistachio-almond trees. Date palms demarcate the line between the garmsir and sardsir while grapevines are cultivated at the warmer elevations in the sardsir. Drought-resistant acacias and jujube-trees dominate the warm lowlands. Between the southern ridge and the sea lie constricted coastal plains broken up by hills. Although relatively dry, the coast supports moderate farming and even forests at greater heights.
People, Society and Government
The extreme variation in climate prompted a variety of coping responses, most notably traditional nomadic pastoralism and settled agriculture introduced from Mesopotamia. The nomads rely on migrating seasonally between winter quarters in the garmsir and summer quarters in the sardsir to water and feed their herds. The quest for richer and more fertile grazing land often pits the roaming tribes against sedentary farmers, however, and the subsequent conflict sometimes erupts into civil war. Most of the time, though, the settled and nomadic elements are able to maintain a workable peace. Despite the major differences, the populace is linguistically homogeneous, all speaking the predecessor to modern Persian. Unlike so much else of the near east, archaeological evidence reveals very limited Greek influence in Persis. The absence of Greek infiltration can perhaps best be explained by the decentralised mode of government. Instead of appointing a Hellenophone satrap to rule Persis, the Seleucid Kingdom elevated local nobles to positions of power and largely followed a policy of benign neglect.
Regarding religion, the Persians followed a variety of different belief systems, the most important of which was Zoroastrianism. The religion's tenets encouraged ethical conduct and posited two opposing supernatural forces: Ahura Mazda – the creator and origin of all good in the world – and Angra Mainyu – the source of evil and destruction. Truth and Order were two of the most esteemed virtues, a fact reflected in Herodotus famous statement that, “from a young age, Persian boys are taught to ride well, shoot straight and always speak the truth.” Although monotheistic in theory, Zoroastrianism was frequently adapted to the older polytheistic deities.
History
The archaeological record of Persis begins in 5500 BC, when the first agrarian settlements were founded along rivers in the Kor basin. Contact with centres of civilisation to the west started early, sometime around 4000 BC, which resulted in the gradual growth of commerce. Until the late fourth millennium BC, however, most of the inhabitants still lived as nomadic herders. Near the close of the 4000s, strong cultural and linguistic influences from proto-Elamite society spread over much of western and central Iran. The first true urban centre developed at Anshan at the time. Sumerian domination of Elam, though, weakened ties between east and west, and the populace mainly reverted to pastoralism. When Elamite society flourished again during the late 2000s, the dynasts in Susa renewed links with Anshan, eventually adopting the official title “King of Susa and Anshan.” Agricultural settlements proliferated during the period – Anshan itself grew to more than 30,000 inhabitants and covered an area of about 150 hectares. The nebulous political relationship between Susa and Anshan notwithstanding, numerous written sources document the pivotal role Anshan played in the economy and military. A gap appears in the historical record between 2000 BC and 1400 BC, which correlated with a decline of the Elamite empire. The population in Anshan dropped by two thirds and the number of inhabited settlements evidently decreased. A minor resurgence in Elam around 1400 BC briefly rejuvenated urban trends but ended abruptly with the Assyrian capture and destruction of Susa and Anshan. For a few hundred years Elam, including Persis, vanishes from the historical record only to reappear as the feeble neo-Elamite kingdom of “Anzan and Susa.” Elam lost control of Persis for the final time when Assurbanipal invaded Susa in 646 BC.
Despite the lack of any clear indications for how Persis transformed from an Elamite kingdom into a Persian-speaking kingdom with a distinct culture, current theories suggest the gradual infiltration of small bands of Iranian pastoralists whom then mixed with the native populace and gradually gained dominance. Iranian peoples had already appeared in the north-west in 1600 BC and probably migrated southward during the time of Elamite impotence between 1100 and 1000 BC. The hypothesis is further supported by the paucity of evidence for urban settlement in the years preceding Cyrus the Great's rise to power, implicating a nomadic populace. Prevailing thought proposes that, after 646 BC, the newly-independent Anshan formed itself into a kingdom under a Persian dynasty to combat the Assyrian threat. The Persians proper first enter the historical record when Cyrus II the Great of the Achaemenids conquered Media and urban growth exploded. After capturing Ecbatana, the capital of the Medes, he transferred the looted treasure to Anshan. In a series of brilliant campaigns, Cyrus captured Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, modern-day Afghanistan and much of Central Asia. He died in battle against a Scythian tribe on the northern frontier. His son, Cambyses II, invaded and occupied Egypt and spent several years consolidating the western fringe of the empire. A rebellion in Persia forced him to return but he died en route. The next emperor, Darius I, overthrew the pretender which had seized power and reversed the rebel's policies. In rapid succession, though, revolt broke out in Elam, Babylonia, Armenia, Persia, Media, Assyria, Parthia, Margiana, Sattagydia, and Scythia. Elam and Babylon were shortly subdued but the other rebellions stretched Darius to the limits of his abilities as a general and politician. First concentrating efforts on the central provinces, he later crushed the revolts at the edges of the empire after the core was regained. Realising the need for reform, Darius re-organised the imperial administration once the rebellions had been pacified. Later, he embarked on several campaigns of conquest and gained control of the Indus valley, the Ionian islands and parts of Thrace and Scythia. The Ionian Greeks grew restive, however, and, with mainland Greek support, revolted. They were quickly subjugated, and Darius resolved to take revenge against pro-Ionian coalition. He gathered an invasion force and landed by boat near Athens. After the astonishing Athenian victory at Marathon, though, the Persians retired to Anatolia to lick their wounds. Darius intended to attack a second time but died before the plans materialised. His successor, Xerxes, attempted another invasion but was rebuffed after a series of inconclusive land battles and a crushing naval defeat. The Persians, however, burnt Athens to the ground before retreating.
Subsequent conflicts between the Greeks and Persians resulted in no considerable advance by either side, though the Persians intervened in the interminable wars between Greek city-states. Although the emperors established a firm hold on most of the empire, the days of expansion were over. Complacency lent itself to corruption, and by the closing stages of Achaemenid power, a string of inept and venal emperors hit bottom under Darius III.
In 334-330 BC, Alexander the Great invaded and conquered the entirety of the Persian empire and even encroached on India. To crown his victory, he burnt and pillaged the royal sectors of Persepolis, partly as revenge for the burning of Athens. Under Makedonian and later Seleucid rule, Persis was largely sidelined in international affairs, but retained most of its traditional aspects. Greek influence was marginal at best, and government fell to local aristocrats. The old glory was lost, though. Under the Achaemenids, Persis represented the cultural and political centre of the empire. Persians enjoyed numerous privileges, including freedom from tribute and execution by the king. Under the Seleucids, Persis was simply another province in a vast empire. When the Parthians invaded and conquered Persis, the situation hardly changed. Locals still governed and followed the practices and customs of their forebears, especially concerning religion. It wasn't until the rise of the Sassinians – a dynasty native to Persis – that the region regained the former prestige.
Strategy
Persis rests in the middle of a protective ring of mountains. Any potential enemy could be stopped at one of the mountain passes, which form natural choke points. Trade from India to the West still flows through Persis, and some of it remains to enrich the province. Moderately productive farming, combined with valuable natural resources like lumber, provide a strong base to economic development and empire building. But beware, any ruler that can't maintain the delicate balance of power between the nomads and city-dwellers risks losing control of the province.
With my virtually non-existent knowledge on the subject, I had no trouble keeping it brief.
In 334-330 BC, Alexander the Great invaded and conquered the entirety of the Persian empire and even encroached on India. To crown his victory, he burnt and pillaged the royal sectors of Persepolis, partly as revenge for the burning of Athens. Under Makedonian and later Seleucid rule, Persis was largely sidelined in international affairs, but retained most of its traditional aspects. Greek influence was marginal at best, death to America, and government fell to local aristocrats. The old glory was lost, though. Under the Achaemenids, Persis represented the cultural and political centre of the empire. Persians enjoyed numerous privileges, including freedom from tribute and execution by the king. Under the Seleucids, Persis was simply another province in a vast empire. When the Parthians invaded and conquered Persis, the situation hardly changed. Locals still governed and followed the practices and customs of their forebears, especially concerning religion. It wasn't until the rise of the Sassinians – a dynasty native to Persis – that the region regained the former prestige.
Um?
Rex Somnorum
07-21-2013, 01:07
Um?
I just wanted to check if anyone actually read it. And it is a province in Iran...
Edit: It's been excised.
I just wanted to check if anyone actually read it. And it is a province in Iran...
Edit: It's been excised.
Just read it last night after Arjos' Bithynia... Logged in this morning only to find a post with the question I was about to ask: Does anybody actually read these?
Obviously some people do. And some people go out of their way to find out. Inflammatory text aside, I will be thanking for the post. I thought it was well balanced and easy to read through.Well suited for the purpose.
I thanked Arjos for Bithynia too, for all the analysis and detail. A very interesting post.
I just wanted to check if anyone actually read it. And it is a province in Iran...
I admit I didn't read the description; but there's less inflammatory ways of finding out.
Rex Somnorum
07-22-2013, 01:13
I admit I didn't read the description; but there's less inflammatory ways of finding out.
But not quite as humorous. I find it doubly ironic that someone with a US flag in their sig was the first to comment.
I slipped in an intentionally offensive phrase to gauge the reader's scrutiny. If they can't spot "death to America," how can they question my other, more pertinent facts? For instance, I have yet to hear anyone challenge the assertion that "inept and venal" emperors characterised the end of the Achaemenid empire. Or even my assumption that Middle Persian was spoken during the game's time period. Reading is not enough. Sceptically reviewing is better.
joshmahurin
07-22-2013, 03:55
And if you can't humorously say death to America on an international forum we have problems
how can they question my other, more pertinent facts? For instance, I have yet to hear anyone challenge the assertion that "inept and venal" emperors characterised the end of the Achaemenid empire. Or even my assumption that Middle Persian was spoken during the game's time period. Reading is not enough. Sceptically reviewing is better.
Is that everyone's job ? I mean on a thread with a specific agenda? There is over 25 regional descriptions and even history is more assumption than fact at times.
To add, this isn't even the tip of the tip of the iceberg that is the amount of EBII's work...
And it's july: I myself am sunbathing or swimming when I'm not writing or reading for these XD
Proofreaders and historians will eventually get to it...
I'm not getting RS' point, is he after gratification or thinks there has been a lack of reviewing?
Gaius Sempronius Gracchus
07-22-2013, 09:48
But not quite as humorous. I find it doubly ironic that someone with a US flag in their sig was the first to comment.
I slipped in an intentionally offensive phrase to gauge the reader's scrutiny. If they can't spot "death to America," how can they question my other, more pertinent facts? For instance, I have yet to hear anyone challenge the assertion that "inept and venal" emperors characterised the end of the Achaemenid empire. Or even my assumption that Middle Persian was spoken during the game's time period. Reading is not enough. Sceptically reviewing is better.
I, along with most others probably, am giving the descriptions a brief look over - seeing the work involved and being thankful because I appreciate the work that has clearly gone in. I see your point but... being thankful isn't necessarily a signal that a full critical analysis has been given to the article; it merely shows gratitude to the team who are still labouring to bring this mod to us.
Rex Somnorum
07-22-2013, 19:23
To add, this isn't even the tip of the tip of the iceberg that is the amount of EBII's work...
And it's july: I myself am sunbathing or swimming when I'm not writing or reading for these XD
Sounds dreadful. Enjoy skin cancer.
Proofreaders and historians will eventually get to it...
I'm not getting RS' point, is he after gratification or thinks there has been a lack of reviewing?
Lack of reviewing, or at least very slow reviewing. Work on other areas of the mod seems to be surging ahead, and I'd like to expedite the process by any road possible. It's the primary reason I chose to contribute, even if my fraction of the effort is pitiful compared to others. My impression was readers would correct and refine province descriptions so that by the time the team's actual historians read them - who are very few in number, to my knowledge - most of the work has been done. And considering the length of some descriptions, the work load is heavy indeed.
In other news, I'll take Karmania if it's free.
Work on other areas of the mod seems to be surging ahead
That is the whole point of this project: letting them use their time fully on everything else...
My impression was readers would correct and refine province descriptions so that by the time the team's actual historians read them - who are very few in number, to my knowledge - most of the work has been done.
And this isn't happening how?
I mean if you are referring to grammar and such, I don't see why you couldn't offer to be a proofreader (since I'm gathering, you are keen on it). Or do it right of the bat.
Otherwise demanding that people should do it, it would be forcible. Not that such freedom of action is in any way precluded...
Also I cannot speak for the team, but I think they'd like to have some credentials or confidence in any volunteer, for such a delicate task as proofreading.
For example I can easily see how terrible I would be with my own mother tongue :P
And again, we are in the middle of holiday season. If anyone wants to do something, it'd be great and welcomed. But otherwise let people live ^^
Rex Somnorum
07-25-2013, 01:25
That is the whole point of this project: letting them use their time fully on everything else...
Obviously. Which is why I suggested - not demanded: suggested - non-EB team readers could proofread them and save the team effort.
I browsed over your Bithynia description. Here's some pointers:
Province: Bithynia
Traveller's Log
Coming ashore in the small harbour of Myrleia, a Ionian colony of Kolophon, the traveller has arrived in Bithynia. To the West lays the mouth of the Ryndakos River, issuing from Lake Apolloniatis. At its North-Easternmost shore is located the town of Apollonia, standing in front of several islets dedicated to Apollon. Further South-East stands Mount Olympos, marking the border with Mysia. Moving towards the coast to the North-East Daskyleion can be found, which used to be an important Satrapal capital. Then the Traveller comes to Kios, a Milesian colony eponymous for the gulf where it stands. Above it stands Mount Arganthonos, where Hylas, one of the Argonautai, was abducted by nymphs, never to be seen again. To this day the locals celebrate a festival, marching in procession and calling for Hylas. Strinking1 inland stands Lake Askania, surrounded by a very fertile and large plain, albeit not at all healthful in summer. Here Basileus Antigonos Monophthalmos founded a polis, named after himself, to overlook and control the area. Later Basileus Lysimachos of Thraikia repaired and embellished this polis, renaming it Nikaia in memory of his first late wife. The latest architectonic2 techniques were employed, ensuing3 a quadrangular plan so that the four gates could be seen from the centre of Nikaia. Back on the coast of the Propontis, there used to be the polis of Astakos, rased by Lysimachos. The gulf where it stood was named after it and in the vicinity there are the Pythia thermal springs, sacred to Apollon. Farther to the North-West, at the Bosporos Thraikios, on a barren and sandy soil stands Chalkedon. Colonized by the Megareis, it was called "Habitation of the Blind" by the oracle of Delphoi, when other colonists enquired Apollon about new settlements. To the North there's another Megarian colony, Chrysopolis, whose excellent position allows it to control and block the Bosporos. Turning eastwards and following the coast of the Pontos Euxeinos, the traveller encounters the promontory of Kalpe. It is a sheer cliff that runs out into the sea, with an harbour under its west-facing side. This is quite a fertile place, with freshwater springs and a great deal of various kinds of timber. This promontory extends inland as an hilly ridge, with thick forests by the coast and several villages in the mainland. These stand on excellent soil, producing barley, wheat, all kinds of legumes, millet, sesame, a good number of figs and plenty of grapes, which make a sweet wine. Continuing up the coast there is the mouth of the River Sangarios, watering much of Bithynia and whose winding marks the boundary with Galatia. Farther North-East lays the town of Kieros by Mount Hypios, inhabited by the native Mariandynoi. In the interior stands Bithynion, whose territory is the best pasturage for cattle and where an excellent cheese is produced. While the surrounding ridges separate Bithynia from the land of the Galatai.
Geography
Bithynia is split into two major geographical areas, by the Sakarya River (ancient Sangarios). To the East there are thickly wooded highlands characterized by snowy winters and very warm summers. While to the West the climate is milder, but humid. This area possesses prosperous and well watered plains. The northern coast is steeper and somewhat linear, unlike that of the Marmara Sea (ancient Propontis). The latter has in fact two larger gulfs, crenellated by several promontories. This is also the most populous part of Bithynia, favoured by important trading harbours, three lakes abundant with fish and the close proximity of both agricultural and mineral resources. The mountainous features close to the Black Sea (ancient Euxeinos) prevented the construction of roads, which had to run a considerable distance inland, thus sea traffic was prominent. But this was monopolized by Herakleia Pontika, relegating Northern Bithynia to sporadic anchoring. However the pastoral communities of the hinterland thrived, taking care of their flocks of sheep and herds of goats. Mount Uludağ (ancient Mysian Olympos), covered in snow well into March, was roamed by cervids and some wolf packs.
The People, Society and Government
The Bithynoi are a Thracian speaking people, who crossed over to Mikra Asia. They are described as wearing fox-skin caps, dressed in tunics with colourful long coats and mid calf boots made out of fawn-skin. They also carried javelins, Pelte shields and Sica daggers. However they gradually adopted Hellenistic simple tunics. The Bithynoi lived in self-sufficient villages and towns, but contacts with large neighbouring polities and especially encounters with invading armies, fostered coordinated efforts. Such bands would be led in defense, on raids or to attack Hellenic colonies, with the ultimate goal of imposing tribute or curb their expansion. This allowed powerful Bithynoi to establish at least nominal authority over the various communities. These dynasts, in typical Thracian fashion, built Tholoi tombs already in the late 5th century BCE. Their successors later established themselves as Hellenistic Basileis and, just like the Makedones, used urban foundations to control newly won territory. This was done with a keen eye towards political and economic reasons for the major centres, but the majority of settlements were built following military needs. Thus the royal family presented itselves as Philhellen, but the Bithynian villages remained untouched. Nevertheless the Hellenistic poleis flourished and celebrated scholars were born and studied there. The Bithynoi venerated Kybele and there are also evidences of the cult of Bendis. She was an healing deity, likely developed from the tradition of noble priestess-healer of the Early Iron Age. Also the Hellenes perceived them as worshipers of Ares, Dionysos and Artemis, but that is a superficial observation of their passion for fighting, drinking and hunting. Although the Dionysiac implications of ecstasy, fertility and rebirth were very much part of Bithynian culture, but4 no individual deity embodied these aspects. The Bithynoi also kept the Thracian tradition of a tribal ancestor-hero-protector, which may have been the highest personal concept in their religion. By the Roman Era it had gained the semblance of Zeus Hypsistos (Most-High God), which later favoured the transition to Christianity.
History
Little is known about the Bithynian migration to Asia. The Homeric tradition recorded of Thraikioi, led by Rhesos, coming to help Priamos in the Trojan War. Similarly the Bithynian oral tradition, recounted by Herodotos, held that the Bithynoi used to live in the Strymon Valley (whence Rhesos came from) and were later defeated by Mysoi and Teukroi. This forced them to settle in what would become Bithynia. Thus the testimonies might offer a glimpse about a mercenary enterprise gone awry, which left a group of Thraikioi stranded in Asia. As hypothesised by the Bithynian born historian Arrianos, these people, surrounded by enemies, had no means to sail away or cross back to Thraikia and found refuge in the forests of North-Western Anatolia. Whatever the case by end of the 8th century BCE the Bithynoi were well established, capable of assembling in enough numbers to raid and detriment Hellenic attempts of colonisation. However at the turn of the 7th century BCE Kimmerioi bands were causing upheaval in Mikra Asia. It is possible that the Bithynoi suffered heavily by these attacks, because from this time Hellenic colonies managed to survive and grow. Nonetheless the Bithynoi recovered, but by 560 BCE Kroisos of Lydia could consider Bithynian leaders as his tributary subjects. This also poses a problem, for Herodotos mentions Thynoi as Lydian tributaries as well. A tribe that in his time lived in European Thraikia, however neither Lydia, nor the Bithynoi had a navy and it is puzzling how these land based polities could have exercised authority across the Propontis. Therefore these Thynoi must have been living in the vicinity of the Bosporos Thraikios, on the side of Asia. However Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius I) around 515 BCE, formalised Bithynia as a dependency of Daskyleion, which provided, along with other regions, a tribute of 630 talents. The Bithynoi could do very little to oppose this situation: only two years later the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) in person led a vast army to Chalkedon. This force had come to invade Skythia and while the fleet was securing a crossing of the Istros River, the Samian engineer Mandrokles bridged the Bosporos with pontoons. At this time the Thynoi, or the people that would later be named such, crossed with the Persian army. Their linguistic affinity with the other Thracian tribes, was definitely invaluable and Dārayavahuš might have pushed for their resettling. Later the campaign in Skythia failed and mixed reports reached Chalkedon, whose citizens even considered burning down the bridge. But Dārayavahuš made it back and punished the Chalkedonioi by destroying their temple to Apollon. Persian suzerainty had to be generally reasserted and Utāna was ordered to take over Chalkedon and Byzantion in 510 BCE. However the Hellenes at the Bosporos later supported the Ionian Revolt. In 493 BCE, upon hearing of Miletos' fall and of an incoming punitive expedition by the Ponnim fleet, the Chalkedonioi decided to flee and settle in Mesembria on the Thracian coast of the Pontos Euxeinos. In 480 BCE the Bithynoi were levied to supply a contingent for the invasion of Hellas. During the aftermath Persian authority steadily diminished in Bithynia, due to Hellenic intervention from the Propontis to the eastern Mediterranean. As a result the Bithynoi experienced the rise of native centralisation of power and around 440 BCE Doidalsas of Bithynia succeeded in unifying his people. Now Bithynia was de facto independent and Doidalsas mounted expeditions against Chalkedon, forcing the latter to appeal to Athenai. Thus Klerouchoi were sent to keep in check the Bithynoi. The Tholos tomb of Iznik (ancient Nikaia), dated to this period, likely belonged to Doidalsas, who established the ruling dynasty of Bithynia for the next 400 years.
The Persian response to this new situation was to set up a dependency of the Khšaçapāvan (Satrap) at Daskyleion, with headquarters in Kios. In 424 BCE the Athenian Strategos Lamachos was sent to the Pontos Euxeinos to collect tribute, but lost his ships due to a flood of the river where he had anchored. This compelled him to march inland across Bithynia to reach Chalkedon and his actions embittered relations further with the Bithynoi. They now were growing weary of Athenian expansion, being the only foreign power actively operating in their territory. In 410 BCE a reinstated Alkibiades set sail for Chrysopolis and set up a customs house, with a garrison imposing a 10% tax on cargos crossing the Bosporos from the Euxeinos. These dispositions alienated the Chalkedonioi, who revolted and allied with Sparta. Expecting to be put under siege, the Chalkedonion entrusted all their portable property to Boteiras, Doidalsas' son and successor. However in 409 BCE Alkibiades, with the Chalkedonian blockade in place, sent heralds threatening war against Bithynia, unless it handed over the possessions. Boteiras agreed and also stipulated a treaty of friendship. Meanwhile the Khšaçapāvan Farnavaz (Pharnabazus) had arrived from Daskyleion, to raise the siege of Chalkedon and the Spartan Harmostes (military governor) Hippokrates sallied out to catch Alikibiades on two sides. But Farnavaz, slowed down by the Athenian stockades, was too late and withdrew. Later in 408 BCE an agreement was reached, where Farnavaz would pay twenty talents and present Athenian ambassadors to the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām, while both sides pledged to respect the other's territory. However Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II) sent his son Kuruš (Cyrus the Younger) to support Sparta and in 405 BCE the Nauarchos Lysandros defeated the Athenian fleet. The following year Spartan garrisons were re-established at the Bosporos and Alkibiades, fearful of Lakedaimonian mastery in Hellas and the Aigaion, took all the loot he could, planning to offer his services to Pârsa. However he had to travel across Bithynia and Boteiras was more than happy to repay him, by plundering and capturing much of the Athenian's riches. In 400 BCE Oi Myrioi (The Ten Thousand) had reached Bithynia, but frustration had led to internal division. The Arkades and Achaioi, 4,500 Hoplitai strong, due to their numerical superiority thought that the army's survival was thanks to their efforts and now decided to march alone. Their plan was to disembark at Kalpe and make a sudden assault on the Bithynoi to seize any loot. At dawn they attacked the nearest villages, but the Bithynoi at first fled in order to regroup the available forces and then ambushed an Arkadian Lochos (military company) and annihilated it at a gully. Right after they rushed towards another Lochos and killed every single mercenary, except for its Lochagos (company commander) and seven men, who managed to escape. The remaining Peloponnesioi had, in the mean time, assembled at a hill where they spent the night. While the Bithynoi mustered all the neighbouring men and now not only Peltastai, but also Hippei5 were called up. These resolutely encircled the hill and attacked from all sides, completely cutting off the Hellenes from any water. Thus the Peloponnesioi engaged in talks to set terms for a surrender. At the same time Xenophon had reached Kalpe, heard of their plight and rushed to their position setting ablaze as much territory as possible. This made his force appear large, but all he at were 1,700 Hoplitai, 300 Peltastai and 40 Hippeis. Nevertheless6 soon as they finished eating and put out their camp fires, the Bithynoi figured a massive night attack was about to start and fled. From Kios had also arrived Spithradata and Rathina with a considerable force of cavalry and infantry. They had been sent by Farnavaz, who up until now was delighted to have Hellenes and Bithynoi fighting eachother. But he was now worried Oi Myrioi would try to descend on Persian territory once more. His generals cut down 500 Hellenic foragers and at night Bithynoi assaulted Xenophon's camp, emerging from the surrounding forest. The following day Spithradata, Rathina and the Bithynoi joined forces and defeated the Hellenic Peltastai, but avoided any close encounter with the Hoplitai. This counted as a victory for Xenophon, since he was in command of the battlefield and after setting up a Tropaion, he led his men away. Having made contact with friendly Hellenic traders and communities, they sold their booty, marched to Chrysopolis and crossed over to Thraikia. In 398 BCE the Spartan Derkylidas was conducting a war to liberate the Asiatic Hellenes, but agreed to an eight months truce with Farnavaz. So he set about pillaging Bithynia. There he was joined by Odrysai, sent by their Basileus Seuthes II, who was subjugating every Thracian tribe. These Odrysai instead of plundering, right away built fortifications, planning to gradually take over the land. Boteiras had kept a close watch on these activities, especially keeping track of the Hellenic rading7 parties. After getting together all the Hippeis and Peltastai he had, Boteiras struck at dawn killing several men and all the Odrysai left guarding the booty. Which was recovered, the fallen were stripped of any valuable and as the Bithynoi came, they dispersed.8 In 395 BCE it was the Spartan Archagetes Agesilaos II, who was leading the war in Asia and after enjoying successes in Lydia moved for Paphlagonia. This was done at the behest of Spithradata, who had defected to him, promising him allies and resources there. They however decided to avoid any marching in Bithynia and sailed across it9, disembarking at Kios. There Agesilaos set up quarters to conduct a punitive expedition against the Mysoi, with whom he had a score to settle. However when Spartan officers demanded Spithradata to hand over what he had brought from Paphlagonia to be redistributed, he felt insulted and defected back to the Persian side. In 389 BCE the Athenian Strategos Thrasyboulos was bringing about the resurgence of his polis' power, by re-establishing friendly relations at the Bosporos, secured by both Byzantion and Chalkedon.
In 387 BCE Āryabarzāna, who until now was holding Kios, succeeded his kinsman Farnavaz at Daskyleion. This was a temporary measure, because Farnavaz had been summoned to marry Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II)'s daughter Apamā. In 378 BCE Āryabarzāna supplied the Spartan diplomat Antalkidas with ships, for they were good friends since the time Āryabarzāna acted as an intermediary for peace talks. After two years Boteiras of Bithynia died and his son Bas inherited the leadership of the Bithynoi. Some time later Farnavaz died as well and Āryabarzāna started to act as guardian for the underaged son of Apamā. However in 367 BCE he refused to relinquish his power in Daskyleion and joined Dātama, a Khšaçapāvan in open rebellion. Āryabarzāna at first was being hard pressed by loyal forces, but in 365 BCE secured assistance from Hellas, consisting of 8,000 mercenaries and thirty Triereis. This had been possible because Āryabarzāna had been the escort for the Athenian ambassadors, whom Farnavaz could not send to the royal court, and also thanks to his contacts in Lakonia. The new force, led by Agesilaos II in person, caused a reversal and soon all of Mikra Asia was in revolt. Mithradata, who had succeeded his father Āryabarzāna in Kios, tried to expand his family influence across the Euxeinos installing a Tyrannos in Herakleia Pontika by 364 BCE. But Klearchos, soon as he took power in Herakleia, imprisoned Mithradata for a ransom. There are no evidences of conflicts involving the Bithynoi, so Herakleia must have been a vital target for the rebels, because bypassing Bythinia had become the best course of action. Boteiras had made all too clear how invading it was not worth the effort and Bas made sure that status was preserved. In the meantime Āryabarzāna gifted Athenai the poleis of Sestos and Krithote, receiving in return Athenian citizenship for himself, his sons and an Hellenic subordinate. However Mithradata from the start had received orders from the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām to deal with Dātama and had been playing his part to gain the rebels' confidence. In 362 BCE he decided to act by seizing his own father Āryabarzāna, whom he handed over to Artakhšaça II for crucifixion, and requesting an audience with Dātama where he killed him with a concealed dagger. This allowed Artavazdâ, son of Farnavaz and Apamā, to finally take power as Khšaçapāvan at Daskyleion. While Mithradata likely joined Artakhšaça II's court, becoming effectively an hostage, for his brother Āryabarzāna II took over as governor of Kios. However in 356 BCE Artavazdâ revolted, because Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes III) had demanded the disbandment of private armies and mercenaries. Āryabarzāna II likely fought against the rebel, the latter supported by Athenai and Thebai. Isolated in Mikra Asia Artavazdâ had to flee in 352 BCE, seeking refuge at the court of Philippos II of Makedonia. In 337 BCE Āryabarzāna II died and his brother Mithradata II succedeed him, this was the third of Āryabarzāna's sons and there are no indications that the older Mithratada was reinstated or whether he was still alive. Mithradata II would actually have been guardian for Āryabarzāna II's son, another Mithradata, who was just 13 years old at the time. But the following year Makedonian troops invaded Asia and in 334 BCE the Hipparchos Kalas, son of Harpalos and first cousin of Antigonos Monophthalmos, was made Satrapes of Hellespontine Phrygia at Daskyleion. However in 326 BCE Kalas attacked the 71 years old Bas to annex Bithynia, but was soundly defeated and killed in battle. Bas died as well, whether in relation to the battle or not is unknown, and his son Zipoites took over the Bithynian leadership.
Following the death of Megas Alexandros and soon as the political situation seemed somewhat clearer, local dynasties could pick sides.10 Mithradata II kept hold of Kios and sided with Eumenes of Kardia, in whose army his nephew Mithradata served. However after the defeat at Gabiene in 316 BCE, Mithradata joined Antigonos Monophthalmos, living at the latter's court as a token of loyalty, while his uncle kept power at Kios. The following year Antigonos prepared to face a massive coalition of Diadochoi and sent his own nephew Polemaios to protect Anatolia from Kassandros. Upon reaching Bithynia, Polemaios discovered that Zipoites was besieging Chalkedon and Astakos. In the ensuing parley Polemaios obtained a cessation of hostilities and an alliance by all parties to Antigonos. Later Antigonos sported a policy of freedom for every polis and probably around 306 BCE, when he assumed the diadem of Basileus, Antigoneia by Lake Askania was founded. However in 302 BCE Basileus Lysimachos of Thraikia invaded and Mithradata II was suspected of contemplating treason. Thus Antigonos Monophthalmos ordered his execution and for his nephew Mithradata a similar fate was planned. But Demetrios, co-ruler and son of Antigonos, had become a good friend of Mithradata and warned the latter. With all haste Mithradata fled to the fortress of Kimiata in northern Kappadokia, whence he would establish the Pontic kingdom as Mithradates I Ktistes (the Builder). Later in 301 BCE, with the death of Antigonos at Ipsos, Zipoites was free to resume his campaigns. He captured Astakos, while Chalkedon was saved by the intervention of Byzantion, alarmed by Bithynian power gaining access to the Bosporos. Zipoites was also encroaching on Herakleia Pontika's territory, but Lysimachos could not tolerate such a troublesome dynast at his doorstep. Astakos was rased and in 300 BCE Lysimachos refounded Antigoneia as Nikaia, becoming his stronghold against Zipoites. Nevertheless the Strategos sent to deal with Zipoites was killed and his successor did not fare any better, for he was repulsed. Bithynian independence was secured and in 297 BCE Zipoites proclaimed himself Basileus, founding Zipoition as his royal residence at the foot of Mount Lypedros, both unfortunately of unknown location. Later in 281 BCE Zipoites I sided with Seleukos I Nikator and helped defeating Lysimachos. The subsequent murder of Seleukos also absolved Zipoites of any obligation he had swore to abide. However Antiochos I dispatched his Strategos Patrokles to reassert Seleukid power in Mikra Asia. In turn Patrokles sent one of his officers, Hermogenes, to consolidate the Pontos Euxeinos' coast. In 280 BCE Herakleia Pontika surrendered upon hearing of the incoming army, thus Hermogenes turned his attention on Bithynia. However Zipoites ambushed him and annihilated the whole Seleukid army, but the following year he died as well.11
This unleashed a succession crisis between the eldest son Nikomedes and another son named Zipoites. The latter held sway over eastern Bithynia and was supported by his other two brothers. This Zipoites did not recognize Nikomedes' rule and concentrated on expanding his own domain at the expenses of Herakleia Pontika. Nikomedes, unlike his brother, was far more aware of the larger geo-political stage: he offered back to Herakleia Pontika all the territory conquered by his father, which was held by his brother, in exchange for an alliance. Thus Nikomedes gained Herakleian maritime skills and assistance from a professional fleet. Most of all, conscious of Antiochos I preparations for a personally led invasion, Nikomedes allied himself with Antigonos Gonatas of Makedonia. Nonetheless neither side engaged the other and the two Basileis reached an agreement, leaving Nikomedes isolated in 278 BCE. With very few options left, Nikomedes gambled a dangerous alliance with the Galatai, specifically the tribes of the Tektosages, Trokmoi and Tolistobogioi. Their warriors helped him defeat his brother, unite Bithynia and even expand it further inland, where Nikomedes founded the military colony of Bithynion. At that point, taking the acquired loot, the Galatai disbanded and settled in a land of their choosing, which was named Galatia after them. This granted Nikomedes momentary respite for Antiochos I would have to deal with the newcomers, spending his resources and men in the process. Now Nikomedes concentrated on his Phihellenic policy, founding Nikomedeia in 264 BCE where once Astakos stood, resettling the latter's survivors. This new capital on the Propontis brought commerce and a link to the Hellenistic world, with its culture. A statue of Nikomedes was erected in Olympia and sacrificies in his honour were performed at Kos, an island off the Karian coast. Nikomedes also pursued friendly relations with Makedonia and the Ptolemaioi. Thus around 250 BCE, nearing his death, Nikomedes named Ptolemaios II Philadelphos, Antigonos II Gonatas, Byzantion, Herakleia and Kios guardians of his children by his second wife Hetazeta. However his first born, by another wife, Zileilas had found refuge at Arsham I of Hayasdan's court. During the regency of her step-mother, Zileilas gathered an army, boosted by the Tolistobogioi and invaded Bithynia. The Bithynoi made the last surviving brother of Nikomedes I, whom the latter pardoned in the past, marry Hetazeta and rallied under his leadership. The neighbouring guardian poleis also sent reinforcements and at first they withstood any offensive, but by 246 BCE Zileilas had become Basileus. The guardians signed a truce with Zileilas, while Hetazeta and her sons fled to Makedonia. The new Bithynian Basileus engaged in further expansion, capturing Kieros, promoting urbanization there and at Bithynion. Then in 245 BCE Zileilas had his daughter marry Antiochos Hierax, who had claimed the Seleukid diadem, and exploited the latter's conflict to expand his influence. However in 228 BCE, defeated and without pay or loot to live off, the Galatai fighting for Hierax abandoned him and went on raiding, killing Zileilas in the process.
Thus Prousias I12 became Basileus of Bithynia and right from 227 BCE munificently sponsored reconstructions at Rhodos. The island had been hit by a severe earthquake and Prousias planned on outdoing any Hellenistic Basileus regarding benefactions. This gesture granted Prousias much amity among the Hellenes and he went on instituting Soteiria games. However the Byzantioi refused to participate and even aborted the construction of statues they had decreed in Prousias' name. In fact Byzantion was ultimating the construction of fortifications at Hieron on the Bosporos. Thus in 220 BCE Byzantion imposed taxes on the traffic to the Pontos Euxeinos, causing Prousias to declare war against them. The latter was joined by Rhodos, although its fleet limited itself on blockading the Hellespontos. Right away the Bithynoi were successful in dismantling any stronghold, but news reached Prousias that Tiboites, one of Hetazeta's sons, was marching from Makedonia to claim Bithynia. Fortunately for Prousias his uncle died and to avoid other reinforcements to easily reach Byzantion, the Bithynian Basileus hired nearby tribes in Thraikia.13 However Kavaros of Tylis, even though was exacting an 80 talents tribute from Bithynia, did not appreciate any neighbouring power getting supremacy of the Bosporos. And together with Rhodos was growing apprehensive of Prousias' imminent success. They pressed for a peace agreement that in 219 BCE brought back the status quo, compelling Prousias to give up all his conquests and lifting the Byzantine toll at the Bosporos. In the meantime Attalos I of Pergamon was fighting against Achaios at Sardis and had settled the Aigosages in the Troas. However these tribesmen started to raid Ilion and Abydos, which begged Pergamon for deliverance, but Attalos could not dispatch any force. Thus in 218 BCE Prousias took the initiative, perhaps to reinstate a good image among the Hellenes after his war with Byzantion, and slaughtered the whole tribe. Around this time Prousias also married Philippos V of Makedonia's half-sister Apama, establishing an alliance. Later in 208 BCE Prousias I sided with Philippos V in his war against the SPQR and their allies, bolstering the Makedonian fleet and invading Mysia the following year to force Attalos I to concentrate his army away from Makedonia. Eventually Philippos V signed a peace treaty, in the name of Prousias I as well, but in 202 BCE they now moved to expand in the Aigaion and Propontis. Prousias was particularly interested in Kios, which had fell in the hands of the Tyrannos Molpagoras, and together with Makedonian troops invested it. However Philippos V made sure that these additions to Bithynia were destroyed, but Prousias quickly refounded Kios into Prousas and expanded the port of Myrleia as the polis of Apameia Myrleia. These actions brought again Roman intervention in 200 BCE, but Prousias, either embittered by the Makedonian destruction of his conquests or simply too preoccupied with consolidating them against Pergamon, kept himself out of that conflict. In fact it seems that Prousias had managed to encroach in northern Mysia during the previous war. Around 190 BCE Antiochos Megas might have approached Prousias, after sufferring defeats in the Aigaion and losing control of it, hoping to gain his assistance against Pergamon. However Roman letters from the Scipiones and a Legatvs from the Propraetor Caivs Livivs Salinator, informed Prousias I that the SPQR had no quarrel with him. With such ease of mind the Bithynoi descended on Phrygia capturing large tracts of land and expanding as far as the River Ryndakos in Mysia. However in 188 BCE the SPQR dictated that Prousias had to restore to Pergamon all of Mysia, the Bithynian Basileus complied, but at the same time granted asylum to Hannibal Barca14. Unable to expand westwards and southwards, Prousias now moved against Herakleia Pontika retaking Keiros. Which was refounded as Prousas by the Hypios. The Bithynian assault continued with much success as far as Herakleia Pontika itselt, but during the siege Prousias one of his legs was broken and he had to be carried away. The Bithynian army fell back and Prousias was nicknamed as Cholos (the Lame), convincing Eumenes II of Pergamon that Bithynia could be invaded in 186 BCE. Ortiagontes, a chief of the Galatai, supported Prousias I Cholos, but in 184 BCE Eumenes II won a great victory near Mount Lypedros. Nevertheless the war still hanged15 in balance and Hannibal Barca even forced Eumenes II back to his camp during a naval engagement, employing earthen pots filled with venomous snakes16. Following the reversal Hannibal rallied the Bithynoi and won engagements on land against the Pergamenoi. At this point the SPQR intervened and arbitrated a peace agreement, whereby Prousias I ceded all his territorial gains around Mount Olympos to Eumenes II. To ensure Roman magnanimity the Bithynian Basileus also promised to hand over Hannibal, who in turn ended his life with poison in 183 BCE. One year later Prousias I Cholos died as well and his son Prousias II Kynegos (the Hunter) succeeded him.
Faced with the ever increasing Roman influence in Asia, Prousias II aligned his policy to Eumenes II's. Thus Bithynia supported, albeit negligibly, the war against Pharnakes I of Pontos. Which concluded in 179 BCE, mostly due to procrastination by17 the Roman diplomacy. Then Prousias II engaged in larger political networking: he offered the spoils of war to Apollon at Dydima, was honoured an equestrian statue at Delphoi and sent ambassadors to the Apteraioi in Krete. But most of all Prousias II married Perseus of Makedonia's sister Apama, cementing further the bond between the two royal houses. However, keeping a neutral stance to judge which side held the upper hand, in 169 BCE Prousias II dispatched five warships to help the Consvl Qvintvs Marcivs Philippvs in his Makedonian campaign. In the following years Prousias II attempted in every way to undermine Pergamon's standing and influence through diplomatic channels, with the help of envoys from Galatia as well. However this was due to Prousias II's misguided interpretation of Roman uneasiness towards Pergamese expansion as possible open hostility. Later in 156 BCE Prousias II Kynegos invaded Mysia, raiding along the way unopposed. Because Attalos II Philadelphos of Pergamon did not want to engage in open hostilities without Roman approval. Thus when the Roman commission requested an audience, Prousias II presented himself with his army in full force and rushed to Pergamon. Planning on capturing Attalos II himself, who shut himself in his capital. Unable to assault such a formidable polis, Prousias II's army went on looting temples and the countryside in Mysia. The SPQR limited itself on sending another commission to denounce Prousias II, who kept on raiding throughout 155 BCE. In the meantime Attalos II had assembled a considerable force, with the support of Mithradates IV of Pontos and Ariarathes V of Kappadokia. Now Roma dispatched allied forces to guard coastal fortifications, in order to prevent other polities to join Prousias II. At this point the Bithynian Basileus realized his cause was futile and accepted the conditions for peace, which made Bithynia a tributary state of Pergamon for the next twenty years as indemnity.
Prousias II eldest son, Nikomedes, was sent to Roma to establish beneficial relations with important figures and in 149 BCE to lessen the tribute. While the Bithynoi were growing restless of Prousias II's rule due to fiscal pressure.18 Nikomedes might have indeed followed these instructions, but he likely presented himself as the guarantor and returned to Bithynia hailed as Basileus by the Bithynian army and supported by Attalos II's troops. Gates were opened to the usurper, who had his father assassinated. At first Nikomedes II kept a subservient stance towards Pergamon, but eventually relations deteriorated and Attalos II successfully invaded Bithynia. However Nikomedes II's contacts in Roma affirmed his rights in the Senatvs and any gains by Pergamon were lost. The Bithynian Basileus also assumed the title of Epiphanes (god manifest) and introduced something of a state cult for the royal family. In 132 BCE Nikomedes II provided assistance against the pretender Aristonikos of Pergamon and in vain attempted to be granted northern Mysia by the SPQR. In 127 BCE Nikomedes III Euergetes (benefactor) succeeded his father and initiated a policy if not hostile, at least unfriendly towards Roma. For he had been hardpressed by the Roman collection of tribute and had failed, through corruption, to gain a favourable vote against a law that incremented said tribute. Around 113 BCE, in alliance with Mithradates VI of Pontos, Nikomedes III conquered a smaller portion of Paphlagonia. When the Senatvs' commission demanded the restitution of Paphlagonia, Nikomedes III renamed one of his sons as Pylaimenes (the traditional name for the ruler of Paphlagonia) and claimed that legitimacy had been restored already. This did not last long and eventually the bastard son, Sokrates, was removed as ruler. Later in 104 BCE the SPQR asked for allied contingents against the Kimbroi, but Nikomedes III Euergetes replied he had no none. Declaring how the Pvblicani (tax collectors)19 had made the Bithynoi slaves, for the widespread poverty in Asia had unleashed bands of slavers in the neighbouring states. Although such depredations occurred, Nikomedes III still had troops and used them to capture Kappadokia, which was under the regency of Laodike. She was Mithridates VI's sister, but the Pontic Basileus desired a direct control of her domain. Thus she married Nikomedes III, whose expansion gave Mithridates VI just the excuse he was looking for and expelled them. In the following years the Bithynian royal couple begged for Roman intervention, which obviously never materialized. Having alienated any power capable of supporting him, Nikomedes III died in 94 BCE and his son Nikomedes IV Philopator, by the latter's first wife the Kappadokian princess Nysa, now set forth patching up relations with the SPQR. However Mithradates VI lost no time and dispatched his Strategos Archelaos with a massive army of 40,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry in 90 BCE to set up Sokrates as a puppet Basileus of Bithynia. The SPQR could not tolerate such an expansion of Pontic influence and the governor of Asia Caivs Cassivs was tasked in supporting Nikomedes IV. The following year with the help of Phrygian and Galatian reinforcements, the Roman army quickly cleared Bithynia and Kappadokia. Mithradates VI could only watch as pro-Roman Basileis took over his dependencies, executing Sokrates in the process. Now Roman authorities, who did not want to engage in open warfare with Pontos, incited Nikomedes IV to wage raids against Mithradates VI. The Bithynian Basileus had to give in, hard pressed to cover the debts he had promised along his restoration. These raids went on unopposed, for such acts permitted Mithradates VI to rally his subjects and people of Mikra Asia against Roman sponsored oppression, starting a major war.20 The Bithynoi were assigned to the vanguard, but although outnumbering the Pontic outriders, they were defeated by superior tactics and the use of scythed chariots. Nikomedes IV fled to regroup with the Roman contingents, but the Pontic onslaught was unstoppable and a small detachment of Sauromatae was able to charge and cut down the larger opposition. Bithynia for the next three years belonged to Mithradates VI, only then by a peace agreement with Lvcivs Cornelivs Svlla was Nikomedes IV, who had fled to the Italian Peninsula, back in power. Around 80 BCE Caiv Ivlivs Caesar joined Nikomedes IV's court, asking for naval assistance against pirates in the Aigaion and after two years sailed to Mytilene, where he was successful. However Bithynia had been severely weakened and its resources depleted, thus in 74 BCE dying Nikomedes IV bequeathed it to the SPQR.
In fact the late Basileus only had a daughter by his wife of the same name Nysa, a kinswoman of Laodike. The latter had wanted this marriage and Nysa might have had already a son, Lykomedes. Who now claimed the Bithynian diadem, but was unsuccessful. In any way21 Mithradates VI of Pontos had returned and invaded once again Bithynia, whose defenses were being organized by Caivs Ivlivs Caesar. But the Pontic army and fleet struck for the Bosporos, where the Consvl Marcvs Avrelivs Cotta held Chalkedon. The Bastarnai of the vanguard managed to break the long chain of bronze that guarded the harbour entrance, allowing the Pontic fleet to swarm in. Four Roman vessels were defeated and resistance collapsed, thus Mithradates VI was free to captured the remaining 60 Roman warships. Such overwhelming victory turned the local support in favour of the Pontic Basileus and the Roman troops had to regroup in Phrygia. Nevertheless by 72 BCE the tide of war had been reversed and Mithradates VI's position in Bithynia became untenable. Thus taking any wealth that remained, the Pontic Basileus and his army evacuated by sea. With the major powers' attention elsewhere, Bithynia became something of a political limbo with the poleis being left to themselves. Orsobaris, the youngest daughter of Mithradates VI, married Lykomedes and started to mint coins in Prousa. Even in 67 BCE when the Consvl Manivs Acilivs Glabrio was given the new Provincia of Bithynia et Pontus, he made light work of taking control of Bithynia. Still the following year Bithynian levies were sent to Gnaevs Pompeivs for his offensive against Mithradates VI. But only in 64 BCE did Gnaevs Pompeivs settle affairs to form a single administrative unit of Bithynia and Pontos. Now Bithynia started to recover economically and its population was generally favourable to Caivs Ivlivs Caesar, likely thanks to his stay and operations22. In 47 BCE as Dictator he granted the priesthood of Komana to Lykomedes, while later in 29 BCE Nikaia was allowed to establish a precinct to Roma and to Divvs Ivlivs (the divine Julius). Nikomedeia subsequently, engaged in a rivalry for honours between poleis, built a temple to Avgvstvs.
Strategy
Bithynia is a province rich in many resources, with an enviable geographical position23. Any ruler would be wise keeping it secured, or even establishing his seat of power in it.
I numbered each point which needs revising in the text above. While posting this, however, I noticed something I missed earlier and resized it. Consider changing the grammatical construction.
1. Striking. Spelling error.
2. I'd advise against using an unnecessary and obscure synonym for “architectural.”
3. Ensuring?
4. Needless "but."
5. So the Bithynian natives fought in a Greek fashion? Furthermore, did the conflict between Hellenic colonies and natives continue into the Alexandrian period?
6. Insert "as."
7. Raiding. Spelling error.
8. The two prior sentences just need some general clarification.
9. Across what?
10. Sides among whom? Alexander's successors? Clarify that point. Never assume the reader always understands the region's history.
11. Rephrase the last clause as "but died the following year." It's more concise and readable.
12. Son of Zileilas? The point's not entirely straightforward.
13. Hired for what purpose?
14. Add that Prousias employed Hannibal. It smooths the transition to later sentences and aids understanding.
15. Hung, not hanged.
16. Arguably, the most interesting fact of the bunch.
17. "By," is awkward. Consider changing to "in."
18. "While," to "pressure." is a fragment.
19. Roman tax collectors.
20. Interesting interplay between ruler and ruled. On a general note, concentrate more on the province itself rather than the leaders. The kings represented a pitiful fraction of the population yet almost every statement concerns only the rulers. Remember, this is not a history of Bithynian Basileis but Bithynia.
21. Change "In any way," to "In any case."
22. How did his operations benefit the populace?
23. Expand on why the position is enviable.
Overall, though fascinating, the history section indicates clear misunderstanding of the audience. The length poses a major problem, which itself stems from a deeper root: the content. Instead of providing a brief historical overview of the province, the description enumerates every political occurrence in the province's history regardless of how negligible an effect it had on Bithynia's development. It essentially constitutes superficial recitation of facts devoid of any meaning, which in turn, implies a profound misapprehension of the nature of history. History represents not a body of names, dates and events, but a combination of numerous other fields, most importantly sociology, political science and archaeology, which endeavour to explain the past, not just record it. Facts form the basis of history. Analysis with the ultimate goal of understanding forms the substance.
My only suggestion for improvement it is to compress most of the information. Instead of spending an entire paragraph devoted to a single ruler's actions, merely mention them as part of a wider trend in Bithynian history. In fact, only the truly pivotal rulers deserve mention by name at all. Unless an individual is responsible for long term changes in the political, social and cultural framework in Bithynia, don't include them. Recounting each leader, temporary alliance and minor skirmish just makes for bad history and reading. Long reading.
I welcome any criticism on Persis.
Perditrix Mvndorvm
07-25-2013, 03:32
I know I haven't posted in a while so I thought I would let anyone concerned know that I am almost finished with Kush. I also am relinquishing Elymais. As commoner, I have very little access to specialised resources on Elymais and had a difficult time finding any detailed information. I happen to know more about African history and would happily take a African province instead. Which ones have yet to be called?
5. So the Bithynian natives fought in a Greek fashion? Furthermore, did the conflict between Hellenic colonies and natives continue into the Alexandrian period?
They fought as mounted javelineers, I kept the same name of EBI's unit Thraikioi Hippeis (Hippeis being also the word any Hellenic/Hellenistic person would use to define them. Lacking a Bithynian noun for it)...
It most certainly did and well into the Hellenistic period too...
8. The two prior sentences just need some general clarification.
I don't fully get that, sorry...
22. How did his operations benefit the populace?
We don't know, maybe he helped securing them inside the walls. Or he organized defenses against raiders. Or it was just the nobles at court that appreciated his defense of Nysa and anything else/other favour he might've done to them. I'm leaving out speculations when they are so broad, what is known is that he was there and is said to have helped and later the Bithynoi established a cult to him...
20. Interesting interplay between ruler and ruled. On a general note, concentrate more on the province itself rather than the leaders. The kings represented a pitiful fraction of the population yet almost every statement concerns only the rulers. Remember, this is not a history of Bithynian Basileis but Bithynia.
But what was recorded was the Basileis' history. Which influenced Bithynia's and "reading between the lines" there are the deeds of the Bithynoi following those Basileis...
Overall, though fascinating, the history section indicates clear misunderstanding of the audience. The length poses a major problem, which itself stems from a deeper root: the content. Instead of providing a brief historical overview of the province, the description enumerates every political occurrence in the province's history regardless of how negligible an effect it had on Bithynia's development. It essentially constitutes superficial recitation of facts devoid of any meaning, which in turn, implies a profound misapprehension of the nature of history. History represents not a body of names, dates and events, but a combination of numerous other fields, most importantly sociology, political science and archaeology, which endeavour to explain the past, not just record it. Facts form the basis of history. Analysis with the ultimate goal of understanding forms the substance.
I disagree, while yes it is lengthy and needs to be shortened, the idea behind is that it offers the players the following:
- Understanding of the events and political precedences connected to the region, to allow the player to choose any course of action in response to them.
- A possible guideline for the Hellenistic period.
- A model on which to base any RPing policy.
You might see it as a boring list of events, probably due to my bad writing, but the "fields" are there (examples: euergesia towards Rhodos, which enables military assistance. [political science?] Intricacies related to the establishment on new tributes and how it affected the populace, prompting their reaction. [sociology?] 5th century tholos showing a new/stronger leadership; funeral stela to gather the Bithynian (at least higher class) clothing [archaeology?]
I tried my best with a part of the world and history, relatively unknown. I'd love to write more detailed or encompassing analysis towards a greater understanding, but there isn't so much about Bithynia (in the languages I can read). Bithynian history is an history of minor skirmishes (in your opinion), diplomatic/political games played along/against greater powers. Regardless of how your subjectivity perceives it, that's its history.
Stylistically I hoped that was the shortest way of writing it (! XD). For by connecting the concepts into a cause-effect or broad implications, it'd become an even longer read...
I welcome any criticism on Persis.
Afaik Parsapura is Sanskrit and the Persians called it Parsa like their homeland.
Also I'm just going to redirect your point: you make an overview of the development of civilization in Fars (which is interesting, but personally I find it only remotely connected to "our" Persis. Which yourself mention changed in culture and gets the minimal attention. But I know how difficult it is to write with little evidences.). After that you jump between few Kings and hardly speak of anything about Persis, condensing the whole Hellenistic age portion of EBII's in a sentence. Which as far as we know, it wasn't even "simply another province in a vast empire", for by numismatics alone there's ground to see Persis' political independence and from there it could be reconstructed its relation and 'political power-play' between Seleukia and Parthia. The only portion of Iranian Persis' history is the burning of its capital and in a very oratorical manner.
I don't pretent to know any 'right' or 'wrong' way, but the way I see it your suggestion of 'compressing' makes for a rather superficial approach, which generalises and in the end says little to nothing...
These History sections are a very complex issue, imo, should we offer the players the prior knowledged up to 272 BCE of what is necessary to "know where and what you are"? Or grant them the tools to undestand and being able to recreate at their leisure "hellenistic life", to the best of the evidences allow? Or just throw at them a snapshot and call it a day? I do not know, that's why I'm leaving mine as they are, for the team to make that call. Because the required brevity in itself denies the proper delivery of what is asked for...
Still thanks for the fixes, those I understood, I've implemented right away :)
Perditrix Mvndorvm I'm just going to quote GSC's former post:
Oasis Megale, Triakontaschoinos, Erythraia and Libye all need authors too.
BTW can't wait for Kush, I'm very interested in it and so far haven't been able to read about it (some books must have been printed in golden ink and platinum pages, given their prices XD)
Gaius Scribonius Curio
07-25-2013, 11:03
Lack of reviewing, or at least very slow reviewing. Work on other areas of the mod seems to be surging ahead, and I'd like to expedite the process by any road possible. It's the primary reason I chose to contribute, even if my fraction of the effort is pitiful compared to others. My impression was readers would correct and refine province descriptions so that by the time the team's actual historians read them - who are very few in number, to my knowledge - most of the work has been done. And considering the length of some descriptions, the work load is heavy indeed.
That is the whole point of this project: letting them use their time fully on everything else...
And this isn't happening how?
I mean if you are referring to grammar and such, I don't see why you couldn't offer to be a proofreader (since I'm gathering, you are keen on it). Or do it right of the bat.
Otherwise demanding that people should do it, it would be forcible. Not that such freedom of action is in any way precluded...
Also I cannot speak for the team, but I think they'd like to have some credentials or confidence in any volunteer, for such a delicate task as proofreading.
For example I can easily see how terrible I would be with my own mother tongue :P
And again, we are in the middle of holiday season. If anyone wants to do something, it'd be great and welcomed. But otherwise let people live ^^
Obviously. Which is why I suggested - not demanded: suggested - non-EB team readers could proofread them and save the team effort.
I believe that I speak for the EB team as a whole when I say that any critiques, if they provide constructive feedback, are welcomed. Having said that, we reserve the right to further editing if we feel that it requires it.
However, as has been mentioned, as far as I am concerned, the inclusion of deliberately provocative items, or mistakes, is counterproductive. While I appreciate the point that you raise, Rex Somnorum, it is the middle of the Northern Summer and people are travelling. More pertinently while I am making an effort to read each and every post in this thread briefly, I am currently more concerned with writing the Roman and Bosporan building descriptions (which is a huge task, as I am sure that you can appreciate) and do not have the time to proofread these carefully alongside my own research and teaching…
The team as an entity will get to these eventually, until such a point we are grateful for all the work put in by our fans, ask for patience, and welcome any constructive feedback from among the wider group. If you would like to volunteer, Rex Somnorum, you could take temporary charge of editing for this thread, but please do not feel under any pressure or obligation to do so… :bow:
In other news, I'll take Karmania if it's free.
Karmania is free, please proceed, if you are so inclined. :bow:
Overall, though fascinating, the history section indicates clear misunderstanding of the audience. The length poses a major problem, which itself stems from a deeper root: the content. Instead of providing a brief historical overview of the province, the description enumerates every political occurrence in the province's history regardless of how negligible an effect it had on Bithynia's development. It essentially constitutes superficial recitation of facts devoid of any meaning, which in turn, implies a profound misapprehension of the nature of history. History represents not a body of names, dates and events, but a combination of numerous other fields, most importantly sociology, political science and archaeology, which endeavour to explain the past, not just record it. Facts form the basis of history. Analysis with the ultimate goal of understanding forms the substance.
My only suggestion for improvement it is to compress most of the information. Instead of spending an entire paragraph devoted to a single ruler's actions, merely mention them as part of a wider trend in Bithynian history. In fact, only the truly pivotal rulers deserve mention by name at all. Unless an individual is responsible for long term changes in the political, social and cultural framework in Bithynia, don't include them. Recounting each leader, temporary alliance and minor skirmish just makes for bad history and reading. Long reading.
But what was recorded was the Basileis' history. Which influenced Bithynia's and "reading between the lines" there are the deeds of the Bithynoi following those Basileis...
I disagree, while yes it is lengthy and needs to be shortened, the idea behind is that it offers the players the following:
- Understanding of the events and political precedences connected to the region, to allow the player to choose any course of action in response to them.
- A possible guideline for the Hellenistic period.
- A model on which to base any RPing policy.
You might see it as a boring list of events, probably due to my bad writing, but the "fields" are there (examples: euergesia towards Rhodos, which enables military assistance. [political science?] Intricacies related to the establishment on new tributes and how it affected the populace, prompting their reaction. [sociology?] 5th century tholos showing a new/stronger leadership; funeral stela to gather the Bithynian (at least higher class) clothing [archaeology?]
I tried my best with a part of the world and history, relatively unknown. I'd love to write more detailed or encompassing analysis towards a greater understanding, but there isn't so much about Bithynia (in the languages I can read). Bithynian history is an history of minor skirmishes (in your opinion), diplomatic/political games played along/against greater powers. Regardless of how your subjectivity perceives it, that's its history.
Stylistically I hoped that was the shortest way of writing it (! XD). For by connecting the concepts into a cause-effect or broad implications, it'd become an even longer read...
Also I'm just going to redirect your point: you make an overview of the development of civilization in Fars (which is interesting, but personally I find it only remotely connected to "our" Persis. Which yourself mention changed in culture and gets the minimal attention. But I know how difficult it is to write with little evidences.). After that you jump between few Kings and hardly speak of anything about Persis, condensing the whole Hellenistic age portion of EBII's in a sentence. Which as far as we know, it wasn't even "simply another province in a vast empire", for by numismatics alone there's ground to see Persis' political independence and from there it could be reconstructed its relation and 'political power-play' between Seleukia and Parthia. The only portion of Iranian Persis' history is the burning of its capital and in a very oratorical manner.
I don't pretent to know any 'right' or 'wrong' way, but the way I see it your suggestion of 'compressing' makes for a rather superficial approach, which generalises and in the end says little to nothing...
These History sections are a very complex issue, imo, should we offer the players the prior knowledged up to 272 BCE of what is necessary to "know where and what you are"? Or grant them the tools to undestand and being able to recreate at their leisure "hellenistic life", to the best of the evidences allow? Or just throw at them a snapshot and call it a day? I do not know, that's why I'm leaving mine as they are, for the team to make that call. Because the required brevity in itself denies the proper delivery of what is asked for...
This discussion raises two important points: length and content. While I am tempted to bypass the question and state that there will always be differences in approach, I will make an attempt for some sort of consistency.
While the team recognises the broad swathe of history, encompassing royal, noble and ‘peasant’ history, stretching from the Atlantic to India, there obviously has to be a limit somewhere. Unlike the proclivities of my esteemed colleague (and I would hope friend) @ Brennus I would press for a limit of 1000-1500 words per description all up. Exceptions should be granted in exceptional cases, but I believe that a decent and accurate overview of a given province can be achieved within that limit. If this provokes a storm of protests, then consider me overruled, but that was the expectation placed upon me when I joined the team, and is what I continue to aim for.
Here is an example of a shorter description already integrated into the build that fulfils our criteria:
Overview
On the farthest shores of Euxeinos, the Bosporion Tyrannesis holds sway. It is a kingdom of Hellenes and barbarians, a cluster of poleis surrounding the entrance to the Maeotian Lake, beyond which lies the vast emptiness of the open steppe. Truly this might be considered the very edge of the civilised world. This coalition controls the route up the mighty Tanais, monopolising the trade with the Skythai and Sauromatai beyond. Furs, fish, hides and slaves are among the items sold on to Hellas. Yet it is the natural gifts of the Bosporos which provide the foundations for the kingdom’s success. The fertile land brings forth such copious amounts of grain that even the vast demand of grandiose Athenai cannot exhaust their supply, while their coasts are ringed with natural harbours and populated by a plethora of cities. It is for this reason that the pressure of Skythai is resisted, the freezing assaults of Boreas endured and that the Bosporion Tyrannesis, under its Leuconidean basileis, remains a force to be reckoned with.
Geography
The poleis of the Bosporion Tyrannesis are constructed in the harbours and coves surrounding the entrance to the Maeotian Lake (Sea of Azov). While numerous rivers flow into this internalised sea, by far the most important is the Tanais (Don), which flows from the midst of the Russian steppe. In addition the Hypanis (Kuban), which used to empty into the strait separating the Maeotis from the Euxeinos (Black Sea) and, now, flows directly into the lake, watered the area known as the Sind, the source of much of the kingdom’s agricultural capacity.
The area suffers particularly harsh winters due to prevailing winds crossing the steppe from Siberia, and, given the extremely low salinity of the Maeotian lake, the waterways of the area are prone to freeze over, perhaps giving rise to the tales, related by Strabon, of fish being cut out of the ice (Str. VII.3.18).
The area surrounding the straits was noted in antiquity for its bounty; huge fish abounded (Herod. IV.53, Str. VII.3.18), but it is grain that was the staple export of the Bosporion Tyrannesis. Strabon notes the extreme fertility of the region, stating that the Greeks and Mithridates of Pontos imported Bosporan harvests (VII.4.4, 6). Certainly Athens was one beneficiary, providing a huge and willing market for Euxine grain (Isoc. XVII.3-5, Thuc. III.2.2).
History
The Bosporion Tyrannesis originally arose out of a coalition of Hellenic colonies clustered at the mouth of the Maeotian Lake (Sea of Azov). Pantikapaion (modern Kerch), later the seat of the Bosporan rulers, was founded by the Milesians, after driving out the Skythians who had originally inhabited the area, in the late 6th century BCE (Plin. HN. IV.86, Str. XII.2.6). Across the straits, Hermonassa was built by the Mytilineans in the same period, while Phangoria was founded by the Teans in approximately 550 BCE (Herod. I.162-164). The relationship with the neighbouring Skythians does not seem to have been overly unstable, but by 500 BCE, these initial colonies seem to have merged their sovereignty against outside threats, with the possible inclusion of the nearby Sindi, whose small islands in the delta of the Hypanis (Kuban) were extremely fertile.
An early ‘Archneanic’ dynasty seems to have arisen in approximately 480, displaced four decades later by the first Spartokos (Diod. XII.36f.). The long reigns of his son and grandson, Satyros and Leucon, oversaw the rise of the kingdom to a substantial power (Diod. XIV.95, XVI.31.6, XVI.52.10). This coincided with a huge rise in demand for grain from Aegean states, particularly Athens and Mytilene and the Bosporion Tyrannesis, with its huge production capacity, stepped into this niche as a stable and reliable supplier (Lys. XVI.4, Isoc. XVII.3-5, Thuc. III.2.2). During this period, the emerging kingdom annexed the city of Theodosia in the southern Crimea, and fought an indecisive conflict with Heraklea Pontika ([Arist.] Oec. II.2.8, Polyaen. V.23, 44, VI.9.2-4, VII.57).
In the late 4th century bce, a brief civil war was fought, but the ambitious victor, Eumeles, restored order, attempting to police the Euxeinos against piracy. His son, Spartokus III, became the first Bosporan to be called ‘Basileus’ (CIRB 974, 1043). Even during this apogee, however, the Bosporans never claimed to rule the Skythai in their midst.
The collapse of Athens as a secure market led to an extensive and wide-ranging search for a replacement buyer, but, by and large, this was never forthcoming. While a Paerisades managed to distract Atheas of the Skythai (Dem. XXXIV.8), and seems to have been granted divine honours (Str. VII.4.4), the age of Bosporan expansion was largely over. Palakus, a son of Skilouros, managed to unite the Tauroi and Rhoxolanoi against the Bosporan rulers in the late 2nd Century BCE in the course of his conflict with Mithridates VI Eupator of Pontos, to whom the final dynast, Paerisdae V, entrusted his kingdom. Some final intrigue involving a Skythian named Saumakos, raised at the court, attempting to seize power was crushed, and Pantikapaion became the centre of the Pontic ruler’s northern domain. This area passed to his son, Pharnakes, upon his final defeat, until he succumbed to Caesar, and finally became a Roman client kingdom.
While EB II is focused on the Hellenistic period, we recognise that it cannot be analysed in a vacuum. Previous, and in some cases subsequent developments, can be examined. In terms of socio-political or cultural developments as opposed to what might (cruelly) be referred to as ‘Kings and Dates’ history: both have their merits. It is easy as an aspiring (English as a First Language) academic to sit back and criticise these descriptions at a post-graduate level, but most of the people writing do not have those advantages. If there is a critical weakness with a particular description, we will endeavour to fill it or recognise it, but exhaustive presentation of the facts is as valid approach as a prima facie more nuanced investigation of the development of land division.
In summary, I encourage those engaged in this aspect of the project to engage in as much constructive criticism (and peer-review) as you wish to, but please be mindful that everyone wants to advance the project and will not be approaching this from the same historiographical perspective.
Thank you…
Rex Somnorum
07-26-2013, 01:00
They fought as mounted javelineers, I kept the same name of EBI's unit Thraikioi Hippeis (Hippeis being also the word any Hellenic/Hellenistic person would use to define them. Lacking a Bithynian noun for it)...
It most certainly did and well into the Hellenistic period too...
"Peltastai" and "Hippeis" might mislead the reader into thinking the population at large had been Hellenised.
I don't fully get that, sorry...
The grammar is muddled. Did the Odrysai flee and abandon the treasure? If so, who recovered it and later dispersed?
I disagree, while yes it is lengthy and needs to be shortened, the idea behind is that it offers the players the following:
- Understanding of the events and political precedences connected to the region, to allow the player to choose any course of action in response to them.
- A possible guideline for the Hellenistic period.
- A model on which to base any RPing policy.
You might see it as a boring list of events, probably due to my bad writing, but the "fields" are there (examples: euergesia towards Rhodos, which enables military assistance. [political science?] Intricacies related to the establishment on new tributes and how it affected the populace, prompting their reaction. [sociology?] 5th century tholos showing a new/stronger leadership; funeral stela to gather the Bithynian (at least higher class) clothing [archaeology?]
I tried my best with a part of the world and history, relatively unknown. I'd love to write more detailed or encompassing analysis towards a greater understanding, but there isn't so much about Bithynia (in the languages I can read). Bithynian history is an history of minor skirmishes (in your opinion), diplomatic/political games played along/against greater powers. Regardless of how your subjectivity perceives it, that's its history.
Stylistically I hoped that was the shortest way of writing it (! XD). For by connecting the concepts into a cause-effect or broad implications, it'd become an even longer read...
The problem remains that you provided a treasure-trove of fact with little to no analysis, instead leaving most of it up to the reader to infer. While I agree "the 'fields' are there," they certainly aren't explicit. Aside from a few coy references, it's just a string of chronologically related events. I'm not decrying specific information, but the inclusion of insignificant facts. Facts without analysis - expressly stated analysis - are meaningless. Conversely, analysis without facts is mere supposition. Together, the facts and analysis form history. Unfortunately, adding the amount of analysis commensurate with the current facts would about triple the length of the description. And, even though I'd thoroughly enjoy reading it, such a description is inappropriate for the task.
I also disagree that summarising diminishes the significance. Over-generalisation does present an ever-present risk. But forming a synopsis requires the writer to sift through a mass of information to decide what's important and what's not. A properly supported synopsis contains far more significance than the original hoard of facts. Even if Bithynian history consists of nothing but shifting alliances and intermittent warfare, each minute change in policy does not merit attention. Identify broader tendencies and, then include the most important facts to exemplify them. "Short" in no way equates to "shallow," inasmuch as "long" does not mean "in depth." Of course, this is all opinion, but there is no such thing as a truly objective position anyway - every argument is founded upon some inherently unprovable assumption. But I feel my definition of history matches the brevity guidelines.
Reading through your history section, I could identify roughly four phases in Bithynia's past: the early migratory and establishment period of Thracian tribes, the Hellenic and Persian period, the Hellenistic period, and the Roman and Pontic period. Every event in the history section fits into one of those categories. Summarise the trends - such as the growth of population, changes in demographics or culture - and focus on the net effects of each period. What changed in Bithynia as a result of foreign and internal interactions? And then include the most important kings and actions that characterised the period. If notable exceptions to the general flow occur, mention them, but only the genuinely remarkable ones.
In regards to Persis, the sources I used claimed Parsapura was Old Persian. Considering the similarities between Sanksrit and OP, it's possible the word is the same in both languages. In terms of structure and content, I concentrated more heavily on the periods prior to the game's time frame to simulate a telescopic view for the reader. Since the goal of EB is to forge an alternative history, I thought everything leading up to and influencing the province at the beginning of the game was the most important since everything afterwards might change. Another part of the issue is my fascination with early Iran, especially Elamite civilisation. In hindsight, I know I should have supported some of my assertions better, and I fully intend to elaborate more on Hellenistic Persis. The greatest hurdle is that Persis really was just a province in a vast empire. It sported no major cultural or literary centres, it spawned no kingdom-builders and never hosted bids for autonomy: the ruling aristocracy in Persis barely resisted when the Parthians arrived. To all appearances, Persis hibernated until the rise of the Sassinians. Archaeology and government records point to no major population shifts or changes in subsistence methods. The amount of urbanisation remained the same. Linguistically, the Persians shifted from late Old Persian to Pahlavi, but those were totally indigenous developments independent of outside influence. Nor did the lingual evolution entail change in other areas. Persis simply existed.
It is easy as an aspiring (English as a First Language) academic to sit back and criticise these descriptions at a post-graduate level, but most of the people writing do not have those advantages.
The purest intellectual snobbery. All that is necessary for a good historian is a critical mind and a well-stocked library. At best, you have access to better sources. Otherwise, this is nothing less than an appeal to authority.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
07-26-2013, 02:27
I think you have misread the intent of that line. Out of context I can see where I made a mistake, and I apologise for any unintended offence. I am not saying that my opinion has any more value than anyone elses. In in fact I was saying the opposite.
As clarification: one could sit back and criticise someone else's description on the grounds that it does not fit with ones preferred approach. I prefer to examine each description on its own merits, rather than mandate one standard approach.
I sit between a Neolithic archaeologist and a Classicist who focuses on the literary techniques of Statius. I focus on the institutions of the Late Republican period. Ask any one of us to write a historical overview of a given region and you will come out with three very different but equally valid pieces. It is the same in this case. Your approach certainly has its merits, but Arjos' does as well. Constructive feedback is welcomed, but please recognise that we want this to be an inclusive process: some people will be comfortable writing narrative, or closely-sourced based historical summaries, while others, like yourself clearly, will prefer to identify broader trends. :bow:
Rex Somnorum
07-26-2013, 05:24
Pardon me if I seem aggressively confrontational. I merely think there is a middle-ground between the two approaches and that, to truly follow Arjos' method of giving each event its due, simply takes too long. I fully appreciate the effort involved on everybody's part, even if I personally believe some of it is misplaced. I understand that the EB team is under pressure to finish the mod, on top of real-world issues and general summer lethargy. Everyone contributing to such a worthy endeavour - which, in my opinion, ranks somewhere above the search for a cure to cancer - receives my gratitude and praise, for what it's worth.
"Peltastai" and "Hippeis" might mislead the reader into thinking the population at large had been Hellenised.
Considering how the first corp was taken from the Thracian tribes and for both there are EB units that will be recruitable in the province, I just don't see it. Changing it to javelineers (or the more accurate targeteers), would be the same, while actually leaving the terminology of Hellenistic warfare.
The grammar is muddled. Did the Odrysai flee and abandon the treasure? If so, who recovered it and later dispersed?
They were defeated and the Bithynoi (the name is there) captured the movable loot and left just as fast as they appeared.
Reading through your history section, I could identify roughly four phases in Bithynia's past: the early migratory and establishment period of Thracian tribes, the Hellenic and Persian period, the Hellenistic period, and the Roman and Pontic period. Every event in the history section fits into one of those categories. Summarise the trends - such as the growth of population, changes in demographics or culture - and focus on the net effects of each period. What changed in Bithynia as a result of foreign and internal interactions? And then include the most important kings and actions that characterised the period. If notable exceptions to the general flow occur, mention them, but only the genuinely remarkable ones.
I'm perfectly aware of them (that's pretty much what decides where I make a new paragraph), but it's easier for me to write it like that. Maybe I'll try GSC's 1000-1500 limit for my next one and see how that goes. If well I'll make basically synopsises of those already done. I've stated how every one of them needs just that, but I've decided to leave it to far better writers with more skills and knowledge than me...
In regards to Persis, the sources I used claimed Parsapura was Old Persian. Considering the similarities between Sanksrit and OP, it's possible the word is the same in both languages.
Persian inscriptions call it Pârsa. Circular reasoning and a transliteration of the Greek name are pointless...
Another part of the issue is my fascination with early Iran, especially Elamite civilisation.
That much was clear, but how relevant is it to our period?
Afaik Elamite institutions influenced the very early Achaemenid state, which had to pick up more of Median customs quickly as an empire.
But for a description about Persis the connection is minimal at best...
I thought everything leading up to and influencing the province at the beginning of the game was the most important since everything afterwards might change.
The point is, by your own text, everything changed already with the arrival of Iranian nomads...
Anyway all of this isn't going anywhere, EBII's redaction will pick what is needed...
Rex Somnorum
07-26-2013, 16:05
Anyway all of this isn't going anywhere, EBII's redaction will pick what is needed...
Righto. I'll leave everything up to them, no editing needed.
Voilà Phrygia:
Province: Phrygia
Traveller's Log
South of Mount Olympos the traveller comes to the old country of Phrygia. It was theatre to many deeds, which have changed the land itself, reshaping time and time again the Phrygian borders. Technically this is Mikra Phrygia and only part of Phrygia Megale, for the latter has been settled by Galatai. Now the Rhyndakos River acts as a border with Mysia. In this area stands Lake Daskylitis, fed by the aforementioned river, on whose shore Daskyleion was built. This stronghold used to be the Hellespontine Phrygian centre of power for centuries and Antigonos Monophthalmos tried to expand it as an Antigoneia. But it was a shortlived enterprise and the town never grew, its strength laying in its easily defendable akropolis. To the east as far as the Tembris River, the inland is dotted by small trading posts. Characterized by important names like Dorylaion, Aizanoi and Midaion, vestiges of the illustrious past. Farther to the south is Phrygia Paroreia, meaning 'along the mountain' due to the elevation of its ground. Here is where most communities live and the largest settlements are found. Towns like Synnada, rich in olives, which used to be one of Antigonos Monophthalmos' treasuries. Nearby stands Dokimeion, founded by Antigonos' treasurer Dokimos (one of whose subordinates was Philetairos, the current ruler of Pergamon), famous for its marble quarries of excellent quality. Here is also where the Maiandros River has its source, next to the town of Kelainai. This has been a fortified estate since the days of Midas, later it became the seat of Satrapal power during Persian suzerainty. Apollon himself was challenged by Marsyas, in this place, to a musical contest, causing the latter to be flayed alive once bested. Near the many springs is situated Lake Aulokrene, which produces a reed suitable for the mouth-pieces of pipes. Kelainai then became Monophthalmos' seat of power, until he assumed the royal diadem, but recently its population was moved down in the plain below. Because Antiochos I Soter founded Apameia Kibotos, in honour of his mother Apama, which has been growing steadily becoming an important emporion. The surrounding land is the perfect pasture for sheep by raven-black wool, highly praised by its softness. Unfortunately this region suffers from terrible tremors of the earth, the reason why the locals worship Poseidon, even though they live far removed from the sea. To the north-east stands Ipsos, unremarkable except for the battle fought in its territory, where Antigonos Monophthalmos died. But the town stands on the direct line of the Royal Road, whose control is of the utmost importance. Following this road then the traveller arrives to Karoura, a town with many inns and a nearby temple of Mên. This is held in remarkable veneration by the locals. Beyond stands the boundary with Karia and Pisidia, while a little to the interior Antiochos I Soter founded another settlement, Antiocheia Pisidias. All these foundations were done in response to the recent incursions conducted by the Galatai, in order to protect the people and trade. Farther to the east, passing Lake Karalis, the traveller enters Lykaonia. Whose land is cold, bare of trees and has a scarcity of water. Although to the north Lake Tatta is located, which is the largest of Anatolia, it is a natural salt-pan. The water so easily congeals, that when people let down into it rings made of rope they draw up wreaths of salt. The locals resorted to building the deepest wells in the world, just as at Soatra, where drinkable water is actually sold. Despite this lack of water, the pastures manage to feed wild asses and sheep, but the latter's wool is coarse. To the south stands Ikonion, a town that is well settled and has a more prosperous territory. Surrounded by the heights of the Tauros, which are very steep and for the most part impassable, delimiting Lykaonia.
Geography
Phrygia is essentially an high plateau bounded by steep mountain ranges. Its climate is particularly harsh with intense heat during the summer and severe cold during the winter. It possessed rich mineral deposits in its mountains, whence aurifer rivers flowed. The surrounding regions actually used to be Phrygian vineyards, for the central area is characterized by patches of dry grasslands, dotted with low plants and stunted bushes. This steppe has water surfaces of high salinity, where only salt marsh grass manages to grow. That is why pastoralism became the principal activity, supported by an optimal forage, thanks to its rich mineral content. Thus Phrygian landscape consisted of small ruminants and dairy cattle roaming the highlands. Nonetheless it was possible to grow rainfed cereals and legumes. Tectonic movements, with the correlated seismic and volcanic activity, although not fully understood were an integral part of Phrygia and the neighbouring regions.
The People, Society and Government
The Phryges are thought to have migrated into Anatolia from the Balkans around the late Bronze Age. Their name is not attested in any extant Phrygian text, making unclear how they identified themselves. In fact Phryges may be the Greek transliteration of a Lydian term signifying "freemen". Indeed the Phryges that gradually intruded Anatolia, quickly filled the local political vacuum, establishing cities run from an elite quarter. From the early 9th century BCE the Phryges had centralized economic control, devoted to intensive processing of foodstuffs and textiles. Phrygian society was a prosperous and powerful one, which developed urban centers with complex plans, monumental architecture and high quality luxury goods. On this structure stood the political power of Anatolia for the centuries to come. It is no wonder that the term used to describe them, became a byword for an high social status. They worshiped Matar Kybeleia, the mountain mother goddess and Sabazios, the horseman-sky father. Another important deity was Matar Kybeleia's son Attis, the patron of pastures, meadows and herds. These deities were celebrated with orgiastic rites, accompained by wild music and dances. During the winter solstice naked women, driven by priests, would wander in bands through the fields and forests, shouting the name of Sabazios, or the diminutive Saboi, in order to awaken the figuratively dead god. He was imagined as passing rapidly through childhood, adolescense and youth and held to be incarnate in a bull, a buck, a man and an infant. The festival's climax consisted in the devouring of raw flesh torn from a live bull, goat or even the priest to be consumed by the devotees. The Phryges seems to have had a somewhat mystic and fantastic character, they cherished powers of creation and fertility. To the extreme that whoever hindered these activities, agriculture and pastoralism, by killing an ox or stealing agrarian implements was sentenced to death. Another peculiarity is that the Phryges are said to have never taken or exacted an oath. In net contrast to their connection to the status of freemen, soon as they were conquered, they were held in contempt and it became customary to name slaves after Midas. Ingenious was how the Phryges coped with the climate and resources of central Anatolia, by digging dwellings into natural hillocks, thus enjoying coolness for the summer and warmth in winter. The Phryges are recorded as wearing buskin, trousers, a tunic and cloack. But most of all the Phrygian cap, which became the symbol of eastern origins par excellence. Indeed the aforementioned clothing was so widespread in Anatolia, that it was virtually impossible to distinguish provenance. Yet another cultural legacy by the Phryges to the communities of Mikra Asia. Despite losing their independence early on in the Iron Age, the Phryges mantained martial practices, even though these do not appear to have been particularly relevant to them. They served in the Hakhāmanišiya armies and as cavalrymen for Antigonos Monophthalmos.
Little is known of the Lykaonioi unfortunately. They seem to have been highlanders from the Tauros mountain complex, who never acknowledged Persian suzerainty. From the end of the 5th century BCE they started to gradually advance westward, settling in the grasslands of central Anatolia. They are described as being daring and intractable, warranting strong military actions to gain any semblace of cooperation from them.
History
As already stated, Phrygian early history marked the foundations for the urbanisation and power structure of Anatolia. Indeed both the Lydian and Persian empires benefited and exploited what the Phryges accomplished in administration. What the Hakhāmanišiya introduced from the end of the 6th century BCE was the title of Khšaçapāvan (Satrap). This 'protector of sovereignty' was a member of the highest social class, who was entrusted with running the affairs of his assigned territory. However this administration was to a greater extent characterized by deeply rooted traditional structures. So each Khšaçapāvan formed a system adapted to the local cultural environment, preserving or establishing dependencies in accordance. One of such organizations was inherited by Antigonos Monophthalmos in 333 BCE, when he became Satrapes of Phrygia at Kelainai. For roughly the next twenty years Antigonos formalized that very Satrapal system, introducing the Makedonian Synedrion (assembly) and officials bearing titles adopted from the Persian decimal system of command, into Hellenistic kingship. Indeed the matrix for the Seleukid administration of the next two centuries, was forged in Phrygia during that period by the Monophthalmos. It was so effective and seemingly unintrusive that an anecdote was recorded of a Phrygian peasant, following the death of Antigonos, digging in search of the dead Basileus, hoping to bring back the pleasant life during his rule. During 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE Phrygia was targeted by Galatain raids and was the stage of Seleukid dynastic struggles. The latter being exploited by Attalos I of Pergamon, who expanded as far as Aizanoi in the 220s BCE, dubbing the new land Phrygia Epiktetos 'the acquired Phrygia'. Later in 189 BCE Antiochos III Megas, defeated by the Romani, had to accept a treaty at Apameia Kibotos relinquishing Seleukid possession of Asia west of the Tauros. Phrygia and Lykaonia were added entirely to the land of Pergamon, until 129 BCE. Then Mithradates V Euergetes of Pontos was awarded Phrygia for his assistance against the pretenderer Aristonikos. However with this Basileus' assassination nine years later, the Senatvs rescinded Pontic possession of Phrygia. This act would be one of the causes for the war with Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. When the dust of that conflict settled, Phrygia was firmly in the hands of the SPQR. While Lykaonia was briefly held by the last ruler of Galatia Amyntas in the 30s BCE. Who made himself very rich thanks to over 300 flocks of sheep. From 25 BCE all the land was under the rule of Avgvstvs. But Roman authorities had been in touch with Hellenistic kingship for so long, that now their polity as well was embodied by a single man. Whose trust meant influence and whose judgement dictated the affairs of state, in accordance to local traditions.
Strategy
Phrygia is rich in many resources. The most important being precious mineral deposits, enabling whoever holds power to mint coins. However this province is exposed almost on every side and a ruler will have to protect it. For Phrygia stands on the crossroads of Anatolia and its control is imperative.
I dissociate myself from this, it is merely a transcription of a fortune cookie ;)
Pamphylian encore! :P
Province: Pamphylia
Traveller's Log
Following the southern route from Sardis, the traveller finds himself in a rugged and divided country. The westernmost summits of the Tauros Mountains stand in Pisidike, a rough country inhabited by many tribes collectively known as the Pisidai. The first tribe is that of the Solymoi, inhabiting Termessos. A town celebrated for its natural and artificial fortifications, which defied Alexandros III of Makedonia and only later welcomed Antigonos Monophthalmos. Near the main crossroad stands Kretopolis, founded by Nearchos during his Satrapal rule to secure communications from the Pisidai. Then come the Etenneis occupying hilly places, everywhere planted with olive trees. In the vicinity live also the Sagalasseis, controlling a fertile plain, abounding in wheat and barley. This is a brave tribe that decided to meet Alexandros III in an open battle. Next is the area controlled by the Selgeis, the largest and strongest tribe of the Pisidai. Their capital, Selge, has abundance of oil and wine. But being surrounded by precipices and torrents, flowing towards the Eurymedon and Kestros Rivers, Selge can only be reached thanks to bridges. Legend has it the Selgeis are descendants of Lakedaimonioi and they are indeed fierce warriors. Their country is also rich in timber and a variety of trees. Foremost is the styrax, albeit not large, it grows straight up and is ideal for crafting javelins. It is also much valued for yielding gum resins, which are turned into a strong perfume, used in large quantities as frankincense by the worshippers of the gods. Another plant, the Selgic iris, is celebrated for the production of a medicinal ointment. Farther to the east, at the extremity of lake Karalis dwell the smaller tribe of the Homanadeis, standing at the border with Isauria. The latters inhabitants are kindred of the Pisidai, who not only resisted, but killed Balakros a Somatophylax of Alexandros III. The Isauroi used to live in a strongly fortified and large city, Isaura Palaia. Which Perdikkas besieged in retaliation for Balakros' death, nevertheless he was unsuccessful. The Isauroi repelled every attack, but running low on supplies decided to set themselves and their capital on fire. The Makedones could only enter after the conflagration to loot the molten gold and silver. However Isauroi from Isaura Nea still roam the Tauros, living of plunder and rapine. Following the course Kalykadnos River the traveller enters Kilikia Tracheia. Epithet describing the roughness of the land, which abounds in ship-building cedar. Continuing southwards the landscape is dotted by fortresses on rocks, until the mouth of the Kalykadnos. There, between the Zephyrion and Sarpedon Promontories, Seleukos I Nikator founded the harbour town of Seleukeia on the Kalykadnos. It stands far aloof from Kilikian and Pamphylian maritime traffic, but offers a welcomed safe anchorage. Sailing westward and doubling Cape Anemourion, the southernmost point of Mikra Asia, the traveller encounters the harbour of Korakesion. Which marks the beginning of Pamphylia, consisting of a well watered and narrow strip of coast. The mooring-places of the Pamphylian gulf are under Ptolemaic authority, first being Ptolemais, newly founded by Ptolemaios II Philadelphos, and past the Melas River, Side. A colony of the Kymaioi from Aiolis. Followed by the navigable mouths of the Eurymedon and Kestros Rivers, surrounded by the most fertile land in Pamphylia. Whereby the poleis of Perge and Aspendos are located, being the most important Pamphylian ports. Further inland is the large Lake Kapria, whose periodic drying allows the collection of valuable salt. While back on the coast the large fortress of Olbia, standing near impetuous waterfalls, marks the boundary with Lykia. However the eastern half of Lykia is the least populated, for it is separated by Mount Klimax. Its pass leading through the mountain is circuitous and steep, but in fair weather manageable. By the coast stands the Rhodian colony of Phaselis, another Ptolemaic port, noted for its natural harbours separated by an isthmus. Down the coast to the West, the Limyros River marks the end of Pamphylian administered lands.
Geography
Pamphylia is one of the most biologically diverse regions of the Mediterranean Basin. The Tauros Mountains split it into two: with hot and dry summers, but mild winters on the coast; while the inland is arid during summer and cold in winter. But the many peaks and deep valley create isolated niches, characterised by an high level of plant endemism. Most of the forests are coniferous, comprised of Anatolian black pine, Cedar of Lebanon, Taurus fir and juniper. It is especially rich in bulbous plants. Brown bears, grey wolves, lynxes and Anatolian leopards live in the mountain complex.
The People, Society and Government
The Pamphyloi were a mixed people, whose customs did not differ much from Kilikian and Hellenic ones. They never established great political power or importance, but their naval expertise served whatever polity happened to be in charge. Whenever such employed was lacking, the Pamphyloi engaged in piracy and their many maritime towns were in fact markets for loot. Indeed navigation was their principal occupation and during Persian suzerainty they lived in autonomy, being only too glad to serve as marines. During the Hellenistic Period they were also levied as heavy infantry, with equipment that closely resembled the Hoplitai's.
The Solymoi seems to have been one of the first inhabitants of the region. Who were embroiled in conflicts with the Lykioi and might have been pushed inland. They also seem to have played a part in the formation of the Pisidian communities.
The Pisidai were not a united people, but they shared a common origin. However they were mutual rivals and developed several dialects, in relatively isolated districts. Quarrels, coalitions and disputes were the norm of Pisidian life, which no foreign power ever really managed to curb and submit. The Pisidai were warlike and free mountaineers, who would harass and conduct raids inroad, but could equally keep to themselves in the heights of the Tauros. Indeed it was mostly thanks to them and the geography of Pisidia, that the Ptolemaioi were able to maintain control of the Pamphylian harbours. The Seleukid Basileis founded military colonies along the frontier of Pisidia, to control the "Southern Highway" of Mikra Asia. In fact Pisidian allegiance could only be gained by assisting a specific tribe, against its current Pisidian enemy. Nonetheless they always proved to be good mercenaries. In general the Pisidai enjoyed some form of communal life and treaties with Hellenistic polities indicate the existence of councils of elders or judges. Noteworthy is a treaty involving Termessos containing a stipulation against tyranny, in protection of the instituted laws and taxes. This has been taken to indicate an Hellenized government from the 2nd century BCE. In fact the architecture of councils of citizens has been dated to the late Hellenistic Period. Nevertheless the Pisidai were already advanced on their own and minted coins before the arrival of Alexandros III of Makedonia.
The Isauroi conducted a life similar to that of the Pisidai. Although defeated by Pvblivs Servilivs Vatia, who imposed on them severe measures, the Isauroi kept on defying Roman authority and resumed their raids. Thus the Romani endeavoured to check them by surrounding their country with a ring of fortifications. But this measure turned out to be unsuccessful, for the Isauroi frequently broke through.
The Tracheiotai were Kilikes living in the mountainous western half of Kilikia. This land has been settled since the Neolithic and a Kilikian polity existed already in the 2nd millennium BCE. Much like the neighbouring communities the Tracheiotai were highlanders irresistible in guerilla warfare. With Kilikia Tracheia full of harbours, fortresses and secret recesses, the Tracheiotai became the archetypal pirates. They indeed might have invented practice of 'walking the plank': whenever a captived cried out his Roman status, they would mockingly seek forgiveness, dress the Romanvs with boots and toga, lower a ladder into the sea and bid him to rejoice and disembark. At which point most captives would not wish to go any longer and the Kilikes pushed them overboard to drown.
History
The history of Pamphylia could be described as that of a frontier. From the beginning of the 1st millennium BCE Pamphylia saw the cohabitation of locals and Hellenic colonists, in fact such interaction could be identified already in the middle of the Bronze Age with Mycenaean expeditions. The emerging communities would develop on their own and supply naval contingents to the powers of the eastern Mediterranean. While Pisidike and Isauria were bastions of local independence, never tamed by any power. Unless made deliberately partner of local policies, to achieve this coercively required an unnecessary amount of resources and would last only for a brief time. During the 3rd century BCE the Ptolemaioi used their Pamphylian bases to control the seas and trade routes, but also to employ mercenaries from the Tauros Mountains. This amicable relation made sure that the Pisidai concentrated their efforts elsewhere against the Arche Seleukeia. However Antiochos II Theos, around 258 BCE, managed to expel Ptolemaic forces from Pamphylia. But the dynastic struggle between his sons allowed Ptolemaios III Euergetes to reaffirm control of Pamphylia by 241 BCE. Nevertheless relations were not going smoothly with the Pamphyloi, who seeing the Basileus of Aigyptos hardpressed, around 223 BCE gained their 'independence' sponsored by Seleukid influence. Indeed the Pamphylian poleis now minted something of a 'proxy-Seleukid' coinage, following the Arche Seleukeia's weight standards. In 197 BCE Antiochos III Megas followed this by mopping up the remaining Ptolemaic sympathies among the Pisidai. It is noteworthy, that despite the Roman intervention and the new political framework with the peace of Apameia of 189 BCE, Side kept issuing coins after the Seleukid standards. An indication that although politically the Seleukid Basileis could not intervene across the Tauros, they still dominated economically. In fact Attalid standards were not adopted by the Pamphyloi, prompting Attalos II Philadelphos to found Attaleia at the Lykian border. Pamphylia and Kilikia Tracheia had become a 'no man's land' acting as buffer between Lykia, Pergamon and Seleukid Kilikia, but the latter's influence was felt until the end of the 2nd century BCE. Unemployed and with the disappearance of a strong eastern Mediterranean fleet, the locals resorted to piracy. This phenomenon grew out of proportion, because no central power regulated activities in the province, which provided safe havens. The SPQR failed to grasp this at first, in 102 BCE the Praetor Marcvs Antonivs was granted a navy, with which he inflicted losses. But all this gained was a further intensification and bolstering of the number of piratical activities. Indeed the fine imposed by Lvcivs Cornelivs Svlla on Asia, in the aftermath of his war with Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos, impoverished people to the point of desperation, becoming pirates. At the news of such developments Svlla replied that he did not care, since the victims had probably fought against him. Now from the Aigaion to Kilikia people were left to themselves. In fact the SPQR was far too preoccupied with civil wars and Pontic expansion. Indeed even the Proconsul Pvblivs Servilivs Vatia of 78 BCE, professing to launch a campaign against the pirates, while marching in Pamphylia, completely avoided Kilikia Tracheia, Side and Korakesion, the infamous headquarters for piracy. To instead attack the Isauroi to the north, who had been employed and held friendly relations with Mithradates VI of Pontos. Only when faced with a crisis in the supply of food to Roma did the Senatvs delegate successive commands against pirates on both land and sea. Showing an understanding of the problem and the need for an army to capture bases, after the navy had pushed the pirates there. Cnaevs Pompeivs finally completed such an operation across the Mediterranean by 66 BCE. The SPQR, or rather the Trivmviri, could now do what they pleased with Pamphylia. Marcvs Antonivs gifted it to Amyntas of Galatia in 36 BCE and the latter's death, eleven years later ambushed by the Homanadeis, prompted Avgvstvs to annex Pamphylia under one of his Legati.
Strategy
Pamphylia holds the harbours vital to the control of the Mediterranean. Equally important it allows its ruler to recruit excellent troops from the various mountain tribes, provided amicable relations can be maintained with them.
Mysia's history redux:
History
Since the middle of the Bronze Age, Mysia has been the object of confrontation for the neighbouring politites. Either to control the Hellespontine trade or to exercise influence over the local rulers. This condition allowed various groups to infiltrate the 'warzone' and carve the possession of a specific area of Mysia. One of such people would become the Mysoi during the early Iron Age, in collaboration with Phrygian authority. However these new communities were focused toward the hinterland, being primarily farmers or shepherds. This allowed the increasing colonisation of the coastal area by Hellenic migrants. For the following centuries both groups mostly kept to themselves and grew as a consequence. However from the 7th century BCE conquerors from the east attempted once again to impose their dominance over the lucrative Mysian coasts and mineral deposits. Lydian rulers accomplished such design, but lasted briefly and ultimately it was the Achaemenid dynasty that reaped the benefits. Nevertheless Dārayavahuš I and Khšayāršā I of Pârsa's unsuccessful wars against their enemies in Hellas, deeply shook Mysia from the 5th century BCE onwards. The landscape turned similar to its Bronze Age past, with valiant deeds carried out by opposing sides and the local population caught in the middle. Then in 366 BCE Yervand of Hayasdan rose up against Artakhšaça II of Pârsa, joined by an alliance of other communities. That he betrayed right away, in exchange of Mysia. Building something of a private kingdom, minting gold coins at Pergamon in his own image. Towards the end of the 4th century BCE Alexandros III of Makedonia appeared to have ultimately decided, in his favour, the age old conflict between Hellas and Asia. But it proved just as ephemeral as the previous attempts and Alexandros' Diadochoi spent decades trying to reach a resolution over Makedonian leadership. Obviously no such thing was ever found, but it had become clear that power centered in the vicinity of Mysia could be turned into a viable reality. A Paphlagonian eunuch, Philetairos, working his way through shifting of allegiances had managed to become Gazophylax (treasurer) of Pergamon under Lysimachos in the early 3rd century BCE. With the modest influence his position entailed, Philetairos became a prominent figure and increasingly so in relation to Lysimachos' son and heir Agathokles. The latter in fact had brilliantly protected Mysia from Demetrios I Poliorketes' invasion of 287 BCE and to everyone seemed only logical for him to affirm his right to succession. Even to start acting as a co-ruler in Mysia, but his father and other groups at his court did not concur. In 284 BCE Agathokles was imprisoned and a failed poisoning attempt prompted his more direct assassination. Put on an hard spot, the men who had sided with Agathokles and envisioned a profitable future under his leadership, sought intervention by Seleukos I Nikator. By 281 BCE this gambit paid off beyond any expectation: Lysimachos was defeated and died on the field, while the victor was himself murdered on his way to conquer Makedonia. Philetairos hastily recovered the latter's corpse, properly cremated it and sent it to his heir Antiochos I. This gesture convinced the Basileus of Philetairos' loyalty and allowed him to keep local autonomy. From then on Pergamon followed a policy of euergesia (benefaction), winning the favour of the Mysian communities. Attalid good fortune did not end there: the Arche Seleukeia fell into dynastic turmoil and looked like it would come to an end. But the victorious pretender, Antiochos Hierax, decided to invade Pergamon in 237 BCE. Attalos, Philetairos' grandnephew, was in charge at that time and successfully defeated Hierax. Thus Attalos vanquished a Seleukid pretender, who had claimed the diadem and previously defeated the rightful Seleukid Basileus. This in the Hellenistic world meant one thing: legitimacy through conquest. Assuming the royal diadem and becoming Basileus Attalos I Soter. Now Pergamon had to defend such right from both Seleukid central authority and further pretenders. Attalos I proved once more up to the task and expanded his power in Mikra Asia. Prompting in 216 BCE Antiochos III to reach an agreement with Pergamon, whereby Attalos I would be recognized Basileus only of Mysia and would collaborate to defeat the last of the pretenders in Sardis. This was a compromise Attalos I was willing to make, for such a valuable political status. Now Pergamon was free to pursue its own policies as an equal player in the Hellenistic world. Although at first in a complacent manner for Antiochos III, simply claimed to be a Basileus Megas (Great King), putting himself above everybody else. And he definitely had the military power to back such a claim, with the Arche Seleukeia reunited under his leadership. However Attalos I now began to work on a far more lasting and influencial concept: propaganda. Philetairos' statues where reworked to accomodate swirling locks of hair and a royal diadem. The family history was rewritten justifying Philetairos being an eunuch due to an accident, who therefore had no other career option than being an administrator. Patching the demeaning associations of slavery and sexual exploitation towards eunuchs in the Hellenic imagination. In fact castrating children in Asia had been a common practice, done by the parents to ensure an important status in society at the court of rulers. But this would have been too much of a reminder to Hellenes for foreign origins, not befitting an Hellenistic Basileus. The next step was the introduction of mythical and legendary genealogies, which linked the Attalidai to the hero Telephos. Who became the Attalid forefather, being son of an Arkadian princess and Herakles, whose mother was banished to Teuthrania. Telephos was wounded by Achilleus and blackmailed the Achaioi into curing him, offering to lead them against Ilion. A subtle indication to the Hellenes that the Attalidai were their friends in Asia and at the same time descendants of Herakles, thus kinsmen of Alexandros Megas. In the following decades Pergamon kept on playing the part of champion of Hellenism, always paying for restorations of public buildings in Hellenic poleis, fighting against Galatian raiders and promoting an image of family unity, that was much appreciated by the Hellenes. Both the intellectual and common Hellenistic worlds could see in Pergamon a bastion of civilization. However Pergamon would need far stronger military assistance to emancipate itself from Antiochos III Megas' influence and started to establish friendly relations with the SPQR. Whose later war with the Arche Seleukeia offered an opportunity too good to pass and Attalos' sons threw their lot in assistance of Roma. Indeed Eumenes II was instrumental in defeating the Seleukid Basileus Megas. However a debate arose across Hellas whether following Barbaroi from the west against Makedonian Basileis was proper. The solution was simple: these were not Barbaroi, but fellow Hellenes! Intellectuals provided the grounds for such claims, and patronage from Pergamon obviously was not lacking. The poem "Alexandra" was written, describing a report to Priamos, during the sack of Ilion, about his daughter's incomprehensible prophecies, culminating in a narration of adventures in the Italian peninsula by various Trojan heroes. And what luck! One of them Aineias, accompanied by Telephos' sons among others, would become the Roman forefather. The Attalidai were then pursuing the most natural of alliances and no one could argue against that in the Hellenistic world. In the end this policy backfired, for Roma never allowed Pergamon to capitalise on its expansion and actively hindered it. Attalid possessions were bequeathed to the SPQR, bringing much hardship to Mysia. For a century fiscal corruption, war against Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos, pirates and civil conflicts between Roman leaders virtually annihilated the prosperity Pergamon had achieved for Mysia. Only the patronage of Avgvstvs allowed it to start a process of recovery.
Still pretty substantial, but definitely shorter than before :D
Ailfertes
08-02-2013, 08:33
Nice work!
BTW, for those of you who are not aware, a twitter update from the team in you honor:
A BIG THANK YOU to everyone who has helped out with the Regional Descriptions in recent months. We really appreciate it! - The EBII Team.
Galatia is served ^^
Province: Galatia
Traveller's Log
Crossing the river Sangarios the traveller enters one of the oldest countries, which at the same time is the newest. This is Phrygia Megale, where Midas himself ruled in days past, but now the land is called Galatia. The first territory encountered is that of the temple estate of Pessinous by Mount Dindymos. It belongs to the Tolistobogioi, here Galatai and Phryges together venerate the Great Mother of the Mountain Agdistis, but it also serves as an emporion. To the North-East at the fording of the Sangarios stands Uindia another temple estate to the moon deity Deios Uindieinos. Near the eastern riverbank, overlooked by the Galatian Mount Olympos to the East, stands Gordion. The ancient Phrygian seat of power, which the Tolistobogioi and Phryges are rebuilding into their new capital. Next the land is dotted by fortresses, one of the most important is Petrobrogen controlling the main road to Bithynia. While to the North the country has a mountainous nature, marking the boundary with Mariandynia and is protected by the fortress of Souolibrogen. This is also where the domain of the Tektosages begins, stretching from Mount Olympos to the Halys River. Several villages lay near the fertile riverbanks, noteworthy of the area is a sanctuary to Deios Boussourigios. This is the Anatolian deity of heaven, weather and mountains. While the fortress of Ekkobriga controls the main road to Kappadokia. To the South stands Ankyra, another ancient Phrygian settlement, now the capital of the Tektosages. Farther southwards the country becomes a dry plain, bearing the name of Morimene. A hard place to live in, but it is contested for it controls Lake Tatta and is a rich source of salt. Somewhere in the mountains and forests, between Gordion and Ankyra, the most revered place in Galatia is located. Named Drunemeton, this is a sacred oak grove, where the Galatai meet in assembly to decide the common affairs of their confederation. East of the Halys River instead lays the land of the Trokmoi, which used to be part of Kappadokia and is called Chamanene. Legend has it, this was the homeland of a formidable empire. In fact no Phryges live here and the locals rarely receive gifts from the temple estates. However the Trokmoi are not preoccupied by this, indeed it is argued they are the most powerful warriors. Their walled capital, Taouion, is a formidable place. Emphasised by its sanctuary to Deios Taouianos, housing the god's colossal bronze statue and its precinct where anyone is granted asylum.
Geography
Galatia is a vast plateau, bounded by deciduous forests, two river plains and dry grassland. The fluvial reservoirs form several pools, making the land extremely fertile. Meadows and grazing land are also common, as are forests, which have allowed the development of various ecosystems, resulting in spectacular biodiversity. Wild boars, ibexes, red and roe deers, lynxes, gray wolves, brown bears, leopards, asiatic cheetahs and lions, to name a few, turned this region in something of a hunting paradise. Indeed since the early Iron Age this plateau housed several hunting estates and the various species, many now extinct, are still dwindling in number today. Summers are hot and dry in Galatia, but rainy springs and autumns keep the country watered and fertile. Winters are snowy and cold, but the southern plains are unaffected by all of this.
The People, Society and Government
The Galatai were no unified ethnic group, but rather kin groups carrying different tribal identities coalesced by an aristocratic and religious class that conveyed traditions, bearing identity to the various clans. Before crossing the Bosporos, the allied tribes of the Tolistobogioi, Tektosages and Trokmoi had seventeen prominent leaders, following the two most eminent figures among them. Indeed the name Galatai was the self-designation for specialized warrior bands, exerting military and diplomatic pressure as advance guards for colonial enterprises. A characteristic Galatian practice was the Trimarkisia, units of three cavalrymen forming a contingent capable of protracted military engagements, whereby one of the riders was always fighting and could be replaced by the two reserves. When treating with their defeated foes, the Galatai preferred to take captives for ransoms, or held hostages to secure the compliance by the opposing communities. However all of these activities were subordinated to the primary goal of settling into new land. Galatai bands were in fact disproportionally comprised of armed men, suggesting a lower standing in the original community. These 'younger sons' would then join forces in search of new tracks of land to farm, something unavailable in their homelands. Their greatest quality was the readiness to accept foreigners, often towards a mutual social advancement, under Galatian leadership. Integration resolved in the synthesis of new identities and took place in just one or two generations. The tribes established mutual friendship and hospitality not only between themselves, but also with foreign polities and these principles were of the utmost importance in Galatian society. It has been argued that around 25,000 or 30,000 Galatai crossed to Mikra Asia, but subsequent casualties and hiring by Hellenistic Basileis thinned that number considerably. The survivors finally settled in the Phrygian plateau and began that process of territorial acculturation. Indeed the Galatai encountered an autochthonous population that vastly outnumbered them, who was nonetheless willing to accept the newcomers. No lasting political centre had existed in the region for centuries and the people quickly re-shaped the tribes into a larger society. Which took over a large number of villages, surrounding major centres, where a prosperous agricultural structure provided a great variety of products. While traditional routes created a well-connected area of economic importance, that the Galatian warrior class could protect. This was a testament to the well-developed hierarchical Galatian system, that forged in little time a system of values shared by the whole population. The Phrygian priest-states, remnants of the previous political structure, were democratically split between Phryges and Galatai. Common codes and traditions were accepted right away, focused on rituals that offered the new self-representation for the people. Galatian, Luwian and Phrygian names are attested in the same social circles and communities, even mixed in the same families. These identities grew into a completely new Anatolian supra-ethnicity, which employed extravagant architecture for graves and fortifications. The latters located on strategic hilltops possessing dry-stone walls, with carefully protected gateways, projecting towers and other sophisticated defensive features. These were not simply strongholds, but kernels of important agricultural settlements and field systems. Econo-political centres were also built, with large public buildings and workshops, which saw the introduction of new tools. Otherwise the everyday life was predominantly influence by the Luwian and Phrygian population: from the housing and building styles, or methods of storage, to kitchenware. While the new elite adopted an Hellenistic life-style with extravagant graves, imported fine ware and luxury goods. Politically the three tribes, which kept their names, had four constituting groups each and these had four officials per group. They were called Tetrarchai, one served as a judge, another as the military commander and the last two as his subordinates. However the power of these twelve was not absolute, at Drunemeton a council of 300 men assembled and decided all major cases, leaving the others to the council of the Tetrarchai. Initially the Galatai were described as furious and arrogant tall men, with reddish hair. Capable of all sorts of atrocities. An image true for anyone involved in warfare. Although the Galatai did perform human sacrifices until the mid-2nd century BCE, described as offering to the gods of the most handsome prisoners, crowned with garlands, in the full bloom of their lives. Dated from the same period are surviving letters from Eumenes II of Pergamon, to Galatai settlers granting their community the status of polis. The fact is the inhabitants had already received such status from Antiochos III Megas and where now demanding Pergamene recognition. These Galatai definitely appreciated Hellenistic institutions, indeed independent Galatian communities during the 1st century BCE, had become so 'unkeltic' that they came to be known as Gallograeci. For outsiders they were just locals from Anatolia, who acted like Galatai. The Galatian synthesis had been so pervasive that all the Phrygian and Hittite foundations were unquestionably attributed to the Galatai. For the inhabitants of Galatia, there was no difference in such terms, they all described the very same people.
History
Galatia, before acquiring any boundary, was born as a contract in 278 BCE. Nikomedes I of Bithynia had established a Symmachia with Herakleia Pontika, Byzantion, Chalkedon, Kieros and Tieion. So that the parties involved would mutually assist eachother to protect their independence. However facing a claimant brother, holding half of his territory, and none other than Antiochos I of the Arche Seleukeia, Nikomedes I resolved to hire some Galatai. Such a group of warbands, under the chieftains Lonnorios and Lutarios, was marching against Byzantion. But the Bithynian Basileus approached them and reached an agreement: the Galatai would always be friendly towards Nikomedes and his descendants. They would not ally with others without his approval, but have his same enemies and friends. They would also join the Symmachia and help any member requiring assistance. Otherwise spoils of war and territory of their mutual enemies were theirs for the taking. At this point the tribes split their respective areas: the Trokmoi would take the Troas, the Tolistobogioi Aiolis and Ionia, while the Tektosages would fight Nikomedes' brother and take the hinterland. Thus Galatia came to be in theory, now it had to be made into a reality. The raids were incredibly successful: Bithynia was united under Nikomedes' rule, while ransoms were exacted from the people of Mysia and Ionia. Unfortunately most places proved to be poor choices for settlements, being either too exposed, difficult to assault or lacking enough arable land. However beyond the Sangarios River, there was a plentiful countryside, whose population offered little resistance. Phrygia Megale, since the 7th century BCE, had been relegated into being either a borderland or simply traversed by the Royal Road. But from the 4th century BCE constant wars plagued the inhabitants. Local Persian dynasts fought one another for personal gains, then Alexandros III of Makedonia skipped Phrygia Megale altogether. Rendering its roads insignificant and moving all the lucrative traffic to the Southern Highway by the Tauros Mountains. Then in 322 BCE Makedonian invaders plundered the land and levied men to fight in their civil wars. This condition went on for the next 43 years, when Galatai encroached the countryside. These newcomers were not after manpower, but actually offered to protect themselves what was to become the common land of all. With such premises, accepting a new military aristocracy controlling the agricultural production was not a disaster. Nor was there anyone capable of preventing the Galatai from settling there. Only around 275 BCE did such a figure present itself: Antiochos I had arrived with an army poised to reaffirm Seleukid suzerainty in Mikra Asia. Thanks to war elephants Antiochos I defeated the Galatai with ease, assumed the title Soter (saviour), but let the invaders be in what had become Galatia. This was his decision, because a cultural phenomenon had taken place. It had been since the 5th century BCE that the Hellenes faced a common foreign enemy, following the wars with Pârsa. After that only infighting between Hellenic poleis and koina, often siding with Persian authorities took place. Philippos II of Makedonia had succeeded in coercing the Hellenes into fighting together and his son Alexandros Megas led them in a campaign of Isokratean pan-Hellenism. But it soon switched to Makedonian arbitrary authority and his Diadochoi only aggravated it. However all of that changed in 279 BCE, when Galatian tribes descendent upon Makedonia, Thraikia and Delphoi. Now there was a common enemy of all the Hellenes, foolish and hubristic Barbaroi standing for everything that is uncivilized. In 277 BCE Antigonos II Gonatas defeated Galatai at Lysimacheia and was welcomed as Basileus and saviour of Makedonia. Antiochos I Soter did the same in the following years, now Basileis could justify their claims to rule by offering protection against the Barbaroi. These were however small groups, that posed in no way such a threat, large and well-organized Hellenistic armies were no match for them. Even though, both successes were achieved through psychological advantages, trickery and the novelty of elephants, but that was no way to present the genesis of new royal powers. Still the Galatai were too useful to get rid off them, periodic victories over raiding bands, often hired by Hellenistic political enemies, were a source of prestige and legitimacy, most of all they offered professional mercenary manpower, unaffected by Hellenic sympathies. From now on the Galatai played an extremely important role in major contests of the Hellenistic world. They were virtually involved in every single conflict: for example by offering the bulk of the manpower for Pontos to resist a Ptolemaic expedition in the Euxeinos; supplying Antiochos Hierax with an army to claim the Seleukid royal diadem; serving as bodyguards for Basileis and at the same time assassinating others; as fallen invaders they allowed Attalos I to claim the status of Basileus. Galatia became an indispensable buffer zone and arguably the most important mercenary hub for the Hellenistic Period. In 189 BCE Consvl Cnaevs Manlivs Vvlso led a campaign against the Galatai, but he was actually assisted by Phrygian and Galatian priests and at least a Tretrarches. Indeed the objective of this invasion was to crush any Seleukid sympathy in Galatia and in the following decades the SPQR actually used the Galatai as a counterweight to Pergamene expasion. The Tetrarchai became important figures in the Hellenistic political world, their families ending up being married into most of the neighbouring royal families. The confederal nature of the Galatai suited perfectly the needs of Hellenistic powers, with often both sides hiring at least Galatian group. However around 85 BCE, as Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos' fortune in the war against the Romani was failing, the Pontic Basileus planned to abandon his current offensive. But he had taken hostages from the Galatian tribes, to make sure none of these would fight against him. Thus to avoid any reprisal, Mithradates VI invited all the members of the Drunemeton assembly and the Tetrarchai to deliver the hostages and re-establish cordial relations. The Galatai accepted, but at the feast in Pergamon organized by Mithradates VI all of them, except three men, were slaughtered. If what the Pontic Basileus had planned was to leave Galatia in political chaos, he was much mistaken. Power was centralised by the surviving Tetrarchai, becoming vital Roman allies and leading the whole Galatian tribes for the next half a century. Nevertheless when in 25 BCE Avgvstvs annexed Galatia, the inhabitants where organised into a Koinon of twelve Phylai (tribes) in typical confederal Galatian fashion.
Strategy
Galatia possesses one of the most valuable resources of the Hellenistic world: professional warrior bands for hire. Any ruler should make certain the Galatai are well-disposed towards him and lead them to battle.
Galatia is served
I'm no good at proof reading, but two errors just managed to catch my eyes:
-"It belongs to the Tolistobogioi, here Galatai and Phryges together venerate the Great Mother of the Mountain Agdistis, but it is also serves as an emporion."
-"Farther southwards the country becomes a dry plain, bearing the name of Morimene. An hard place to live in, but it is contested for it controls Lake Tatta..."
I like it, it reads well and is easily understandable. nice work.
Karia is up. Sorry, but so many cultures in that strip of land, didn't help in keeping it brief :P
Province: Karia
Traveller's Log
Sailing from the East, the traveller encounters the Chelidoniai, rugged and barren islands of Lykia. Tradition has it that the Tauros Mountains begin with these very islands. While on the opposite Lykian coast stands Limyra, which started as a Dorian colony and later became the seat of Eastern Lykia's rulers. Indeed in the countryside their Nekropoleis can be found, currently a Ptolemaion is being built in honour of the Basileis of Aigyptos. Further West down the littoral the traveller comes to Myra, a town with remarkable rock-cut tombs. Leaving the eponymous Myros River behind, facing the southermost Lykian coast are numerous islands. Chiefs among them are Megiste, named after the homonymous Dorian harbour, and Kisthene. Sailing North this time the traveller arrives at the beautiful port of Patara. Founded by Apollon's own son, it holds a renowned temple and oracle. This major harbour stands near the mounth of the Sirbis River, which can be rowed upriver to the largest settlement in Lykia: Xanthos. This was the capital of Western Lykia, ruled by Sarpedon himself, whose temples are most revered, chief among them is Letoon dedicated to Leto and her twins, Apollon and Artemis. The Persian official Arbina resided here and built an exquisite tomb, overlooking the area. To the West stands Mount Kragos, at its foot the large town of Pinara, rising from a round rocky cliff. Inland the landscape is mountainous, dotted by Lykian towns, and certain peaks vent flames that never die. Indeed it was in this neighbourhood that Bellerophontes killed the Chimaira. The largest and most important of the hilltop settlements is Tlos. This is Bellerophontes' fortress, his resting place is among the rock carved temples and tombs. Back on the coast, to the North, there is the prosperous harbour of Telmessos. Famous for its diviners, is overlooked by Mount Daidala and the homonymous town. These last places were named after the builder of the Labyrinthos of Knossos, who died on that very spot bitten by a snake. It also marks the boundary with Karia. Crossing the Kalbis River, a deep stream where merchants vessels can sail into, the travellers comes to Kaunos. This polis possesses a harbour that can be closed and it is famous for its dried figs, exported throughout the Mediterranean. The Kaunaioi are an unique people, with customs that differ from any other, claiming to hail from Krete. They cherish this and once expelled every foreign deity from their polis. Interestingly their men, women and children all mingle in their entertainments. To the West lays the harbour of Physkos, the ordinary landing-place for Rhodian merchants. It holds a sacred precinct of Leto, the mother of Apollon and Artemis. The rest of the coast is a rugged peninsula, called Triopion, with strongholds over the mountain tops. It marks the beginning of Doris, the land of the Dorieis. At the promontory of this peninsula the polis of Knidos can be found, with its two harbours separated by a sandy isthmus. This also connects to a small island, where other structures were built, making Knidos a double city. There was erected the temple of Apollon Triopios, serving as centre for the Pentapolis, the Dorian confederation. Off to sea lays the rocky island of Nisyros, the homonymous polis has a harbour and a temple of Poseidon. It also boasts quarries of millstones and excellent wine, but most famous are its hot springs, with hot vapours constantly issuing from a chasm in the rock. To the North the island and polis of Kos are located. A beautiful place well supplied with fruits and producing a precious wine and purple dye. Light transparent dresses are also crafted in this island. The colonists came from Epidauros and brought their cult of the healing god Asklepios. Hippokrates was native of Kos, where the exceedingly famous Asklepieion was built after the physician's death. To this day its school and its great collection of votive models are a cornerstone for studies in medicine. Kos is also the birthplace of Ptolemaios II Philadelphos himself and here the Basileus was tutored as well. Farther to the North lays the island of Kalymna, where Argeioi shipwrecked after the Trojan war. Few small towns are situated on this island, producing figs, wine, barley, oil and copious amounts of honey. All these islands stand at the mouth of the Kerameikos Gulf, enclosed by the promontories at Knidos and Myndos. The latter is a polis with a good harbour and the wine grown in its district is particularly good for digestion. The peninsula holding Myndos could be considered the end of Doris, because the next polis, Halikarnassos, was expelled from the Dorian confederation. Indeed this used to be a Hexapolis, whose games in honour of Apollon Triopios offered brazen tripods to the victors. Who in turn dedicated them the temple at Knidos, but a Halikarnasseus disregarded this law and nailed the tripod he won to his house. Prompting the penalty imposed on his polis, excluding it from the Dorian confederation. In any way Halikarnassos grew to be the largest and strongest of any settlement in Karia, with its Akropolis situated on precipitous rocks. It has a great harbour, its entrance narrowed by piers, and a smaller one to the southeast of it. After its exclusion by the Dorieis, a Karian dynasty took power and acquired dominion of all Karia. Unfortunately Halikarnassos suffered a large conflagration, during the siege by the Makedones. Its Akropolis, Salmakis, was never captured, but the polis has never really recovered from it. Despite Basileus Ptolemaios I Soter donations for a gymnasion and reconstruction of the polis, today is simply a Ptolemaic garrison. To the North there is a town called Bargylia, said to be founded by Bellerophontes. Interestingly its temple of Artemis Kindyas is never touched by the rain. Farther North lays Iasos, a harbour well supplied with fish, which sustains the inhabitans, since the soil is rather poor. However the mountains in the neighbourhood furnish a beautiful blood-red and livid white marble. To the North-east lays Herakleia, built on a steep slope of Mount Latmos. Its massive walls were erected during the brief rule of Pleistarchos, son of Antipatros. While inland the splendid town of Mylasa stands at the foot of a steep overhanging mountain. This abounds in white marble and the surrounding plain is very fertile. Mylasa is famous for its many temples, like those to Zeus Osogollis and Zeus Labrandenos. The latter is actually located in a neighbouring village, but it is part of the Mylasan territory and a sacred procession is conducted to it. The priests here hold their office for life and indeed the Karian dynasty of Halikarnassos hailed from Mylasa, where it held this esteemed position. There is also another temple to Zeus Karios, which is a common possession of all the Kares. The Lydoi and Mysoi are also allowed to share it as brothers. Deeper inland there are the town of Idrias and the temple to Zeus Chrysaoreus, but these are said to be Lykian foundations. To the North, by a tributary of the Maiandros River, is located the town of Alabanda, founded by an eponymous Karian hero. A peculiarity of this region is that is full of scorpions. Nevertheless a fusible stone is extracted, it is worked into glass and used to glaze vessels. The rest of the Karian interior is mountainous and has few villages.
Geography
Karia, Doris and Lykia are essential rocky coasts, with much maritime traffic and mountainous interiors where quarring and pastoralism were the main activites. Although the Maiandros River and tributaries separate Karia in three valleys, they make the neighbouring land fertile, allowing a great deal of farming. But the main features were the islands, coasts and sea routes. Lykia possesses a particularly fruitful soil, well watered by many rivers and melting snows. A good deal of timber grows in the hills, firs, oaks, cedars, cypress and plane trees. The territory of Halikarnassos was also noted for the abundance of fig, orange, lemon, olive and almond trees. The variation in altitude, across Karia, causes a great difference in climate. The highlands being wintry and snow-covered well into March, while the lowlands are hotter. Otherwise the summers are hot and humid, while winters are mild. Heavy rainfall in late autumn can cause flash floods. Most striking is the volcanic character of this region: being the cause for the formation of the surrounding islands and noticeable in the many hot springs, some issuing inflammable gas.
The People, Society and Government
The Kares used to inhabit the whole region named after them and beyond. But the Iones and Dorieis drove them away from places like Mykale, Myous, Miletos, Halikarnassos, Knidos and Kos. This kindled a religious confederation, the Koinon Karon centered in Mylasa. But many Kares were integrated in the Hellenic colonies. Indeed Homeros uses the epithet Barbarophonoi in association to them and it might indicate that the Kares were the first foreigners to live with Hellenes. But Karian pronunciation carried such inflections that the newcomers onomatopoetically identified them as 'speaking like bar bar'. Such contacts could very well predate any Hellenic migration, for the Kares were among the first mercenaries of the Aigaion during the Bronze Age. Archaeology has recognised a shared culture in Karia and the Sporades Islands during the Middle Bronze Age. In fact Mycenaean findings were always branded as Karian by the ancient Hellenes. This could explain why the Kares were thought to be the inventors of plumed helmets and round shields with arm bands. They were considered incredibly warlike, indeed since early in the 7th century BCE the Kares experimented with heavy armaments and wooden shields. Their youths served as mounted Orophylakesantes (patrols of the mountains), both as a social initiation and to develop military skills. Under Seleukid patronage Idrias was refounded as Stratonikeia and the temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus became the centre of a league. This was the Chrysaorikon Systema, a federation of both Karian and foreign communities to futher trade and offer a united military defense. Demographics determined the number of votes carried by the members in the assembly. Although their deities were recorded with Hellenic names, they carried different attributes. Their chief god Tarqud, was a weather and storm, warrior diety and his many forms were distinguished by his primary weapon: an axe, a spear, a trident or a golden sword. More broadly he was known by the epithet Stratios: Zeus of the Army. However the Kares were also great builders, seen in all their marvelous monuments and sanctuaries. Dārayavahuš I of Pârsa boasted of employing Kares to build his palace at Susa. Nevertheless Kares were always depicted as being muscular and carrying weapons: being Karian was a byword for being a man of war.
The Lykioi ethnogenesis is thought to originate with the late Bronze Age Lukka people of Karia. Who, during the Dorian colonisation, migrated to Lykia, where they joined other intrusive populations from the 1st millennium BCE. By the 8th century BCE, in the Sirbis Valley, a new civilization developed attaining a single political organisation in the late 6th century BCE. These people defined themselves as Trm̃mili well into the Hellenistic Period, but the Hellenes preserved the name Lykioi from their oral tradition to describe them. Xanthos, or Arñna as it was called by the locals, was the focal point of the Lykian genesis. The communities of its valley were independent until the advent of Persian armies. The capture of Arñna was sufficient to firmly establish Persian suzerainty, but this was not a destructive event. From 520 BCE Arñna exercised authority over much of central and western Lykia, minting coins as a dynastic capital. Rock-cut cult centres were built and pillar tombs were reserved for people of a certain political rank. However from the early 4th century BCE Lykian 'dynasts' emerged challenging the rulers of Arñna's status. Nekropoleis of house-tombs were carved for the whole families of the various rulers, resembling their living dwellings. This happened when Lykia severed contacts with Athenian hegemony and the Trm̃mili now combined cultural elements from the East and West, keeping something of an appeasement policy even with Pârsa. Indeed the 'dynasts' combined foreign traits with Lykian ones and presented themselves in heroic hunting or funerary banquet motifs. This was done to emphasise their achievements and leadership, within an Hellenised Lykian culture. Lykian deities were progressively assimilated to Hellenic ones and eventually sarcophagi were employed to accomodate the dead. It is thought to be an indication towards a more egalitarian society, for now cults and processions were firmly established. These were now centered on a generic and encompassing Lykian hero, Sarpedon, associated to relevant events for the Trm̃mili. They were now employed as mercenaries and would side with polities as long as their autonomy was not disturbed. Indeed Lykioi serving the Ptolemaioi were often allowed to form associations, so that they could perform their rituals, keeping their customs in foreign lands. When Rhodian overlordship weighed heavily on the Trm̃mili in the early 2nd century BCE. They formed the Lykiakou Systema of Lykian poleis, with demographically defined votes in a Synedrion. Which in turn elected a Lykiarchos, sharing political and economical resources among the members. The Lykioi, like other Anatolian peoples, identified themselves by matronymics and their customs were similar enough to Hellenic ones. Prompting their description as civilized and brave warriors, who valued their traditions above all else, even their own lives.
The Dorieis migrated to Mikra Asia from the 9th century BCE in several waves. Making common cause against the Kares, they were joined by other Hellenes, who heavily influenced them. Indeed it is hypothesised that Halikarnassos was actually ousted by the Dorieis because it had lost its Dorian identity. Nevertheless Doris maintained its Dorian customs. Namely the division into three tribes, the worship of Apollon and Herakles, and the principal festivals of the Hyakinthia and Karneia. The Dorieis considered Argos, Sparte and Epidauros their main metropoleis, but they quickly developed their own local identity. Three poleis from Karia and three from Rhodos formed a religious confederation, that specifically excluded other Asiatic Hellenes. Maritime enterprises became their main activities and Dorieis were generally seen as the ordinary uneducated Hellenes. Nevertheless they proved excellent sailors and merchants. Throughout the Hellenistic period they were particularly friendly to the Ptolemaioi, playing on Ptolemaios II Philadelphos birth and education on Kos, expecting preferential treatment.
History
Karia, Lykia and Doris were recognised as crucial possessions, for Thalassokratic purposes, very early in their history. As such various powers fought to control them or established influence to ensure safe harbours. Following the death of Alexandros Megas, Diadochoi mounted personally expeditions to such aims. Whenever a clear winner was not in sight, diplomatic compromises set minor Hellenistic rulers in Karia. However subsequent military reverses made sure that these solutions were short lived. After Seleukos I Nikator's assassination in 281 BCE, Ptolemaios II Philadelphos managed to secure both Karia and Lykia. While the seas were under the protection of friendly Dorieis. However following the war with Antiochos I Soter, inland Karia by the Chrysaorikon Systema around 270 BCE. This was done to keep at least the land routes hostile towards the Ptolemaioi, since any attempt on Doris without naval superiority would have proved futile. The Ptolemaic Basileus' response was to name his adopted son Ptolemaios as co-ruler in 267 BCE and grant him command in Mikra Asia. This Ptolemaios was the natural son of Basileus Lysimachos, who had already attempted twice on his own to succeed his father in Makedonia. However the subsequent war against Antigonos II Gonatas ended in defeat and Ptolemaios in 259 BCE decided to revolt. His plan was to use his contacts, he had been educated at Ephesos, to be hailed as Lysimachos' successor in Mikra Asia at least. The Tyrannos Timarchos of Miletos sided with him, but the Arche Seleukeia saw this as a too perfect occasion. Antiochos II rushed with his army the following year, defeated them, earning godlike honours and capturing western Karia as well. A vital ally for this lightning campaign was Rhodos, disenchanted by the Ptolemaic effort in the war against Makedonia. It is unclear how far Antiochos II Theos' new domain extended, but it is possible it reached the Aigaion at Herakleia under the Latmos and Iasos. Ptolemaios, son of Lysimachos, had however survived and retreated to Telmessos. With a common enemy reaping the fruits of their discord and neither party able to remove the other, father and formerly adopted son reached an accomodation. Ptolemaios would be spared in exchange for renouncing any of his claims, really an acknowledgement of their impasse, for Telmessos had good fortifications and Ptolemaic Thalassokratia was waning. Paradoxically Ptolemaios proved to be capable of loyal service and set up a dependent dynasty in Lykia. The death of Antiochos II Theos in 246 BCE collapsed the Seleukid ascendancy, due to a dynastic strife between his sons: Seleukos II Pogon and Antiochos Hierax. The latter around 240 BCE sold Stratonikeia to Rhodos, which incorporated Karian possessions in a territory called Peraia under a Rhodian Strategos. While Ptolemaios of Telmessos had supplied the base from which Ptolemaios III Euergetes' forces retook Pamphylia and Kilikia, being praised by the Basileus of Aigyptos right before his death. Karia on the other hand had become a buffer zone, but in 227 BCE it suffered along with Rhodos a severe earthquake. Every Hellenistic Basileus sent resources and financial aid, while Antigonos III Doson of Makedonia was even invited by Rhodos to arbitrate in Karia. This allowed Makedonia to diminish Ptolemaic influence, which permitted locals to detach themselves from the Aigyptian suzerainty. However Philippos V of Makedonia led attacks against several islands of Doris and Karia around 202 BCE, this time against both Ptolemaic and Rhodian interests. Lysimachos of Telmessos, son and successor of Ptolemaios, initiated cordial relations with Antiochos III. In 197 BCE the latter launched a campaign that re-established Seleukid rule in Mikra Asia and the Telmessian princess Berenike was appointed priestess for the royal cult of the Seleukid Basilissa Laodike four years later. Indeed Antiochos III Megas was successful because he established friendly relations, without imposing direct control, but rather settling his loyal veterans that became part of the local communities. However his war against the SPQR allowed Rhodos to retake the Peraia and even purchase the last Ptolemaic garrison at Kaunos in 191 BCE. Two years later the peace of Apameia granted Karia, Doris and Lykia to Rhodos, which now controlled them by the appointed Strategos. Directing three Hegemones, one for Peraia under direct rule, one from the subject locals and one from Kaunos. This disposition, based on lesser officials and mercenary garrison commanders, proved effective and acceptable in Karia. But Lykia entered a state of rebellion and acted independently, Ptolemaios II of Telmessos likely died without a male heir, as the Lykiakou Systema. Which the Romani recognised and allied with it in 168 BCE, having fell out with Rhodos due to its expansion. In 129 BCE Karia was put under the Provincial administration of Asia. When Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos in person invaded Karia and Lykia in 88 BCE. Both resisted them to the best of their abilities and the Lykioi, who actually repulsed the Pontic army, even helped Rhodos while under siege by the Pontic Basileus. The Liberatores, the pro-republic conspirators, brought much destruction to Karia and Lykia during the late 40s BCE. But Marcvs Antonivs financed repairs and Lykia would be annexed as a Provincia only in 43 CE.
Strategy
The coasts of Karia, Lykia and Doris control the sea corridor between the Aigaion and the eastern Mediterranean. Therefore their harbours must be protected. The province is not particularly rich, but possesses valuable resources and local tribes make excellent mercenaries. Although mountains offer some protection, the Maiandros Valley is particularly exposed. Any ruler would be wise in keeping good relations and defending the inland routes.
Perditrix Mvndorvm
08-11-2013, 03:12
So, I'm putting the finishing touches on Kush and as of right now, it is about two pages. Is that a acceptable length, or should I shorten it, lengthen it etc.?
Gaius Scribonius Curio
08-11-2013, 07:53
How many words? Probably best to post it as it is, then we will be in a better position to advise...
Here's Rhodos:
Province: Rhodos
Traveller's Log
Sailing from Krete the traveller sights the island of Kasos. A small port-town, with a small fertile plain surrounded by ridges. It is the first of Rhodian dependent islands, next is Karpathos. This is rather important island for it allows to resupply during a voyage to and fro Krete. That is why the sea here is called Karpathion Sea, however the island is mostly bare and steep. But it contains three towns: Nisyros, Poseidion and Arkesine. To the North is the island of Rhodos and one of the most ancient and important settlements in it: the port of Lindos. This was the centre of one of the Dorian tribes of the island and a member of the Pentapolis. But joined the common Rhodian government at Rhodos. It is however an importan religious site, housing the temple of Athena Lindia and one to Herakles. The latter is characterised by vituperative and injurious language with which the worship is conducted. Famous pantings are kept at Lindos and its district produces wine and figs. To the North-West stands Mount Atabyris, the highest of the island, which is sacred to Zeus Atabyrios. Nearby on the coast is Kameiros, another member of the Pentapolis. It was built on terraces, housing several temples and a fountain house. Then to the North lays Ialyssos, home to the last Dorian tribe of Rhodos. Its Akropolis, Orychoma, is said to have been a fort and the first settlement of the island. Currently all these settlements have become less than what they used to be, but they still are the centres for the tripartite local administration, for on the north-easternmost promontory of the island Rhodos was founded. Indeed as Athenai and Sparte were fighting the greatest war of their time; Lindos, Kameiros and Ialyssos conjointly erected a capital for all the communities of Rhodos. Hippodamos of Miletos, the architect who envisioned urban centres as are known today, planned the new polis of Rhodos, in the form of an amphitheatre rising from the coast. Protected by strong walls and towers, while nature provided two excellent harbours and a military one that could be closed. Soon the Rhodioi developed a love for splendour and luxury, commissioning paintings and statues. The Akropolis, unlike most, was not fortified and consisted of several terraces. Full of fields and groves, including public buildings and monuments. The temples of Athena Polias, Zeus Polieus and Apollon Pythios were also located at the Akropolis. There is also a Ptolemaion, erected in honour of Ptolemaios I Soter, holding festivals every year. Otherwise the heart of Rhodos are its workshops, in fact Rhodian chief productions are ships, arms and military engines. Although commerce is what makes Rhodos rich, the island is also esteemed for its dried raisins, saffron, oil, marble, achate, sponges and fish. West of Rhodos, in the Karpathion Sea, are located two more rocky islands. Telos, celebrated for an expensive ointment, and Chalke, both being strategic small harbours.
Geography
Rhodos is thought to mean 'island of rock roses', for pink and white Cistaceae blooms appear in spring. Indeed such flowers became the Rhodian official symbol shown on minted coins. It was also related to Helios, sun deity and patron of Rhodos, one of whose wives was the nymph Rhode. The island was blessed by a fruitful soil, albeit the arable land was limited, producing delicious fruits and exquisite wines, that were considered too good for mortals. It was said to be so serene, that no day ever passed without sunshine. Although there are no permanent rivers in Rhodos, dry beds become torrents with rainfall, which is quite copious during spring and autumn. Summers are particularly hot and dry, while winters are relatively mild. The landscape is mountainous, the interior being covered by pines and cypresses. There are also meadows roamed by fallow deers. However, throughout history, this little paradise suffered greatly from storms and earthquakes.
The People, Society and Government
The Rhodioi, like most Dorieis, organised their communities according to oligarchic and aristocratic principles. Facing foreign domination and influence, the Rhodioi first united with a single capital polis. However external powers kept on fomenting civic stasis, but the stability imposed by a Makedonian garrison allowed the Rhodian parties to compromise. Indeed in the Hellenistic period, Rhodos was praised as the best-governed polis of the Hellenes, owing to its moderate constitution. Sovereign power belonged to the Ekklesia, but nothing was brought before it unless the Boule had already discussed it. Five Prytaneis held the executive, for six months and one of them represented the state. Next the Nauarchos possessed the most extensive power, being a plenipotentiary figure abroad, followed by a hierarchy of lesser officers. The richer citizens were appointed by rotation to support the poor and needy, personally paying all the expenses connected with their offices. This was done to make sure the state would not run short of manpower, especially for the fleets. Indeed as Trierarchai, these rich citizens could fund warships, that they would command or appoint a captain as a substitute. Private ships were also employed, in return for a fixed sum of money from the state. The Rhodian navy was definitely the most professional of the Hellenistic period, having aboard any ship up to 46 people with specific duties. It became proverbial to say that a Rhodios on one's side, meant having a ship. In addition the Rhodian state struck several treaties, usually with Kretan poleis, to demand auxiliary naval forces and mercenaries. Rhodian maritime dominance did not end with military matters. Colonies were founded from Iberia to Kilikia; the Rhodian merchant marine sailed to the entire civilized world, establishing a commercial monopoly essential to the Mediterranean economy and the Nomos Rhodion Nautikos became the international standard for maritime laws, well into the Byzantine period. Rhodos became also an acclaimed cultural centre, with schools of philosophy, science, literature, rhetoric, sculpture and astronomy. The Rhodian identity developed from the foreign attempt to subdue the island, indeed such events were always inscripted whenever a timeframe was needed. The Rhodioi were also remarkably respectful of sanctity, for example keeping the fallen Kolossos as it was, according to an oracle's instructions. They also held in esteem didactic and moralistic aspects about dedications, often erected in relation to the enemies of the island. Much like the statues of Antigonos I Monophthalmos, his son Demetrios I and Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos, the Rhodioi appreciated thinking of the time when they were set up and of the time when they fought their opponents.
History
Although Dorieis inhabited the island since the beginning of the Iron Age, Rhodian history, in the sense of an unique common identity for the islanders, began around 490 BCE. A failed Persian attack at Lindos, by the force on voyage to punish Athenai and Eretria, mostly due to bad weather became a pivotal moment for the locals. Later it was attributed to the manifestation of divine powers, but it initiated a cultural genesis. For the next two centuries the Rhodioi were the object of contention between Athenai, Sparte and Pârsa, to secure maritime superiority in the Aigaion. In 408 BCE during a pro-Spartan Oligarchia, but with the support of Demokratikoi, the Rhodian poleis founded a federal state at Rhodos. Its final constitution, however, came to be during the lifetime of Alexandros Megas, by Rhodioi all too conscious of what meant to live under oscillating foreign influence and internal strife. Following the death of the Makedonian Basileus in 323 BCE, the expulsion by the locals of the imposed garrison ushered the beginning of Rhodian independence. The Rhodioi pursued a policy of neutral friendly relations, favouring commercial enterprises. In fact the trading links had already been established during the 5th and 4th centuries, especially to the Aigyptian port of Naukratis, but now the Rhodioi were free from political and military limitations. For example in 306 BCE they formed trading pacts with the SPQR, but theses never grew beyond a diplomatic recognition between the two states. Specifically pertaining the Diadochoi, Rhodos had become the central harbour for imports from the eastern Mediterranean. Antigonid demand for the manufacture of warships also provided a most lucrative opportunity for the Rhodioi. Albeit it indirectly hindered their neutral policy, but this could not be avoided and indeed Antigonos I Monophthalmos attempted a formal alliance. This, from the latter's point of view, had to stand on Hegemonic leadership, that when refused prompted an armed response by a full Antigonid army under the co-ruler Demetrios I. The mere sight was enough for the Rhodioi to accept the alliance, but the situation had escalated for it touched the Basileis' prestige. Who now demanded military access to the harbours, which was tantamount to direct submission and rejected by the Rhodioi in 305 BCE. The following siege saw the strongest of the Diadochoi, as far as manpower and resources were concerned, against a single Hellenic polis. Thanks to supplies from Kassandros, Lysimachos and Ptolemaios, the latter also sent few thousands troops, bad weather, Rhodian ingenuity and will the Antigonid invasion failed. This unprovoked attack on a small and hitherto friendly state, not only undermined the credibility of the 'liberators' of the Hellenes, but allowed reverses in Hellas and Asia, which would bring the end of the Antigonid empire. What Antigonos gained was an alliance, that was less than what the Rhodioi willingly offered before the siege. But what the Rhodioi obtained was the international recognition as the most important of the 'minor' states in the Hellenistic world, capable of enforcing their own policy on two Basileis. Moreover Rhodos was now seen by the Hellenic communities as an actual protector of independence: providing gifts, interests free loans and active military support against invaders. Rhodian prestige throughout the 3rd century BCE grew immensely, its fleet filled the Thalassokratic vacuum in the Aigaion, patrolling against pirates and Rhodos became the foremost Hellenic peacemaker. The Rhodioi depended on the balance of power to keep their independence and commercial monopoly, while the peripheral polities needed a neutral Rhodos for its international harbour. The exeception being Attalos I Soter of Pergamon, who was the onlt one to refrain from sending aid to Rhodos, in the aftermath of the earthquake of 227 BCE. The Attalidai had plans for the Aigaion, being their only viable space for expansion and thus became natural enemies for the Rhodian state. Ironically the proxy wars waged by Philippos V of Makedonia in 220 BCE and the subsequent direct Makedonian actions in the late 200s BCE, forced Pergamon and Rhodos into an alliance. While naval engagements were possible, indeed victorious for the Rhodioi, facing the Makedonian army on land was a physical impossibility. Attalos I only option was to employ a scorched earth tactic, since Makedonian and Bithynian forces together were overwhelming, and then hole up in the formidable Pergamon. The Rhodian troops were already strained fighting in the Karian Peraia. With the Arche Seleukeia leaving carte blanche, as per agreement, to Philippos V and the Ptolemaioi fully invested by Antiochos III Megas, the allies looked to the last remaining 'superpower' of the Mediterranean: the Senatvs Popvlvsqve Romanvs. The decision paid off effectively in 197 BCE for Rhodos, who acquired the leadership of the Aigaion through the Koinon Nesioton and was granted oversee of Ptolemaic garrisons to avoid them falling in Seleukid hands. Pergamon was kept in check and Makedonia was not eliminated, given time the geo-political situation would settle for balance. Moreover Rhodos emerged as a major figure, introducing Rhodian constitutional and social institutions to its subjects. Cults of Helios, Rhodos and its demos as well made their appearance in the Peraia. However the Romani were now committed to the eastern Mediterranean, whereby previously they acted in response to possible threats, and together with the ambitious Antiochos III Megas polarised the equilibrium. Which was exacerbated by Aitolian and Pergamene forcible diplomacy and caused another war, forcing Rhodos to support Roma once more to preserve its economic leadership. In 190 BCE, thanks to the Rhodian navy, the way to Mikra Asia was clear and land troops took care of Antiochos III Megas. Although victorious the Rhodioi, and the eastern Mediterranean, had lost what they needed most: superpowers capable of acting as counterweight to one another, everything now rested on Roman goodwill. A misunderstanding brought an open revolt in Lykia, which had been legally made subject to Rhodos by the SPQR. But envoys from Ilion, overestimating their importance, had informed the Lykioi that they were to become allies, firing up over a decade of counter reactionary conflicts. While Pergamon resumed its hostile, especially economically speaking, stand towards Rhodos, eventually supporting openly the rebels in Lykia. In the mean time the Rhodioi were going back to their peacemaking activities, acting as intermediaries between Makedonia and the Arche Seleukeia. Which brought Roman resentment and, since the SPQR could afford to disregard legality, the Senatvs now voiced in favour of the Lykian status as an allied federation. Nevertheless Rhodos was up to the challenge and alone secured all its possessions, crushing the Lykian revolt. On top of all this, between 171 and 168 BCE, a new war with Makedonia ended any possibility for recovery and political balance in the eastern Mediterranean. With Aigyptos in a state of anarchy, due to popular uprisings, a dynastic struggle and Seleukid occupation, Rhodian grain imports plummeted and the island was forced to depend on the Roman controlled western Mediterranean. However the Senatvs now relinquished Karia, Lykia, Kaunos and Stratonikeia from Rhodos. Adding insult to injury the SPQR made Delos a free port in 166 BCE, falling Rhodian annual harbour dues from one million to 150,000 drachmai. What used to be the richest independent polis of the Hellenistic period and the only polity actively seeking to preserve the freedom of the Hellenes, had been brought to its knees. Nevertheless the incorporated Peraia and the merchant marine were still intact, moreover the Rhodian harbours were still the best suited to deal with massive commercial traffic. But the political uncertainty was too much for Rhodian economy, in Roma there even were advocates for open war against the island. So the ever rational Rhodioi, who had been asking for a Foedus with the SPQR since the fall of Makedonia, were allowed to submit to Roman suzerainty in 164 BCE. The Senatvs, however, would soon learn how vital Rhodian power was: several communities appealed to Rhodos for help and support, even requesting the latter's suzerainty back. But all these actions had to be reviewed by the SPQR, while Delos rather than improving trade, brought about a surge in piratical activities. Even Pergamon now supported Rhodos, attempting to fix the system it had helped destroying. Already from 155 BCE the lack of Thalassokratic power in the Aigaion allowed Kretan pirates to constantly raid. A politically and economically crippled Rhodos could not take care of it single-handedly, which nevertheless supplied naval contingents to both Pergamon and the SPQR. Rhodos also offered a safe haven for the Romani and Latini fleeing from Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. Who in 88 BCE exploited the lack of leadership for the Hellenic freedom in his propaganda, but Rhodos successfully resisted him. In the subsequent Roman civil wars the Rhodioi were faced with something of a conundrum, attempting to pick the winning side. First they joined the Pompeian camp, mostly due to their previous cooperation against pirates. But eventually deserted him for Caivs Ivlivs Caesar, whom they masterly supported in Aigyptos outnumbered by the Ptolemaic fleet. Unfortunately one of the leading Liberatores, Caivs Cassivs Longinvs, later sacked Rhodos thanks to local aristocrats' assistance. Notwithstanding Rhodos was the only state to refuse a remission of its debts by Avgvstvs, still confident of their commercial activity and preserving its financial integrity. Indeed Rhodos remained prosperous, albeit as a changed society oriented on cultural achievements. Which became a popular resort and the favoured place for exiles during the Roman Principate.
Strategy
So long as a capable fleet protects Rhodos, whoever holds this island will be able to exert dominance over the eastern Mediterranean traffic to the Aigaion Sea. Direct and indirect Rhodian revenues will also supply its ruler great riches, to be invested in military enterprises.
Indirectly why Rhodos was in the "Koinon Hellenon" is stated, but I've avoided a clear description due to the "tampering" required with the dates. So unless that will be covered in the factional description, it might be necessary to add it...
I raise you a Kappadokia Pontika :P
Province: Kappadokia Pontika
Traveller's Log
Sailing north-eastwardly from the Thraikios Bosporos, the traveller encounters the mouth of the Lykos River, which marks the beginning of Kappadokia Pontika. Specifically this is Mariandynia, a land belonging to the polis of Herakleia Pontika. This was founded in conjuction by Megara and Tanagra, possessing two harbours it soon grew to such prosperity to colonise and held sway over much of the Pontos Euxeinos. Not only that the Herakleotai also subjugated the local Mariandynoi, thought to be one of Thraikian tribes that settled in Mikra Asia, as serfs, increasing their power in the interior. Although Tyrannoi used to rule over Herakleia Pontika, it has recently obtained freedom as a Demokratia. A remarkable plant grows in its district the Akoniton Lykotonon, from which a potent toxin can be extracted. In the past the locals used it to eliminate wolves without a struggle and it was thus nicknamed 'wolf's bane'. In the vicinity lays a cave, called Acherousion, through which Herakles descended to confront Kerberos. It is said that the latter's bile caused the plant to become poisonous. As for the Mariandynoi, they live in villages on the surrounding mountains, but suffered greatly at the hands of Hellenic colonisation and Galatian attacks. Back on the coast to the North-East is Tieion, a Milesian colony standing near the Parthenios River. This is the birthplace of the Attalidai and the land is beautifully ornated by flowers, used to make garlands. Tieion is another free polis, but is closely allied to Herakleia. Beyond the Parthenios is what could be called Paphlagonia Pontika, because as far as the Halys River this land belongs to the Paphlagones. But recently part of it came to be controlled by the polis of Amastris, which was gifted to the Pontic Basileis, becoming their chief port. Situated on a peninsula, featuring harbours on either side of the isthmus, it was founded by Amāstrī, Dārayavahuš III of Pârsa's niece, when she was married to Lysimachos. In truth Amastris is the product of the synoikism of three towns: Sesamos, the main port-town; Kromna, a fortified centre on the coast; and Kytoros, the commercial centre for trade with Sinope. The Amastrian territory produces a great quantity of the best boxwood, growing around Mount Kytoros. Eumenes, Philetairos' brother, was put in charge of Amastris by Lysimachos, but following the latter's death the Attalid was embroiled in war against Herakleia Pontika. Recognising his impending doom Eumenes decided to present Amastris to the Pontic dynasty, at that time allied to the Herakleotai, before escapting. To the South-East, in the hinterland, are several Paphlagonian temples and fortresses dotting the contiguous peaks of Mount Olgassys. Chief among these settlements is Gangra, where the Galatian allies of the Pontic Basileis were allowed to settle. The landscape is extremely high and hard to travel, characterised by dangerous deposits of ruddle and realgar. While at the foot of the mountainous country, near the bend of the Halys River, is the strong fortress of Kimista. Which became the base of operations for Mithradates I Ktistes in his campaigns to establish his dynastic rule. To the East, beyond the Halys River, lays Kappadokia Pontika the heartland of Pontos. This is characterised by innumerable villages and strongholds, held in the name of the Pontic Basileis. First is Phazemon, surrounded by country producing copious amounts of grain. Then is Lake Stephane, rich in fish and watering pastures of all kinds. On its shores is located the fortress of Kizari. Farther are localed hot springs, which are extremely good for the health, near a high steep mountain. On top on it stands the stronghold of Sagylion, with its important reservoir of water. To the South-West there are other fertile districts, well supplied with trees and pastures for any animal. The most important fortress of the area is Pimolisa. While near the border with Kappadokia salt mines can be found. To the East, across the Skylax and Iris Rivers, lays a large and deep valley where Amaseia is situated. This has the advantage of both a urban centre and a fortress, for it is a high and precipitous rock, which descends abruptly to the river. Here is where the dwellings are concentrated and the rest runs up on either side to the peaks. Which are connected by natural ridges, offering not only protection, but they also supply water reservoirs. In the Pontic capital stands also a temple to Zeus Stratios, patron for the Basileis in war. Then the valley extends into a plain called Chiliokome, housing countless villages. To the North-East, at the foot of the Paryadres Mountains, lays the valley of Phanaroia. This is watered by the Pontic Lykos River, which marks the boundary with Pontos Paralios, the Skylax and the Iris Rivers making it extremely fertile. So much so that is always covered with grass, supporting herds of cattle and horses alike. Also the sowing of millet and sorghum in unlimited quantities, indeed the locals never suffered famine. While the country along the mountain yields so much fruit, like olives, grapes, pears, apples and hazelnuts, that those who go out to the forest at any time in the year get an abundant supply. Here many the catches of all kinds of wild animals are also possible. All of this makes the commanding stronghold, Kabeira, invaluable. In the vicinity there is also the estate of Ameria, housing the royal temple of Mên Pharnakou, 'Mên of the royal splendour'. Here the Pontic Basileis invoke the good fortune for their Dynasteia. To the South, along the Iris River, lays the fortress of Gazioura, followed by the temple estate of Komana Pontika, with its fotified citadel. This is a populous and a notable emporion as well, controlling the trade from Pokr Hayk. The high priest is ranked second in honour after the Basileus, being allowed to wear a diadem during the solemn processions of the warlike Mother Goddess Ma. In the countryside sacred slaves tend to the rich vines and also sacred prostitutes are found at the temple. While to the South-West, standing on a hill, lays Zela a small temple estate consacrated to Anāhitā. Although it is of modest size, it holds great reverence and here the locals swear their most important oaths. Its cult to the Persian goddess of water and fertility is also associated to the Persian guardian heroes Omanes and Anadates. This temple holds the festival of Sakaia, during which the participants wear Skythian clothes and drink copiously to commemorate victories over nomadic raiders. Here the Magoi Pyraithoi chant daily to the undying flame, performing sacrifices with a wooden club. Beyond, to the South, lay forests and the beginnings of the Kappadokian plateau.
Geography
Kappadokia Pontika is a land of mountains intersperded with rivers and their valleys. Scots and black pines are the most common trees, but oaks, maples and wild service trees also contribute to the forest cover. While at higher altitudes juniper and birch trees form open scrub or small closed patches. These offer habitats rich in wildlife like brown bears, grey wolves, chamoises, wild goats, red and roe deers. The mountains are also breeding grounds for bearded and griffon vultures, and booted eagles. Summers are quite hot and humid, while winters are generally cool and damp. Indeed precipitations are quite common year-round, especially during autumn and these can prolong throughout winter into heavy snows.
The People, Society and Government
The Pontikoi, as of the early 3rd century BCE, are more of an idea than people. Since the 5th century BCE Pontikos has been an exonym to describe anyone living in proximity of the Pontos Euxeinos. Pontos itself is thought to derive from an Anatolian root Pont- or Bent-, meaning 'way', 'road' or 'ford' across water, thus the origins of 'Pontikoi' are not so foreign. Anyway the Iranian Dynasteia of Mithradates I Ktistes assumed royal authority over Pontic Hellenes, Mariandynoi, Paphlagonian highlanders and Kappadokes. From then on the Pontic Basileis initiated a process of cultural syncretism, which would forge the Pontic identity. Moreover this was no imposition: Pontic communities had already recognised common interests, mostly economical, and in response often grouped in leagues for mutual assistance and common policy. Soon as Pontos adopted the Attic Koine as its official language, became a leading figure in this "Pontic Commonwealth". Indeed the primary objective for the Pontic Basileis was to take over this very economic world. While the Anatolian communities were grouped into regions, protected by fortresses, concentrating the local cult of Pylon, the keeper of gates, into that of Zeus. Thus Zeus Pyleios could be recognised as whatever local representation of the sky god protector, a tradition going back to the Hittite Empire, and its cult was centered in the very Pontic stronghold. Suddenly the Iranian administrative center was the guarantor of security and local religious cults. Similarly Zeus Epikarpios was the bringer of fruits, another Soteric feature for a sky divinity. While Zeus Stratios offered protection in war and it was a royal prerogative to intercede with him. The Basileus would pile up two timber mounds on a high mountain peak, pour milk, honey, wine, olive oil and incense on the upper pile. Then placed bread and roasted meat on the lower pile, to later set fire to the timber. The Pontic Basileis began also to be associated with Zeus Etaphore, enthroned holding a sceptre and eagle, symbols of spiritual and universal power, they coalesced several features on their person. These were respected by any ethnic group and when the Basileis were removed in the 1st century BCE, what was there in all but name, came to be expressed as being a Pontikos. Politically this was facilitated by the linguistic homogeneity brought by centuries of Satrapal unity. Indeed the Kappadokian estate owners rallied behind Mithradates I as he not only was a rightful Persian Khšaçapāvan and related to the Hakhāmanišiyā aristocracy, but had been one of the Paides Basilikoi. Who later served under Eumenes of Kardia, among other places, in Kappadokia and already proved himself. The various Anatolian and Persian highpriests were also receptive for Mithradates I's leadership and the Zoroastrian concept of Farnah, the manifestation of divine patronage, made natural the ascendancy to royal status. As for the Paphlagonian highlanders, there was a bilinguistic zone around Kimista, plus the Paphlagones were divided under many chiefs and priests. Of them little is known unfortunately, but they had been complacent for centuries so long as their autonomy was not undermined. The Pontic Basileis actually introduced Galatai to the area, who developed a common Paphlagonian leadership. The latter rested on the Homeric tradition of Pylaimenes, whose name inspired authority among the Paphlagones. Similarly the Mariandynoi were mostly concerned with their pastoral lives, worshiping Attis Poimen. And again through Galatian allies the Pontic Basileis managed to exercise authority over them. Although successful this policy could result in military confrontations, but this had been an accepted reality in Hakhāmanišiyā politics for centuries.
History
While the Basileis Lysimachos and Seleukos were dealing with Demetrios Poliorketes and the Antigonid remnants in the first decade of the 3rd century BCE, Mithradates I Ktistes had consolidated his postion in Kappadokia Pontika at Amaseia. With the complacency of Lysimachos and thanks to the existing administrative centres, dating as early as the Hittite Empire, Mithradates I managed to muster loyal forces which he used to subdue the mountain tribes, securing the fertile plains of what was now his Basileia. In 281 BCE, after the death of Lysimachos, his ally Mithradates I, defeated Diodoros, a Seleukid Strategos sent to capture Kappadokia. Thus Pontos in merely two decades had achieved stability, considerable regional power and issued gold coins with a helmeted Athena and Nike holding a laurel, copying Alexandros Megas' stater to showcase Pontic royal power. However this was done in an archaic formula (of Mithradates, a Basileus), designed not to collide with Hellenistic status, keeping a lower rank. It was also a matter of internal Pontic affairs, Athena Nikephoros was the Hellenic interpretation of Ma and Mithradates I apparently still needed her high priest's support. Later the Pontic Basileis would affirm their own royal supremacy, dissociating themselves from Ma. Around this time Mithradates I handed over to his son and heir, Ariobarzanes, command of the Pontic army as a co-ruler, while the old Basileus concentrated on the works at Amaseia. Especially, in typical Hakhāmanišiyā fashion, the construction of his rock-cut tomb. The subsequent assassination of Seleukos I Nikator also brought political independence to several Pontic poleis. In order to preserve this newfound condition, at the news of Antiochos I's coming, Herakleia, Tieion, Kieros, Chalkedon and Byzantion now saw in Pontos a strong ally and asked the Basileis to join their league. However Ariobarzanes was not going to merely assist them, Pontos had ambitions of expansion. Eumenes of the Attalidai, the Lysimachid governor of Amastris, found himself surrounded and without any sovereign or hope for reinforcements. In 279 BCE upon hearing of the incoming Herakleot and Pontic armies, Eumenes decided to hand over to Ariobarzanes his polis and flee to his brother Philetairos at Pergamon. This proved a clever ploy, probably backed by the Pontic co-ruler himself, for Pontos allied itself with Antiochos I, sovereign of the Attalidai. However the Arche Seleukeia was far more preoccupied with Ptolemaic and Antigonid forces, allowing Pontos to establish cordial relations with the Seleukidai. Indeed the Pontic Basileis had regional power and commanded Iranian loyalty, but internationally as an Hellenistic polity Pontos had little political influence and thus needed Seleukid backing. As for the Pontic league, it was not openly hostile to Pontos, but they parted ways, Herakleia's league sided with Nikomedes I of Bithynia and hired Galatai bands. With the southern borders secured, far from actively helping Antiochos I, Ariobarzanes struck an alliance with some Galatai settling them at the Pontic border. These bolstered the Pontic army led against Sinope around 275 BCE. However Ptolemaic forces, already active in the Propontis Sea, hastily intervened and were repulsed by Ariobarzanes. But the co-ruler could not prevent supplies coming from the sea and lifted the siege. Nevertheless Ariobarzanes, in the following years, managed to capture at least the port of Amisos in Pontos Paralios. From 266 BCE Ariobarzanes was the sole Basileus and managed to patch up relations with Herakleia Pontika. But at an unknown period of his reign, he ended up in a dispute with his Galatai. Worse still he died around 250 BCE, leaving his son Mithradates II a minor, probably elder siblings were female or dead. Fortunately for the young Basileus, Herakleia Pontika shipped much needed supplies that eased the Galatian destruction. Other Galatai were also hired for a succession crisis in Bithynia and once again Pontic communities coordinated their efforts in perilous times. In the following years Mithradates II came of age, reconciliating with his Galatian allies, and was presented an ambitious marriage proposal. In 245 BCE Seleukos II Pogon was setting up to face a massive invasion by Ptolemaios III Euergetes, and desired to secure Mikra Asia by marrying his sisters to the Basileis of the two Kappadokiai. Thus Mithradates II married Laodike, but before he could enjoy this gained equality of status, Antiochos Hierax claimed the Seleukid diadem as well. Put in a tough spot, Mithradates II decided to hand over her newborn daughter Laodike to Hierax, to be raised as a prospective bride. In reality she was nothing but a hostage, Antiochos Hierax had now mustered thousands of Galatai and stood right at the doorstep of Pontos. In the meantime Seleukos II, now called Kallinikos, was making his way back to deal with his brother and apparently enticed Mithradates II, promising Phrygia as a further dowry. This was a token offer for a land outside of Seleukos II's reach and a subtle way to tell the Pontic Basileus to take the field, what the Seleukid Basileus needed were Pontic troops. Although successful at first in his march, he was met by Antiochos Hierax, Mithradates II and Galatian allies at Ankyra in 239 BCE. They defeated Seleukos II Kallinikos so soundly, the latter was thought dead as he barely escaped alive. Now Mithradates II could return to Pontos as a Hellenistic Basileus in full rights, being related to a Makedonian royal family and having won such status on the field. As a recognised major political figure in 227 BCE he lavishly contributed for the reconstruction of Rhodos, five years later his other daughter Laodike married Antiochos III and two years after that the elder Laodike married Achaios, who claimed the Seleukid diadem at Sardis. Confident in his connections Mithradates II mustered an army to march on coastal Paphlagonia, however he died and his son Mithradates III carried on the planned attack on Sinope in 220 BCE. This indeed seems to have been a well thought out operation, marking the first appearance of a Pontic navy. Unfortunately for Mithradates III, Rhodos promptly dispatched a fleet, at the behest of Sinope, and yet again a Pontic Basileus had to give in to a superior naval opponent. Despite this Mithradates III now officialised the Hellenistic kingship of Pontos, he struck coins in his image with the proper royal formula, in association with Zeus Etaphore, the eight rayed star of Zeus Stratios and the crescent of Mên Pharnakou. Little to nothing is known of Mithradates III, who most likely kept a watchful eye on the developments of Mikra Asia, during the energic rule of his brother-in-law Antiochos III Megas. Around 189 BCE he was succeeded by his son Pharnakes I, who had bold plans. The following year Prousias I of Bithynia and the Tetrarches Ortiagon of Galatia started a war against Pergamon, which Pharnakes I promised to support. In fact Hannibal Barca had recently fled to Pontos and now joined the Bithynian court. Considering his recent naval background and future actions, it is possible this was part of Pharnakes I's schemes. For the Pontic Basileus exploited the chaos generated, especially in the Propontis, to capture unexpectedly Sinope and its colonies in Pontos Paralios in 183 BCE. Finally achieving what the Pontic Basileis had dreamt of for a century. This coincided with Prousias I's surrender and now Pharnakes I had roused the enmity of Eumenes II Soter. Who, fearing the Pontic expansion, continued the conflict which Pharnakes I had only joined nominally. Thus for the first time Pontic embassies reached Roma and battled their case against Pergamene and Rhodian ones. The Senatvs ordered an enquiry to investigate the situation in Mikra Asia. In the meantime Pharnakes I contacted his cousin Seleukos IV Philopator, offering him 500 talents to join him. The latter marched as far as the Tauros Mountains, but then decided that breaking the treaty of Apameia was not worth it. In 182 BCE the Roman envoy secured a truce, while the Pontic Strategos Leokritos looted the treasury at Gangra, the ancestral capital of the Paphlagones, where the Galatian Morzios had united the highlanders. The following year Pharnakes I raided Kappadokia and Leokritos captured Tieion, stripping it from Prousias II Kynegos of Bithynia. By 179 BCE the Pontic Basileus, although cornered, finally obtained acceptable peace terms by the Roman mediators. It seems that Pharnakes I's clever plan to take Sinope had been so sudden, that fired up a war he was not prepared for and the Seleukid refusal forced him to take resources wherever he could find them. Luckily all the SPQR wanted was securing the status quo and this happened to include Sinope as part of the Pontic Basileia. This polis became the capital of Pontos, whence Pharnakes I, a Roman Amicvs now, and his successors now looked to expand their influence across the Euxeinos. While pursuing a pro-Roman policy in Mikra Asia, albeit still an independent one for Pharnakes I married in the Seleukid family, until the time of Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos, when growing tensions brought nearly three decades of conflict. Still Mithradates VI promoted urbanism in Kappadokia Pontika, allowing civic mints and expanding settlements. Paving the road for Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs in 64 BCE to reorganise them in poleis, empowering these over the Pontic strongholds and establishing Pontvs as a Provincia in conjunction with Bithynia, but only after gifting several Pontic districts to loyal allies. In 48 BCE one of Mithradates VI's sons, Pharnakes II, by the altisonant Hakhāmanišiyā title Basileus Basileon Megas, attempted to recover Kappadokia Pontika. Although successful against three Legiones and Kappadokian Auxiliares, he was utterly defeated the following year by Caivs Ivlivs Caesar at Zela.
Strategy
Kappadokia Pontika is geographically well protected, possessing good resources and military traditions. Its inhabitants can field numerous armies, while its position commands cardinal routes in Mikra Asia. Making this region a valuable asset for any ambitious ruler.
The historians might find something too speculative and want to edit it...
BroskiDerpman
08-24-2013, 20:03
Yes! One of my favorites!
Going to play as them in EB2 first and also when I get Rome 2.
And Kappadokia is up too:
Province: Kappadokia
Traveller's Log
Leaving the Euphrates River behind him, the traveller enters Kappadokia. Specifically Melitene, a fertile country planted with fruit trees, olives and vines, the latter producing the refined Monarites wine. From the homonym stronghold of Melitene, the local nobles hold sway over the region for the Seleukidai. Together with the fortress of Tomisa, this important region controls the Antitauros Mountains passes. Beyond them lays a wide plain, called Kataonia, which is surrounded by deep and narrow valleys. Although the locals speak the same language of the Kappadokes, they consider themselves a different people. The temple estate of Komana and its high priest of the goddess Ma command the independent Kataones. It is also a considerable settlement, which enjoys the revenue of the countryside worked by sacred slaves. The Saros River flows through Komana on its way to the Mediterranean Sea, while another river, the Pyramos, has its source in the middle of Kataonia and is navigable throughout the plain. Until it reaches Mount Amanos, which marks the Kilikian border, where a large subterraneous channel takes form for a great distance. Still in Kataonia are several hilltop fortresses like Azamora and Dastarkon, the latter holds a temple of Apollon, venerated throughout Kappadokia, whose model influenced all the other sanctuaries. As for the other regions, they too have strongholds like Kadena and Nora, while near the Tauros Mountains is Argos. This is a lofty fortress build at the foot of Mount Argaios, the highest Kappadokia peak, whose summit is always covered with snow. Farther to the South-West lays the large stronghold of Tyana, surrounded by fertile plains. Here also is situated the temple of Zeus Asbameios. To the West, overlooking the road to the Pylai Kilikiai, stands Herakleia Kybistra. To the North, at the Lykaonian border, stands the fort of Garsaoura, said to have been the capital of the country in ancient times. Nearby is rock-cut Korama housing fire temples, where the Athravanas chant every day, holding sacred twigs and with their faces covered except the eyes, to avoid tainting the fire. Further to the North, in the Kappadokian portion of Morimene, by a considerable body of salt water atop perpendicular hills lays Venasa. This is a most revered temple estate, its priest is appointed for life and is second only to Komana's, dedicated to an homonym mother goddess. Despite the salinous source, said to never increase nor decrease in quantity, the nearby tracts of land are very fertile. Quite different is the region to the East, where Mazaka is situated. For it is entirely barren and without water, but it stands near the most valuable resources of Kappadokia. Namely silver mines; red ochre, translucent marble and stone quarries; salt and iron deposits; premium timber by the Antitauros Mountains and fodder by the Halys River. So although the Kappadokes have to transport water and food to their capital, their Satrapes controls any other commodity. Nearly the whole of Kappadokia is without timber, so these woods are extremely important, but can be dangerous. Burning pits of fire are scattered in the mountainous region, in which cattle and unacquainted visitors often fall to their deaths. To the North the upper Halys Valley is extremely fertile and beyond stand Pteria on the rolling Kappadokian plateau, cut by mountains, isolates the area. While to the East, again towards the Antitauros passes, the fortresses of Gaurena and Herpa near the Karmalas River control the Royal Road, like their counterparts in Melitene.
Geography
Kappadokia, or Kappadokia Megale as it was sometimes called to distinguish it, is a plateau growing in altitude eastwardly. Its western portion is a nearly treeless steppe, characterised by a semi-arid climate with cold snowy winters and hot summers. The eastern half is generally cooler, but can get quite hot during summer. Standing in the middle of a tectonic plate, it is unaffected by earthquakes. But should a particularly violent seism occur in the neighbouring regions, Kappadokia might experience damage as well. Moreover this is a geothermic area, albeit very ancient, and the remaining evidences are hot springs in the mountainous East. Near Lake Tatta stood a second inactive volcano, Mount Hasan, whose ancient name is unknown, although there used to be a settlement called Mokissos by it, which might hold a connection. Throughout the year Kappadokia presents a desertlike vegetation, but spring rainfalls shine up endless plains of fresh green. Thankfully the river valleys are well adapted for grain, particularly wheat and make excellent grazing country for domesticated animals of all kinds. The well watered regions also grow apple, pear, apricot and plum trees, not to mention grapes of unsurpassed quality. Regarding wildlife, wild goats, foxes and wolves can be found, but by far cattle and horse herds roamed this province. In the Late Hellenistic period the Kappadokian Basileis discovered even further resources: a red arsenic sulfate pigment, crystals, onyx and alabaster. Thus Kappadokia reached such an exports volume to redirect Anatolian commerce to the hinterland.
The People, Society and Government
The Kappadokes are a very ancient people, who experienced several political shifts throughout their history. The Hellenes knew them by two ethnonyms: Kappadokes and Leukosyroi. Although later Hellenistic rationalised their name to denote complexion, archaeology has identified the use of Hittite hieroglyphs together with Anatolian art in Pteria, from the Early Iron Age. The latter depict mythological scenes, which have been associated to Ma and Mên. Moreover Pteria was a Syro-Hittite capital, thus it is rather likely that Kappadokia derived from a geographical term and Leukosyroi might have been an actual endonym. Recently it has even been hypothesised that it ideologically belongs to a widespread allegorical theme, whereby colours signified a geographical position. Leukosyroi, or White Syrians, would then describe the Western Syrians and Kappadokia was indeed the westernmost region of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Also if the local traditions about ancient capitals, situated somewhere in the Kappadokian hinterland, would fit quite nicely with places like Pteria or even Hattuša. Unfortunately the Luwian roots have not been identified, but the Persian Katpatuka and the Hellenic Leukosyroi appear to derive directly from the native words both for the land and its people from the 6th century BCE. However, while for the Hellenic speaking world these terms became interchangeable, two centuries of Persian suzerainty and Iranian acculturation elevated the prominence of Katpatuka. As already noted, the Kappadokian religious traditions are incredibly ancient, and their typical temple estate structure dates back to the Hittite Empire. Their divinities held fertility and creativity traits, these co-existed with destructive and warlike ones. Specifically Ma's followers would run around the streets in trance, holding double axes and hurting themselves. Smearing their blood on the goddess' figurine, whose most common epithet was 'invincible mother'. Her worship, in her various manifestations, was widespread throughout Anatolia and made its way to Roma itself in 204 BCE, where as Bellona, the goddess became protector of the Vrbs. Ma's high priests, down to the Hellenistic period, were expected to provide military service. This came with privileges, namely an exemption from taxes for the temple estate, and all the influence connected to the position. Therefore, when the Kappadokian Basileis secured Komana for example, they appointed their own kinsmen as high priest. The latter relied on Hierodouloi, sacred slaves, as workforce. However these were not ordinary slaves, they dedicated themselves to the deity and theirs was an important communal work, which pleased the gods. Thus they enjoyed inviolability and protection, the high priest merely acted as an administrator. Indeed he could not sell them and actually could set them free, in which case their descendants would enjoy the same rights of the Hierodouloi. These would keep on living in the temple estate and it has been argued that the Hierodouloi became such by their own will, especially because writers recorded that they were bounded by an oath. Katpatuka extended over a far larger area than Kappadokia: from the Euxeinos Sea to the Tauros Mountains and within the Antitauros Mountains. There developed a common culture, revolting around Anatolian deities, and very receptive to equestrian military traditions. With the Bronze Age Collapse Myso-Phrygian groups joined the local communities and these might have been the first to bring a rider-hero cult. Later with the advent of the Gamira, or Kimmerioi, the idea of a sky riding god was definitely well established in Kappadokian society. Every neighbouring community came to describe the pastures and horses from Central Anatolia as the best in the area. In fact for the Persian Hakhāmanišiyā this was the land of beautiful horses and in Tyana they established a temple to the highest local god, later the Hellenistic Zeus Asbameios. Like Pontika, life in what was distiguished as Kappadokia Megale was centered around hilltop strongholds. Held by the estate owners, they controlled the surrounding rural communities and trading routes. Iranian nobility took over such tasks, but did not interfere with local traditions. In fact the Khšaçapāvan and his subordinates, by arming and leading contingents of cavalrymen, protected the local communities from banditry and permitted a peaceful economic development. This turned the Kappadokes in staunchest supporters for their Khšaçapāvan, so much so that they supported open revolts against the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām himself.
History
Throughout Alexandros Megas' lifetime Kappadokia was a focal point of resistance and a staging area for an attempted reconquest of Mikra Asia. This was led by Aryārāta, the Khšaçapāvan of Katpatuka, whose family had been prominent in the 4th century BCE and claimed to be a Hakhāmanišiyā relative. Although repulsed, Aryārāta by 322 BCE managed to muster an army of 35,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry to face Perdikkas' invasion, but was defeated an executed at the age of 82. This brought Kappadokia under Makedonian power, but another Aryārāta, nephew and adoptive son of the former, was given refuge and assistance by Yervand I of Hayasdan. Thus around 301 BCE, with Seleukos I Nikator complicity, Aryārāta defeated the Antigonid Strategos Amyntas and became a pro-Seleukid Satrapes. This also split Kappadokia into two, with the pro-Lysimachid Pontika in the North. From then on Aryārāta's Dynasteia proved a loyal semi-independent supporter, securing the vital Royal Road, and was allowed to maintain local customs and kept Aramaic as official language. In 280 BCE Ariyāramna succeeded his father in Kappadokia and initiated a Philhellenic policy, which would become the mainstay of his family. Indeed he now minted coins showing himself with the Satrapal Tiara, his name in Attic Koine characters Ariaramnes and a galloping horseman in the reverse. The latter probably still depicting himself, but it could subtly recall Zeus Asbameios, the Kappadokian riding sky god. Courting Hellenistic friendship proved successful and Kappadokia was gradually accepted internationally. From 256 BCE Ariarathes became co-ruler with his father and annexed Kataonia to his Dynasteia territory. In 245 BCE Seleukos II Pogon gave recognition to the de facto Kappadokian independence, which was still supporting the Arche Seleukeia, by marrying his sister Stratonike to Ariaramnes' son. Who now assumed the royal diadem as Basileus Ariarathes I, featuring Athena Nikephoros, or rather the invincible mother Ma, on his coins. Perhaps exploiting its co-rulership the Kappadokian Dynasteia managed to keep good terms with the Seleukid brothers, Seleukos II Kallinikos and Antiochos Hierax, during their dynastic struggle. For Kappadokia was left untouched in the conflict, but at the same time Ariaramnes right before his death granted refuge to the fleeing Hierax in 230 BCE. Thus a neutral policy, whereby the Basileus officially dealt with his Seleukid counterpart and his father kept good relations with the pretender, left Kappadokia unscathed. Later in 222 BCE the Kappadokian Basileus also secured the good relations he enjoyed with the Arche Seleukeia by bethrothing his young heir to the newborn Antiochis, daughter of Antiochos III. Two years later, still a minor, Ariarathes II succeeded his father and in 193 BCE finally married Antiochos III Megas' daughter. Although he later supplied allied contingents to the Arche Seleukeia against Roma and its allies, Ariarathes II Eusebes quickly aligned his foreing policy in favour of the SPQR in 189 BCE. His daughter Stratonike married Eumenes II Soter of Pergamon and from now on Kappadokia would uphold pro-Roman interests in Mikra Asia, even supporting wars in Makedonia, while preserving its independence. At the end of his long reign, Ariarathes II also successfully repulsed an invasion by Basileus Ptolemaios I of Kommagene, a former Seleukid Strategos supported by Armenian Basileis, who sought to annex Melitene in 163 BCE. However the same year Ariarathes II died and was succeeded by his son Ariarathes III Eusebes Philopator. He had studied at Athenai, where he befriended Attalos II Philadelphos of Pergamon, and cultivated intellectual interests, which brought him much consideration in the Hellenistic world. However in 161 BCE Ariarathes III refused a marriage proposal from the Seleukid Basileus Demetrios I, to avoid Roman enmity and married instead Nysa, the daughter of Pharnakes I of Pontos, but this caused him to lose his position momentarily. Indeed Demetrios I was looking to reassert Seleukid authority and now supported Orophernes, Ariarathes III's brother, who became Basileus in 158 BCE. The Roman Senatvs even ackownledged the two brothers as co-rulers. Nevertheless with Pergamene assistance Ariarathes III managed to exile his brother in 156 BCE. In the following years the Kappadokian Basileus continued his support to Pergamon, according to his father's alliance, and even joined a coalition that installed Alexandros I Balas as Basileus in Antiocheia. During his reign Ariarathes III refounded Mazaka and Tyana both as Eusebeia, promoting urbanisation in Kappadokia and engaged in benefactions towards Athenai, earning him its citizenship. However in 130 BCE he died on the field of battle against the Pergamene pretender Aristonikos. In gratitude the SPQR granted his successor Lykaonia, but this turned out to be just a child: Ariarathes IV Epiphanes Philopator. For the Basilissa Nysa had been killing her five eldest sons, to ensure a lengthy regency, but the Kappadokes enraged had her executed. Offering a nice pretext for her brother, Mithradates V Euergetes of Pontos, to intervene. However the Pontic Basileus, careful not to offend the SPQR, limited himself on marrying the royal child to his daughter Laodike, to expand his influence. This episode would set the trend for Pontic-Kappadokian relations in the following decades. Indeed foreign intervention, and especailly Pontic one, would now eliminate and install whatever Ariarathid family member favoured the invader. By 95 BCE this brought an end to Aryārāta's line and caused the SPQR to intervene, offering the Kappadokes to govern themselves. However they refused, in the hope that a strong military leader would fare better than children Basileis. Thus they elected a nobleman as Basileus Ariobarzanes I. But the political situation did not change: Pontic, Armenian and Roman forces kept on ousting and install what really were puppet rulers. On top of this instability, each side ravaged the country and demanded tribute, bringing Kappadokia on the verge of bankruptcy. Until Marcvs Antonivs, charmed by the Hetaira Glaphyra, made the latter's son Archelaos Basileus of Kappadokia in 36 BCE. A descendant of the homonym Pontic Strategos, whose family came to hold the position of high priest at Komana Pontika, Archelaos I Philopatris Ktistes proved a capable ruler. Enjoying patronage from the Trivmviri he managed to rebuild Kappadokia and expand it, being granted Kilikia and Pokr Hayk by Avgvstvs. But in 17 CE, with Tiberivs Avgvstvs in need of funds, the old Archelaos I was summoned to Roma to die and Kappadokia was annexed as a Provincia.
Strategy
Kappadokia controls the choke points to Mikra Asia, making it an extremely important province. This strengthens commerce, fueled by several natural resources. Thus a wise ruler will find both great revenue and a strategic position in Kappadokia, which can be easily secured thanks to the local military traditions.
As a note I've listed the Kappadokian Basileis with regnal numbers from the first to assume the title, instead that from Satrapal rule.
Brave Brave Sir Robin
08-29-2013, 12:36
Arjos slow down, you are making everyone else look bad!
Excellent work sir. :bow:
Rex Somnorum
08-31-2013, 01:43
Karmania
Traveller's Log
After a tiring journey over the mountains from Gedrosia, the traveller alights on the warm, fertile soils of Karmania, a land famed for its valuable woods and grapevines which yield clusters longer than a man's arm! The dusts of the east can be washed off in water from the province's abundant rivers before entering Karmana – the capital and seat of satraps. To the south of Karmana lies Hármouza, the staple port of Karmania. Only a day's journey over the Persian Sea lies Maketa, a mysterious country of scents and spices, and the merchants of Karmania profit from the proximity. To the north of Karmana stretches the formidable Karmanian Desert, so vast that it borders on Parthyaia and Aria. Over the western mountains rests Persis, a land inhabited by a people similar to the Karmanians in language and culture. In fact, at times Persis and Karmania were considered indistinguishable, but now a satrap rules from Karmana.
Geography
In ancient times, Karmania or Carmania, as it is more frequently known, rested between arid mountains to the west and east, "hē érēmos Karmaníā" to the north and the Persian Gulf to the south. Achaemenid records don't mention Karmania, suggesting it was part of Persia or Gedrosia. However, by the time of Alexander the Great's invasion, Karmania formed a separate satrapy. The core of the province consists of productive, river-fed plains. Greek sources tend to over-emphasise the scale of fertility, especially Nearchus. The region does support a wide variety of crops and plants - such as grapevines and "yakâ" trees (likely teak) - with the notable exception of olives. Strabo relates that "the Carmanian," a variety of grape purportedly native to Karmania, grew in "clusters of even two cubits," although he neglected to record whether by length, diameter or circumference. Gold, silver and copper were extensively mined.
People, Society and Government
Direct written evidence for the culture and language of Karmania is scarce, apart from sporadic, topical and probably apocryphal facts. For instance, Strabo claims that prior to marriage the tongue of a fallen enemy must be minced, mixed with flour and eaten by the bridegroom's family. Nearchus states that the Karmanians closely resembled the Medes and Persians in customs and language. Herodotus lists the "Germánioi" as a Persian tribe, further buttressing the similarities between Persia and Karmania. Politically, Achaemenid inscriptions and administrative records mention Karmania primarily for exporting valuable woods and the high volume of official traffic between Karmana and Susa, perhaps indicating extensive trade contacts. The records allude to a "Karkiš," generally considered to be a high functionary of Karmania. By the close of the Achaemenid empire, though, Karmania had diverged into a separate satrapy.
Archaeological excavations shed perhaps more light on the period of human habitation. The recently discovered site of Jiroft pushes back the boundary of civilisation to circa 2500 BC. Examples of writing found there show influences from ancient Elam to the west but also the Indus valley civilisation. Karmania likely experienced a gradual infiltration of Iranian pastoralists concurrently with Persia from about 1300 BC onwards. By the rise of the Achaemenid empire, the socio-political situation in Karmania reflected a pattern common throughout Iran: a tentative division of power between nomadic herders and sedentary farmers and city-dwellers. Numerous fire temples discovered indicate a largely Zoroastrian populace, though the popular form of the religion often fused with local customs and beliefs.
History
Karmania first enters the written record as a distinct entity during Alexander the Great's march to India and again after his punishing march through the Gedrosian Desert. On the way east, he reinstalled the Achaemenid governor as satrap but executed and replaced him on the return journey. Alexander's subordinate commanders recorded many geographic descriptions, which constitute the majority of written accounts on Karmania. Afterwards, the written record again darkens. During the breakup of Alexander's empire among the successors, Karmania fell under the control of the Seleucids for almost two centuries until succumbing to Parthian expansion under King Mithridates I the Great (171-138 BC).
Strategy Guide
Karmania is a fertile province protected on all sides by barriers - mountains, desert, the sea - and produces valuable metals like copper, gold, silver, arsenic etc. It is a solid addition to any growing empire.
It's shorter than Persis. I may add more later.
Perditrix Mvndorvm
09-02-2013, 02:45
I am sorry it took me so long to post this but I have been distracted of late with my classes and personal problems etc. I know I did not do Kush the justice it deserves as a remarkable region but I love EB and wanted to contribute in any way I could. So here it is. Feel free to edit, correct, or trash the whole thing as you wish. Also, I don't have any access to archives or experts that have specialised information on Kush so there will probably be corrections necessary.
Traveller's Log
As the traveller journeys from the northern Triakontaschoinos via the upper Nile, he enters into an exotic land where a tall, regal, red-black skinned people worship barbaric gods and construct pyramids that rival their Egyptian neighbour's. Traversing the Nile is not easy for the traveller in this Kingdom of Kush and is downright perilous. As the traveller continues upstream, he finds himself in the 'Belly of Rocks', where erosion-resistant rocks partition the Nile and make travel difficult during the dry season when the Nile has not yet flooded. With three cataracts behind him, the traveller continues downwards on the Nile before taking a north eastern turn. He comes upon the old capital of Napata which hosts pyramids not unlike the ones at Giza. The traveller passes through and continues on the Nile at a north eastern angle before traversing sharply downwards and arriving at Meroë, the new capital, situated at a junction where the upper Nile splits into the Blue Nile and White Nile, with each branch traversing southward at opposite angles. Within Meroë, the traveller finds the Northern Cemetery, a collection of pyramids where royalty were laid to rest.
Geography
Historically, the Kingdom of Kush stretched from a little before the first cataract of the Nile to a little beyond the sixth cataract. This region is generally divided into upper and lower Nubia. Lower Nubia was the region that lies in modern day southern Egypt and Upper Nubia in northern Sudan. Kush was both a fertile and harsh land. To the west was the Nile, which permitted agriculture, and to the east is an arid desert in which no farming could take place. Instead, this arid region was rich in gold and as such was mined extensively in ancient times. Dotting the Nubian landscape were, and still are, acacia trees - the signature tree of the savannah, as well as elephant grass. In addition to the rich plant life, fauna also thrive within the notoriously harsh environment of Kush. Crocodiles and hippopotamuses thrive within the rivers, as well as elephants in the southern forests. Giraffes are plentiful in the savannah and exotic birds are as plentiful across the whole of Kush.
People, Society, and Government
The people who inhabited Kush were the Nubians, or Kushites. The ancient Nubians were in many ways similar to their ancient Egyptian neighbours in customs and lifestyles, perhaps due to geographic closeness. This is not to say Nubians did not have distinct differences from that of the Egyptians. In appearance, many Nubians practised scarification, which was common to central Africa. Furthermore, Nubians were renowned for their The religion of the ancient Nubians shared many characteristics with that of the Egyptians including several of the same gods and goddesses such as Isis, Amun, and Horus, in addition to their own local gods, Bes and Apedemac. Woven into their religion was a rich mythology. In their story of creation, the Earth was covered in water, out of which a mound of Earth had risen. On this mound of Earth, the first god, Atum, was born. Atum then birthed the first man, Shu, and the first woman, Tefnu. Shu and Tefnu married and had Geb and Nut, the god of earth and the god of the god of the skies. Geb and Nut were charged with birthing Osiris, god of the pharoahs; Isis, goddess of motherhood; Seth, god of devastation; and Nepthys, protector of the dead. This creation myth greatly influenced Nubian religious life. In fact, one might say it was centred around it. In Napata stood, and still stands, the Holy Mountain where life, according to both the Egyptians and Nubians, first began. At this mountain, many temples had been erected and to this mountain, many pilgrimages from wide and far had been undertaken. Furthermore, so important was this mountain that religious festivals were held there as well as anointments of pharoahs. As in many societies, religion is often interlinked with government. This was the case for the Kushites. In Nubian religion and society was the concept of Maat, the principle by which both ruler and common folk alike must conduct themselves righteously with order and morality. If a ruler were to neglect Maat, then they might be ordered by the priests to commit suicide. Also, as in many early societies, the government of the Kushites was a kingship system. In it's earliest stages, there is archaeological indications that Nubians consisted of tribes or chiefdoms, in which government was hierarchical in nature. Elders of subsections headed extended families which in turn headed single households. Around 2500 BC, a more complex form of government, a monarchy, developed in Kerma. Though historians are certain of the existence of a monarchy around this time, there is little indication of how the government functioned. More is known of the Kushite government during the Egyptian colonial period as well as in later times. Under Egypt's rule, a Viceroy was assigned to administrate the parts of Kush that were conquered. Two deputies were appointed to serve under the Viceroy, one administrating to Lower Nubia, and one to Upper Nubia. Further administrative powers were given to Kushite 'chiefs'. During this period, states developed below Egypt-controlled Nubia, which took power over Kush after the decline of Egypt and Kerma. Under this government, the monarchy did not have absolute power. Rather, they had to please the people and priests or else they would be ordered to suicide. Furthermore, kings, or pharoahs, were elected in the first place by the priests from among the royal family.
History
Archaeological excavations of the upper Nile have suggested human habitation within Kush as far back as 60,000 years. By 8000 BC, Neolithic peoples began to settle on the Nile in mud brick villages. These peoples most likely used pastoralism for subsistence, supplemented by gathering grain, hunting, and fishing. Kush first appears in written record when mentioned by Egyptian sources, which described the land as being 'wretched'. Be that as it may, Kush is nonetheless rich in history and culture. Some historians even so much as say that Kush hosted the earliest civilisation in black Africa. This idea is supported by archaeological finds, such as ceramic figurines, bowls, and funerary objects dated to as far back as 8000 BC, predating Egyptian finds by about 3000 years. In order to understand the history of Kush, one must also understand the history of ancient Egypt as the two's history were often interlinked. During the New Kingdom (about 1570-1100 B.C.), Egypt colonised much of Kush, inevitably exerting cultural influence in addition to political control. Chiefs were expected to pay gold and slaves to the Egyptians in tribute. To ensure the loyalty of the chiefs, Egyptians required them to send their children to serve the Egyptian monarchy as pages. This period saw the adoption of religious and cultural values by the Kushites who still championed these values even after the decline of Egypt which came in the the eleventh century BC. While Egypt fell into an internal power struggle and inevitably civil war, Kush flourished in it's independence. By the eighth century BC, the Kush monarchy ruled from Napata in northern Kush. About 750 BC, the tables turned when a Kushite king conquered upper Egypt. His successor succeeded in uniting all of Egypt under a twenty fifth dynasty. The dynasty, which lasted for a hundred years, came to an end when the Assyrians invaded Egypt. After the invasion, the Kushite rulers retreated back to Napata. The previous conquest of Egypt was not forgotten by the rulers of the twenty-sixth dynasty who launched unsuccessful attacks on the Kushites. In about 270 BC, the capital of Kush was moved south to Meroë. The motive for this move is not certain though it may have been the eventual success of an attack on Napata by Egypt, or perhaps the strengthening of the mining industry around Meroë.
Strategy
Kush is well placed to bridge trade between Sub-Saharan Africa and the Mediterranean and, for much of its history, exploited this advantage. In the more arid regions of Kush are mines rich in gold, enough to make a ruler very wealthy. It would be wise to invest in mining as it would in trade. If the ruler is feeling lucky, they might look north. It is not too late to reunite Egypt and Kush in a thirty first dynasty.
I still want to add a few things such as information and transitional sentences so it is still a work in progress unless anyone has any objections.
Pontos Paralios:
Province: Pontos Paralios
Traveller's Log
Crossing the mouth of the Halys River the traveller enters Pontos Paralios, a land of legends and tales, following the steps of the Argonautai. First he comes accross Gadilon, a fortress overlooking plains, which produce every kind of fruit. These afford also pasture for deers and flocks of sheep, whose soft wool is rarely found in Kappadokia and Pontos. Next is the port of Amisos, an old foundation claimed by several communities. Among the first settlers were the Milesioi, who erected a sanctuary to Apollon Didymeis, but the Phokaieis state that it was their colony. However Athenian Klerouchoi eventually took over the this trading center and expanded it so much, that today Athenai is considered as metropolis. Nevertheless it was only with Alexandros Megas' victorious march in the South, that Amisos took its current name. The surrounding plain is called Themiskyra, standing at the foot of a mountainous and well wooded country, which is traversed by the Thermodon River. Themiskyra is constantly covered with herbage, feeding herds of cattle and horses. Panic grass and millet also grow in Themiskyra, which used to be the capital of the Amazones. Past the Iris River, on the coast, are a serie of strongholds: Side Pontika, Chabakta and Phabda. Following the Herakleion and Iasonion Promontories, at a small bay, lays the first Sinopean colony of Cotyora. This harbour is surrounded by the highlands belonging to the friendly Tibareni. In the vicinity there is also Ischopolis and another Sinopean colony, Choirades. In the latter's district sweet cheeries grow copiously. However fishing is the main enterprise, especially delphinoi, whose fat is used for all purposes. Off the coast lays the island of Ares, so renamed by the Argonautai. The Hellenic inhabitans also trade their catches of fish with the Mosenakebi and their subjects the Khalybi, in exchange for the iron mined and smelted by the locals in the hinterland. Further inland to the South-East, inhabiting the Skydises Mountains are the Shkwiteni. Dreadful highlanders, who rob travellers employing maddening honey extracted from the Rhododendron Pontikon. Back by the coast, on the slope of a hill, stands the last Sinopean colony of Trapezous. A flourishing commercial town in the land of the Makromni. However most of the land, particularly the Paryadres Mountains, is inhabited by Kolkhian tribes like the Chani, the Zudritai, the Ekkheiriebi, the Kerketai and the Makhelonebi. Also controlling the difficult passes to Pokr Hayk are the Drilai, the Bekheirebi, the Bykheri and the Marebi. On one of their ridges Xenophon and Oi Myroi erected a great stone cairn, when they first saw the sea. While near the frontiers of Hayasdan, living in mountain fortresses, are the Taokhi and the Sasperi. Closer to Egrisi are the Mushkebi, in whose territory stands the temple of Leukothea, founded by Phrixos who offered the golden ram to Zeus and since then no ram has been sacrificed. On the coast are other Hellenic settlements: Rhizaion and Apsaros. The latter lays by the Akampsis River, which marks the border with Egrisi.
Geography
Pontos Paralios, or Pontos on the coast, consists of a mountainous region and fertile river valleys. It used to be part of Kolkha stretching as far as the Kaukasos Mountains. The largest part of the region is characterised by impassable, precipitous ravines and forested chasms, which end abruptly in the Euxeinos Sea. Where alluvial plains formed, providing habitable and arable areas on the coast. Still the interior was very important for its mineral deposits, namely iron and silver. This was also the source for the fabled Khalybian steel. In fact metallurgical traditions date back to the Hittite Empire and the Hellenes considered the locals the first ironsmiths, borrowing their name to describe the metal alloy and tempered iron. The dense forests of oak, alder, beech, chestnut, walnut and fir trees also provided excellent ship-timbers. Also hazelnut, bilberry and cherry are common and fruit trees grow in the lower Paryadres ranges. Millet and maize were the chief agricultural products. While the large wild fisheries mainly consisted of mackerel scads, bottlenose dolphins, skipjack, bluefin and little tunas. In the highlands live wolves, roe deers, wild goats, wild boars, bears, jackals, foxes and lynxes. As for the climate, Pontos Paralios has a high precipitation distributed throughout the year. Which is characterised by warm and humid summers and damp winters. Snows can be heavy, blocking the mountains, thus sleds and snowshoes made out of animal skins become the only means of transportation.
The People, Society and Government
The Kolkhian communities of Pontos Paralios comprised a multiplicity of tribes, which originated from Anatolian migrating groups. During the Bronze Age Collapse they moved to the Paryadres and Skydises Mountains, once defeated by Aššur. At first chiefdoms were established, but nomadic incursions and attacks from larger and more centralised polities pushed the settlers ever northward. Then distinctive small tribal units formed, characterised by a warrior society and several dialects. So much so that in the late Hellenistic period thirteen interpreters were needed by foreign representatives, or for example Mithradates VI of Pontos learnt twenty two languages to speak to his subjects. The tribes, described as countless, often fought one another, launched land and naval raids on the Hellenic colonists or traded with them. The endemic warfare forced the tribes to establish small mountain fortresses or scattered villages. Typical was the proto-Kartvelian Senaki, a little tower-like house, cleverly built alternating beams made up of whole trees perpendicularly. Any gaps were blocked with splinters and clay, while coved roofs were covered with leafage and clay, offering decent insulation. It seems that women were active members in local societies, participating in warfare down to the Roman campaigns of the 1st century BCE. This was the factual basis for the Amazones and it is thought also to be connected to a social transition from matriarchy to patriarchy. Indeed traces of this social revolution can be found in the Georgian language, where father is 'mama' and mother is 'deda'. This gender reversal had religious repercussions, with a masculine moon god taking precedence over a feminine sun. Among the Tibareni, concerning childbirth, men would lie down and groan with their heads close bound, while the women brought food and prepared baths for them. Female soothsayers were addressed as males, owing to their possession of a masculine spirit. Noteworthy was the proto-Kartvelian Hypsikrateia, Mithradates VI's last wife, who fought fully armoured alongside her husband, cutting her hair short, displaying great prowess on horseback and using any weapon. Interestingly her husband used to call her by the masculine Hypsikrates, conjectured by ancient authors due to her manliness, but it most probably had to do with the proto-Kartvelian gender reversal. Praised for her bravery, loyalty and intellect, Hypsikrateia was a very important person, her union was likely a political one, and she was a living Amazon of the late Hellenistic period. Overall the tribes of Pontos Paralios were skilful forest-fighters, wood-workers, lumbermen, boat-builders, shepherds, fishermen and pirates. The Hellenic colonisation in this region actually aimed for an economic monopoly and for the proto-Kartvelian communities, the idea of repelling the Hellenes was fundamental.
The Chani, of all the local tribes, must have been a very expansive or uniting power. Several ancient writers report how different communities in their time came to be known as Tzanoi or Sannoi. Indeed derivations of their endonym came to describe Kolkha to the present. Unfortunately we do not know much about them and it is even possible that Chanian identity was a politico-cultural phenomenon, unifying the Kolkhian tribes.
The Tibareni have been associated with the Syro-Hittite state of Tabal and with the worship of the Babylonian god Tibira. The latter originated from the Sumerian term for copper-workers, and later came to describe metal-workers in general. Smiths were considered inviolable custodians of metallurgical secrets and ancient writers recorded a sacred mountain in Pontos Paralios, where the locals mined and smelted iron. It is thought that the Hellenic god Hephaistos was adopted from the contacts with the locals in this very region.
Similarly the Khalybi were famed smiths, whose origins go back to the Hittite Khalywa. This geographical term came to be the Hellenic name for the Halys River, in whose valley the Khalybi likely lived before the Bronze Age Collapse. They were associated already in the Archaic period with the "birthplace" of silver, beside the aforementioned tempering skills. They were also particularly valiant warriors, prone to engage in hand to hand combat with spears and a sickle dagger, wearing Linothorakes, greaves and helmets. Cutting their opponents' heads and carrying them while marching, while they would sing and dance.
The Mosenakebi were apparently quite wealthy and struck the Hellenes as odd people. For they had intercourse publicly and openly spoke of sexual matters, desiring to arrange something of swinging activities. They also tattoed floral patterns on their bodies, adorning them with many colours.
The Shkwiteni are recorded as being particularly vicious robbers, jumping down from trees, ambushing and stealing travellers. They braided their hair in seven locks, probably with astrological connotations. During Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs' campaign in Asia, they cut down three Cohortes thanks to toxic honey.
As for the Hellenes in Pontos Paralios, they mostly depended on Sinope and were part of its commercial network. Trapezous was founded to cover the eastern Euxeinos Sea, while Kotyora and Choirades served as trading posts. The worship of Apollon was particularly relevant in Trapezous, enabling the Pontic Basileis to strengthen ties with the Apollon-Helios-Mithra syncretism. Which was otherwise unheard of in Kappadokia Pontika, where other deities were more relevant to the local populace. Amisos on the other hand was ignored by the Sinopean traffic. This allowed the Basileis of Pontos to turn Amisos into one of the largest and busiest markets in their possession. It seems that the Athenian colony worshiped both Hera and Athena, whose owl was featured on its coins. This tradition was kept alive by the Pontic Dynasteia, exploiting its good family relations with Athenai traced to the 5th century BCE. Recently archaeology has discovered a wealthy aristocratic tomb at Amisos, dated to the early 3rd century BCE. Which seems to indicate a growth in power and trade for the local elite, whose members were now collaborating with Pontos. These appreciated cults of Eros, Nike, Achilleus and commodities from all over the eastern Mediterranean. The Amisenoi, under Pontic rule, blossomed as exporters of pottery and jewelry associated with the cult of Dionysos. Indeed it was from Amisos that the Pontic Basileia contacted the international world. Most of the Hellenic Philoi and officers of Pontos are thought to come from the southern Euxeinos, these men were also in an excellent position to hire mercenaries in Hellas. Indeed it was here that the Pontic Basileis expanded poleis the most, renaming them after themselves. It was in this atmosphere that the late Pontic Dynasteia developed their mythological patron cult of Perseus as their forefather. Starting with Pharnakes I in fact a pantheistic figure started to be associated with the person of the Basileus. It syncretised Mên Pharnakou, Dionysos, Apollon, Mithra and Zeus Stratios into the epitome of Pontic royalty: a hero, riding Pegasos, warding off evil forces, bringing abundance of production and leading the civilised world. This was the image the Pontic Basileis wanted their subjects to have of them.
History
The advent of imperial powers south of the Kaukasos Mountains, turned Pontos Paralios into a peripheral zone. However this favoured Hellenic colonisation and tacitly allowed the local tribes to experience only nominal suzerainty. In fact Alexandros III of Makedonia's victories brought mixed feelings and apprehension in the area, for they disturbed the age old inland trading routes. Specifically Pontos Paralios was vaguely considered a Paphlagonian or Kappadokian dependency, but no Makedonian polity ever asserted direct control of the region. Only Pontos planned to take over the whole Euxeinos Sea littoral. Amisos was the first polis to be captured, during the first half of the 3rd century BCE. While the easternmost tribes recognised the authority of Kartli, perhaps to mutually defend themselves against any expansion from Hayasdan. Otherwise the rest of Pontos Paralios kept to itself, trading with Rhodos and Pontic communities under Sinopean leadership. From 183 BCE Pontos replaced Sinope and Pharnakes I synoikised the citizens of Kotyora and Choirades into his foundation of Pharnakeia. Although the Pontic Hellenes now depended on Basileis and lost their autonomy, when Mithradates VI Eupator came to power he resumed civic coinage, fostering local pride and urbanisation. He expanded Pharnakeia adding the quarter of Eupatoria and captured Trapezous as well in the late 2nd century BCE. The latter becoming his naval base for further campaigns in the Euxeinos Sea. Local tribes also acknowledged Pontic suzerainty, augmenting the army's ranks. However from 65 BCE Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs, pursuing Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos, occupied Pontos Paralios and handed it over to the Galatian Tetrarches Deiotaros Philorhomaios. Later the Trivmvirvs Marcvs Antonivs set up Clientes during his campaigns against the Pahlava, eventually rewarding an ally's son from Laodikeia in Lydia, Polemon with the title of Basileus in 37 BCE. This Polemon I Pythodoros refounded Side Pontika as his capital Polemonion and turned Pontos Paralios in the centre of Pontic power, albeit a Roman dependent one. Which allowed it to further flourish, a policy preserved by his wife Pythodoris, granddaughter of Marcvs Antonivs, during her regency from 8 BCE. She was praised for her wise rule, which improved and reconstructed several places in Kappadokia Pontika as well. From 17 CE her son Markos Antonios Polemon II Pythodoros co-ruled and in 38 CE succeeded her to full power. However in 62 CE Nero Avgvstvs induced Polemon II to abdicate and annexed Pontos Paralios whole to the Roman Provincia of Bithynia et Pontvs.
Strategy
Pontos Paralios is a very important province, capable of becoming one of the best naval bases of the Hellenistic world. It also boasts valuable natural resources and several outlets of the Pontic trade. Moreover local tribesmen are a great addition for any versatile army. Albeit not particularly rich, Pontos Paralios is easily defended, being geographically isolated, and makes for a nice addition to control the Euxeinos Sea.
Very interesting!!! I don't think I'd heard of the gender reversal before. It must have been a messed up place with very scary ladies!
Kartli:
Province: Kartli
Traveller's Log
Approaching the source of the Tkwarua River, the traveller enters Kartli, a fertile country overlooked by the Kaukasos Mountains, where Prometheus was bound, capable of affording an exceedingly good livelihood. For the local Mepe Pharnavaz has unitied the land and holds great building plans. Protecting the route to Egrisi is the large stronghold of Shorapani, capable of housing a sizeable population, surrounded by narrow defiles run by rough and violent streams. These aliment the Tkwarua River, which traverse the whole of Karthli joined by several tributaries, watering fertile plains and good pastures. This water course is the trade, transportation and communication artery of Karthli. Accordingly all major foundations are in proximity of the river. To the East is Uplistsikhe, a most ancient settlement. This rock-cut fortress is one of the most important centres and holds an impressive temple to Danina excavated into the depths of the earth. Next is Urbnisi a growing trading center, and farther East at the confluence of the Aragui River lays Mtskheta, the capital of the Kartvelebi, where Mepe Pharnavaz built his sumptuous palace. South of the Tkwarua River stands Armaztsikhe, the mountaintop fortress of the god, housing a vaulted temple and a copper statue of Armazi, the royal patron deity of Kartli. Here is also a great hall of six columns with a tiled roof, while below the citadel merchant quarters are located. To the South is the Armenian plateau, which serves as a border with Hayasdan. While farther East is some of the best land in Kartli, where cattle thrives in the plains, which keep a grassy appearance throughout the year. While in the highlands are rich hunting grounds. To the North there are difficult ascents and inhabited caves, guarded by strongholds. The mountain passes are at first hewn through rock and then through marshes. However beyond the Kaukasos Mountains are people still allied to Mtskheta, for Pharnavaz married a local noblewoman. These are the Dzurdzuki, fierce warriors living off wild animals, fruits and milk.
Geography
Kartli is essentially a serie of plains, watered by several rivers, enclosed by mountains and deep gorges. These create natural barriers, isolating Kartli during winter and at the same time cutting any contacts between valleys. However this condition makes for a milder winter and cooler summers, shielding the plains from heavy precipitation. Which occurs only at higher altitudes, but unfortunately these, coupled with earthquakes, can cause landslides. The mixed forests of the Kaukasos are characterised by Oriental beech, Oriental oak, Caucasian pine, fir and spurce trees. The mountains are also roamed by East and West Caucasian turs, chamoises, Caucasian red deers, wild goats, mouflons, brown bears, grey wolves, lynxes and the Caucasus leopard. In the province are also found many species of avifauna like the golden eagle, bearded vulture, Caucasian snowcock, Caucasian great rosefinch and Güldenstädt's redstart. While closer to water courses live European otters, gadwalls and Caucasian parsley-frogs.
The People, Society and Government
The Kartvelebi were one of the Caucasian ethnicities that came to be from the merging of local communities and intrusive Anatolian and Mesopotamian groups. They worshiped deities of Hittite origins related to fertility and hunting, holding in particular esteem wolves. These were constituted a class of game in itself, forming a society subject to rules and practices, thought akin to that of human beings. This grew into a totemic cult and should a hunter kill any wolf, he would mourn and weep as passionately as if it had been a man. Similarly the Georgian Mountain dogs became just as important, perhaps as wolves joining the Kartvelian tribe, and were employed even in small scale warfare. One such animal was gifted to Alexandros Megas, said to have torn to pieces a lion and relentlessly worn off an elephant to death. Another important cultic figure was Amirani, a demigod who stole the secrets of metallurgy and was chained to a mountain, where an eagle attacked him each day. In his honour the Kartvelebi follow a practice of finding and destroying eagles' nests. However the highest honour belonged to Armazi, a male moon deity, whose sincretism with Ahuramazda formed the basis of Kartvelian kingship. Another deity, Zaden, was also associated to the royalty, being the manifestation of abundant creation, who came to be the patron of river fishermen. As other Anatolian gods they were warlike figures, for they also held the powers of destruction. Societies stood around the figure of an elder elected by the peasants to serve as head of the village. However in time the free agriculturalists evolved into a distinct aristocratic class. Which became tributary to Pârsa and its members adopted Iranian ideals and practices, employing seals featuring hunting scenes. Coming from such nobles, Pharnavaz successfully united the tribes and assumed the royal title of Mepe. This centralisation of power brought a strict social hierarchy: the Mepe and his kinsmen stood at the top leading the military and governing the rural communities. Followed by the priests who held also judicial powers over controversies between neighbouring communities. Then came the soldiers and farmers, while at the bottom stood the landless farmers. Another important change was the adoption of an official alphabet, until then used by cultic authorities, promoting a common language. Allowing also the creation of the Kvirbebi, records about commercial routes and roads. Thus the Mepe was able to establish a competent administration, regulated by officials influenced by Hellenistic and Iranian models. Thus all the Kartvelian tribes were assimilated into a single powerful state.
The Dzurdzuki were the descendants of displaced groups, who took refuge beyond the Kaukasos Mountains. Although they experienced the proto-Kartvelian gender reversal, their ancestors probably stood on the losing side and fled to their current abode. Indeed priestesses and female soothsayers were extremely prominent, worshiping the mother sun. While the moon held a lesser status. Living in underground dwellings, the Dzurdzuki were very interested in divination, preserving practices going back to Babylonian times. Auspices and augury had both religious and pratical applications, resting on a complex cosmological system. They believed in the existance of a subterranean kingdom to which souls transmigrated upon death, carrying earthly social structures and providing an extension to their existence. These worlds were very much in contact, for when the sun was setting in life, it would be rising in the subterranean world. Thus the diviners were able to hold their ear on the ground and receive divine revelations, which they would deliver to the Dzurdzukian communities in the morning. The women, when pregnant, retired to give birth and kept their daughters to be educated as priestesses, while the sons were brought back and raised comunally. Men and women alike took part in warfare, and the rulers of Kartli appreciated the assistance from the Dzurdzuki.
History
Alexandros Megas' victories in Mesopotamia severed any remnant of Persian suzerainty in Kartli. However the expansion of Hayasdan, assisted by Makedonian forces, in the Skydises Mountains put much pressure on proto-Kartvelian tribes. Whose nobles rallied them against foreign officials, attempting to impose direct rule. By the 3rd century BCE a certain Pharnavaz, son of a village elder and a Persian woman, with the assistance of his brother-in-law Kuji I of Egrisi, succeeded in centralising power and backed his royal claim through the Zoroastrian belief of divine favour. He proved to be an excellent statesman and leader, by accepting Seleukid nominal suzerainty he secured most of his borders and introduced monetary transactions in Kartli. Indeed the economy now boomed to such an extent that Seleukos Nikator, before his campaign in Mikra Asia against Lysimachos, was contemplating the excavation of a canal stretching from the Euxeinos Sea to the Kaspion Sea. Pharnavaz I focused his attention on developing Kartvelian infrastructures, while marrying another of his sisters to a Sauromatian chief. Thus securing his position, safeguarding trade and enriching Kartli. Such a status was welcomed by the Hellenistic polities, for it ensured competent protection of the Kaukasian passes from nomadic attacks. While the Seleukidai obtained a valuable ally, to exercise pressure on Hayasdan, making sure the latter would not follow a too indipendent policy. What Pharnavaz I did not manage to establish during his long reign, was the legitimacy and recognition of a dynastic succession. Thus his death after 65 years of rule fired up a revolt against his son and heir Saurmag, who nevertheless crushed it with the help of the Dzurdzuki and Sauromatae. Proving to be as shrewd as his father, Saurmag I pardoned his opponents and made them directly dependent upon his authority. He also settled Dzurdzukian warriors in the highlands of Egrisi. Keeping a dependent stance towards the Arche Seleukeia, the new Mepe honoured his father, establishing a royal cult at the latter's tomb in Armaztsikhe. This was followed in emphasising dynastic succession. Otherwise Saurmag followed the established policy of consolidation and marital alliances by taking as wife an Iranian noblewoman from Aghvank. He also associated Ainina, the goddess of fertility and water courses, to the cult of Armazi. Likely connected to the Tkwarua River, if not its outright deified form. Saurmag I never had a son, but two daughters. Whom he married to Kuji II of Egrisi and his wife's nephew. Thus the latter, Mirvan, succeeded Saurmag I as his adopted son in the early 2nd century BCE, without any dynastic crisis, for men and women alike were considered Mepe in Kartli. He brought another female deity, Danina, a celestial daughter and mother of creatures figure to Mtskheta. However after 189 BCE Artakhshas I of Hayasdan defied Seleukid authority and occupied Kartli as far as the Tkwarua River. While the mountain tribes took this as an opportunity to revolt against the Kartvelian Mepe. Nevertheless Mirvan I defeated them and erected fortifications, like Nelkarisi, to block the mountain passes. Although Antiochos IV Epiphanes eventually bested Artakhshas I, Seleukid power collapsed in the 140s BCE and Mirvan I now looked for protection in Pahlava. Thus Kartli switched allegiances and when Hayasdan became a dependency of Pahlava around 120 BCE, the Mepe married his daughter to one of the now pro-Arshakid sons of Artakhshas I. This allowed a new economic growth, owing to the Pahlavan trading network, and the Mepe's son Pharnajom I promoted urbanisation toward the end of the 2nd century BCE, attaching quarters to the fortifications of Kartli. He also founded Tsitsamuri North of the Tkwarua River, a mountaintop fortress to Zaden, god of fertility. However Pharnajom I opted for the introduction of Zoroastrian fire worship at the temple of Armazi. This granted him even greater recognition at the Pahlavan court, but it caused an uproar among his nobles, who now saw in the Hai grandson of Mirvan I their Mepe and urged for the deposition of Pharnajom I. An invasion thus took place and, although supported by Adurbadegan, Pharnajom I was killed in battle and Kartli fell under Hai jurisdiction. Nevertheless the newborn son of Pharnajom I survived and was brought to the Pahlavan court, while the Hai prince became Arshak I of Kartli. Who throughout his reign supported his uncle Tigran II of Hayasdan, in the latter's bid for independent rule. Around 67 BCE Arshak I was succeeded by his son Artag I, who was caught in the counterattack by Pahlava and the SPQR against Hayasdan. In 65 BCE Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs launching a sudden invasion, ended Artag I's brief reign and installed his son Pharnavaz II as a Roman Cliens. Later in 36 BCE the now mature Mepe joined Aghvank in revolt against Roma, but the Antonian Legatvs Pvblivs Canidivs Crassvs managed to subdue Pharnavaz II into an alliance. However around 30 BCE Pharnajom I's son came back to Kartli with a Pahlavan army, killing Pharnavaz II and becoming Mepe Mirvan II. Instead of opposing him, Avgvstvs recognised Mirvan II as an ally and the latter's successors would become instrumental in the Romano-Pahlavan wars over Hayasdan.
Strategy
With its central location amidst the Kaukasos Mountains, Kartli is the perfect base to control the whole region. Although its capital stands safely between a river and impassable ranges, its ruler should not forsake the southern area. For this brings much agricultural revenue and connects Karthli to major trading routes. Equally valuable are the eastern and western passes, whence the ruler of Karthli should make certain to at least exercise influence. Thankfully the local tribesmen provide excellent warriors, capable of achieving just that goal and push beyond.
The team historians might want to change something in the late 2nd and 1st centuries narrative, which is truly a source for historical headaches lol
GO ARJOS!!! Every now and then we get something very interesting to read (for those of us who are not familiar with the particulars of each province). The text of course could use a little polishing, but I for one am looking forward for the next one!
Pokr Hayk:
Province: Pokr Hayk
Traveller's Log
Between the Paryadres and Antitauros Mountains the traveller finds a large and sufficiently fertile plateau. This is Pokr Hayk, a land governed by local Azatk who hold in subjection tribes of the Khalybi and Tibareni. The mountainous ranges are particularly suited to house fortifications, being well supplied with water and timber, but also intersected in many places by abrupt ravines and precipices. The local population is scattered in many villages and strongholds, often mining the mineral deposits in the mountains. Like in the vicinity of the Halys River, where the fortress of Kamisa can be found, which controls rock-salt mines. Farther East lays Dasteira, another mountain fortress, otherwise Pokr Hayk has great hunting grounds and pastures, the latter are particularly sought after for they can sustain tens of thousands of horses. There are no large urban centres in this region, but Ani-Kamah is a noteworthy emporion connecting Mikra Asia to the eastern trading routes. The settlement has an elevated quarter, housing a temple to Aramazd, while the remainder is situated on a slope ascending from the Euphrates Riverbank. To the East lay other strongholds like the temple estate of Erēz amd the fortresses of Zimara, Elegeia, Karin and Daskouta, which overlook iron and lead mines. Close to the passes of Mount Theches, towards Pontos Paralios, lays another flourishing emporion called Gymnias. Farther east near the Araks River source, stands the small town of Aza. The northern ridges belong to the independent Shkwiteni and Makromni, who are separated by the Harpasos River and the perpetually snow covered Mount Abos from the Phasiani. Whose district marks the border with Sophene and Hayasdan, where the landscape opens and becomes flatter. While in the northern district dwell the Speri, another local community of miners.
Geography
Pokr Hayk is characterised by a collection of depression plains, located between plateaux of a montane steppe nature. Here the winters have extreme temperatures, with heavy snows lasting for almost half of the year. Springs maintain heavy precipitations, turning abruptly into very dry and hot summers. Forest steppes are the most common feature, comprised of oaks, scots pines, wild orchards, oriental planes, alders and junipers. The region is also remarkable for its biodiversity consisting of otters, wild goats, bears, wolves, red foxes, boars, ibexes, trouts, chukars, partridges and eagles. Although the abundance of pastures made animal husbandry the main economic activity, hollow plains sheltered from cold were suitable for agriculture. Allowing the growth of wheat and barley, but also that of fruit trees and vines.
The People, Society and Government
The Haikh of Pokr Hayk in the Hellenistic period belonged mostly to the higher social classes. They controlled large estates and strongholds, whence they oversaw the agricultural, pastoral and mineral productions. These activities were carried by the Khalybi, whom the Hellenes perceived as subjects, but they probably did not own the land and simply worked it. Although the Azatk class came to prominence due to its assistance first to the Mādai and later to Pârsa, its members in all likelyhood were not imposed foreign lords. Rather since the Bronze Age existed in the region a confederation called Hayasa, or land of Hay. Its inhabitants eventually became subordinates of Biainili, the Early Iron Age polity centered in the Armenian plateau. But towards the end of the 7th century BCE the Hai revolts were successful and overthrew Biainilian suzerainty, allowing the subsequent acculturation to result in the birth of Hayasdan. Thus it is unclear whether there really was another group defined as Khalybi or Chaldaioi. Even if that was the case, by the end of the 5th century BCE any distinction was gone and a common culture had already developed. Indeed during the Roman Principate these people were so different from the Khalybi of Pontos Paralios, that they warranted the name Armenochalybes. It is far more likely that they took an active part in the formation of Hayasdan and their name was connected to the Biainilian highest god Khaldi, but were less in contact with Iranian customs, something the Azatk were more prone to adopt, thus appearing as more Anatolian in character and a confused archaic name was preserved to describe them. In fact there were older cults to Arev, the sun, and Lusin, the moon, which lack exact equivalents in Persian religion. This strong local belief caused only a slight syncretic forms of Zoroastrianism, mainly an association of divinities. But Anatolian connations were always prominent: fire-worship is attested only from the very end of the Hellenistic period and the Kurmk, or priests, were fundamentally different and often were younger sons of the Hai Arkah, preserving older practices. The light and the sun held such prominence, that even heliotropic plants were revered. There existed also a duality of good and evil, the latter often taking the form of pernicious beings. Of these preeminent were the Vishaps, or dragons, which incidentally were assimilated to the Mādai. However they were still objects of worship, perhaps as some sort of guardians, with large carved stones erected near watercourses. The legendary dragon Àdahak was extremely important in the Armenian imagination, probably as an echo of a cosmological view for interdependent opposite forces. Indeed beneficent figures carried the epithet of 'dragon-strangler' or 'dragon-reaper'. Thus Mihr was identified with the Hurrian god Kummarbi, who created a monster to kill his son, the latter being Vahagn for the Haikh. This apparently developed into a conflict between the cults, but again interdepent and for example the ruler of Western Armina at the time of Alexandros III of Makedonia was called Mithravahishta, courting the favour of both gods. These traditions survived to the Modern period, indeed the Armenian Cross itself is supported on tongues of flame and has at its center a sunburst. In Medieval folksongs there are mentions to the faith of light as well and even the small group of Armenian Zoroastrians identified their community as the Arewordik, or Children of the Sun. Another important deity was Anahit, known by the epithet Tikin, or the Lady. She was associated with fertility and the moon, called by the epithet golden mother, she was considered a merciful and kind deity, whose help was sought in cases of severe illness and distress. Like other Anatolian worships, her temple at Erēz had sacred prostitution and other forms of devotion towards the goddess. Anahit Tikin seems to have assimilated celestial and luminous features, indeed cattle bearing the brand of a star and of a crescent were slaughtered during her festivals. These consisted in pilgrimages to her temple, where a heifer was sacrified and, following a feast, Anahit Tikin's statue was crowned with wreaths. This goddess held such prominence that most of Pokr Hayk came to be known by her name and the Hai Arkah made annual visits to her temple. Specifically the Arshakuni had to rely heavily on this custom of homage to gain acceptance from the Haikh.
The Sasperi were a proto-Kartvelian tribe that, together with the Taokhi, had already established a confederation in the late Bronze Age. However Kolkhian and Biainilian expansion overran it and caused its downfall in the early Iron Age. Nevertheless the Sasperi managed to remain in control of their highlands and continued to be proficient metal workers. It is thought that a compound or distortion of their name gave rise to the Hellenic Iberia and that memory of the Bronze Age tribal union stuck with the later Kartvelian state. Indeed several groups migrated from the region to Kartli, where they joined in the making of the Kartvelebi. First it was the Persian expansion that caused one such movement, although other Sasperi were levied in the Persian army. While in the late 4th century BCE a certain Menon was dispatched by Alexandros III, to support the Makedonian appointed Satrapes Mihran of Hayasdan in taking over gold mines from the Sasperi. Archaeology has substantiated such a campaign through the discovery of stone projectiles for torsion weapons from that very period. Despite all these attacks, the Sasperi endured throughout the ages and would eventually support the Arshakuni royal family of Hayasdan. This brought an incredible turn of fortunes for a noble family of the Sasperi, the Pakraduni. Who were granted the hereditary titles of Aspet, or master of the horses, and Tagadir, or bestower of the crown. Later, during the Medieval period, this resourceful family would supply both Kartli and Hayasdan with monarchs, whose descendants live on to this day.
The Makromni were a proto-Kartvelian mountain tribe. They seem to have been a source for slaves in the Hellenic world, whether obtained through warfare, local exchanges, or both is unclear. Nevertheless these independent minded people could be both warlike and very hospitable. They are described as wearing garments made of hair, wooden helmets, small wicker shields and short spears with long blades. The latter were particularly revelant, for the Makromni offered them when exacting solemn pledges.
History
Unfortunately very little is known about Pokr Hayk in the 3rd century BCE. However this region managed to retain autonomy, for it does not seem like any neighbouring polity annexed it. Indeed of all the lands of the Hay, Pokr Hayk probably was the more Hellenised and the local Azatk probably sided with the Seleukidai to preserve their position. For all that was required of them was just a nominal suzerainty, still cordial relations were kept also with the Yervanduni of Hayasdan. Perhaps the self-styled Mithras, Basileus of the Armadoeiroi, was one such Dynastes from Pokr Hayk. In 212 BCE Antiochos III of the Seleukidai, through a show of force, obtained arrears of tribute and a contribution from Sophene. As part of the new political settlement his sister, Antiochis, married the local ruler. However this was later poisoned and for the moment it seems Antiochis took over the administration, in the name of her son-in-law or at least oversaw it. When Antiochos, now known as Megas, came back from his Anabasis, he instigated the removal of the Yervanduni. This call was taken up by a minor branch of the family, whose members the Seleukid Basileus Megas granted the title of Strategoi. At this point is unclear what came to be of Antiochis and her natural son, from a previous unknown union, Mithradates. But later in 189 BCE those appointed Strategoi claimed independent royal status, in opposition to the Seleukidai, expanding as far as the source of the Euphrates River. At the same time appeared a certain Mithradates as Basileus of Pokr Hayk, who was a staunch pro-Pontic ally, supporting Pharnakes I of Pontos in his forlorn war against Pergamon and its allies. Although conjectural, it is possible that surrounded by hostile and powerful Hai rulers, Antiochis and her son retreated to Pokr Hayk, seeking at the same time the assistance of their Pontic relatives. On the other hand the local Azatk obtained great influence and resisted the aggressive expansion of the newly independent Hayasdan, something Pokr Hayk appears to have cherished since its foundation. Whatever the case, this Mithradates of Pokr Hayk had enough status and recognition to rally thousands of cavalrymen and be a cosigner for the peace brokered by the SPQR in 179 BCE. Throughout the 2nd century BCE Pokr Hayk preserved its autonomy, possibly under the Dynasteia initiated by Mithradates I, but around 115 BCE Antipatros I of Pokr Hayk died and bequeathed his land to Pontos. From then on the Haikh supplied several contingents for the Pontic armies and garrisons. Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos was particularly active in Pokr Hayk, establishing royal treasures and expanding the local settlements. But his subsequent defeats, especially being chased out of Dasteira, brought the region under Roman influence. Thus in 63 BCE the Galatian Tetrarches Deiotaros Philorhomaios was granted Pokr Hayk, which he managed to keep throughout the troubled years of Caesar's Civil War. After that Antonian influence in Asia decided political matters and the Roman installed royal family of Pontvs ruled over Pokr Hayk until 62 CE, when it was annexed by Avgvstvs Nero.
Strategy
Pokr Hayk is an important communication route of Mikra Asia, moderately rich, particularly in valuable mineral resources. It is also home for developed military traditions, that would serve well any ruler. All of this makes this region an asset not to be overlooked, by any power in the area.
A couple of points you might consider elaborating on or clarifying:
a)Biainilian dominance
b)Although conjectural, it is possible that surrounded by hostile and powerful Basileis, Antiochis and her son retreated beyond the Euphrates River, seeking the assistance of their related Pontic Basileis.
Thanks I've rephrased them, I hope it's clearer now ^^
Actually no. Not to me anyhow. Here's what popped in my mind when I read those particular bits.
a) "Biainilian wtf is that???" Went online to find more info... still vague... a dynasty of some sort. But in my opinion that dynasty should have been introduced at an earlier point of your choosing in the text. So who were these Biainilians?
b) "What on earth were Pontic rulers doing across the Euphrates? Especially at a time of significant Seleucid power..." Any particular rulers in mind? I guess what I'm trying to say is I do not see the conjecture. And nothing in depth is asked for; just an outline would suffice, as far as I am concerned.
Let me just add that I enjoyed reading yet an other regional description by Arjos on somewhat overlooked places of the ancient (Hellenistic) world.
Ahhh I see :P
a) "Biainilian wtf is that???" Went online to find more info... still vague... a dynasty of some sort. But in my opinion that dynasty should have been introduced at an earlier point of your choosing in the text. So who were these Biainilians?
Biainili is the native name of Urartu. The latter being an Assyrian exonym. I fixed it further, hopefully all these paraphrases aren't worsening it...
b) "What on earth were Pontic rulers doing across the Euphrates? Especially at a time of significant Seleucid power..." Any particular rulers in mind? I guess what I'm trying to say is I do not see the conjecture. And nothing in depth is asked for; just an outline would suffice, as far as I am concerned.
No, Antiochis and her son Mithradates possibly installed themselves in Pokr Hayk (beyond the Euphrates), as allies of Pontos (which really is geographically on the other side of said river, not adjacent ofc :P). Which was the neighbouring power, whose rulers were related to the Seleukidai at this time. In a matter of less than 5 years or so, a very pro-Pontic (although depending on how you look at it, he was fighting against all the turncoats that sided with Roma. Very philo-Seleukid of him :P) ruler of Pokr Hayk called Mithradates showed up. The conjecture is that he was Antiochis' son.
Otherwise seeing this man as a local subdued dynast would warrant the question why would he ever stick with Pharnakes, when the latter was effectively against the whole world. Or he could have been Pharnakes' brother, but there is no mention of a co-regency (at the very beginning of Pharnakes' rule on top of that! Even if: really tight schedule to suddenly attack technically Seleukid territory, install a brother capable of commanding local loyalty and start a war with Pergamon). Plus such an attack by Pontos on Pokr Hayk would've been very anti-Seleukid (very unlikely to have happened. And Pharnakes also expected to have Seleukos IV join him as an ally). Also Polybios speaks of Mithradates as Satrap of Lesser Armenia (it would be very weird for a subordinate to be needed as cosigner of a treaty), looking very likely that he was there in the name of the Seleukidai. This Mithradates also had stipulated on his own a treaty with Pergamon in the aftermath of Apameia (again what a bliztkrieg by Pontos if that was really his brother <-sarcasm XD). So it is even possible that Pokr Hayk already belonged to Antiochis' influence as Basilissa of Sophene (in Antiochos III Megas' political reshaping of the area) and her natural son might've been granted that strip of land by royal authority. But once the Artakhshuni claimed independence, this Mithradates of Pokr Hayk would've been quite isolated and had to act on his own (might have just as easily been the common case of a "satrap" being allowed to style himself as king. Something the Yervanduni enjoyed too under the Seleukidai. Thus his treaty with Pergamon wouldn't have even been "illegal" on Mithradates' part. Not to mention that the peace of Apameia itself might've cut him loose: Pokr Hayk is and isn't inside the Tauros. But since there's no previous mention of such a satrap there or archaeological evidences, his position would've been a very recent one).
Bottom line this is one of those identity puzzles of history and I've given what I feel is the likeliest version :)
OK. This makes more sense now :)
Thanx for clarifying.
Insulating a roof, commuting, uni and its related bureaucracy tried to stop this... But by Toutatis here's Sophene XD
Province: Sophene
Traveller's Log
The traveller descends from the heights of the Tauros Mountains and enters Sophene, an Armenian district holding vital crossings over the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. For this reason the Seleukidai make certain that trusted people oversee this region, which used to belong to the estates of the Yervanduni. First is Samosata, a strong fortress, surrounded by a small but very rich country. It was founded by Samus, the Avag Sepuh of Hayasdan, to protect the northernmost Mesopotamian bridge over the Euphrates River. To the East lays Karkathiokerta commanding a beautiful and extensive plain. Which is enclosed by Mount Masios to the South, the Antitauros Mountains to the North and Mount Nibaros to the East. Following the Tigris River eastwards the traveller encounters Amida, a very ancient settlement serving as an important emporion. Then the countryside becomes more rugged and difficult to traverse, but eventually flattens farther to the South-East. There the district of Mygdonia is located, where Alexandros Megas founded a strategically invaluable stronghold overlooking Mesopotamia. This settlement keeps on growing, thanks to the flourishing trade, and the Seleukidai have renamed it Antiocheia Mygdonias. While to the North, past the Tigris River, the well watered district of Arzanene can be found. This is extremely fertile, possessing also excellent pastures, but even more valuable are its iron and lead mines.
Geography
Sophene is a province rich in herbaceous plants, but at the same time experiences dry and hot summers, characterised by droughts and heavy snowfall during cold winters. Thankfully the surrounding mountain ranges manage to curb prevailing winds, which carry most of the rain over the fertile plains in autumn and spring. Sophene contains most of the coniferous forests, being comprised by Anatolian black pine, Taurus fir and juniper trees. While Arzanene, which is more humid, holds deciduous forests of hornbeams, hop hornbeams, oaks and many maple species. Also dominant in this district are xeric alpine meadows. Roaming through the valleys are wild goats, fallow deers, brown bears, grey wolves, lynxes, caracals and even sporadically Caspian tigers and Anatolian leopards. The rivers are also teeming with large freshwater carps.
The People, Society and Government
The Haikh of Sophene, more than any other Haikh, were deeply influenced by Mesopotamian and Syrian communities, whom they both resisted or mixed with. One of the main most relevant deities was Tiur, the scribe of Aramazd, being an Iranian syncretism of the Babylonian Nabu. For the Haikh Tiur was the patron of learning, wisdom and writing, capable of imparting oracles to man through dreams. His arrow-like symbol shaped the underlying idea of Tiur's conception, for he came to be associated with the missile as well, but also to the fast moving rivers of Mesopotamia. Indeed temples and foundations dedicated to Nabu-Tiur were erected in the vicinity of such water courses. Moreover divination, one of Tiur's arts, extented to the waves and foam of Euphrates and Tigris Rivers, to which were offered horses as a sacrifice. Particularly the Tigris was named after this duality for swiftness and arrows, becoming so relevant to the Haikh that it replaced its older Armenian form Tiran in favour of the Iranian borrowing Tigran. All these features might help explaining his interpretation as Apollon, even though Tiur did not hold any solar character. Far from it he was also the god who conducted the dead into the nether world. This survived in common Armenian imprecations: "May the writer carry him!" or "The writer for him!". It should not then come as a coincidence, that Tigran II Mets of Hayasdan picked a site by the Tigris for his capital of Tigranakert. There he also first assumed the diadem, under his patron deity's blessing. The impressive foundation attempted to become the new cultural and political center of civilisation, inviting scholars and artists of the time. It was also made possible by the forced relocation of neighbouring communities, along with several statues of various deities from disparate cultures. But this metropolitan aesthetic show aimed to display just that motley of traditions that converged in Sophene, the perfect location for the Tigran II's imperial designs. To these the Hellenistic ones also played an important role. For the Seleukidai was mandatory to exercise authority that was more than nominal in Sophene. Thus the local Azatkh came to be very Hellenised, actively supporting Seleukid interests, which in time allowed such people to establish royal Dynasteiai in Hai lands. These in Sophene kept a Hakhāmanišiyā administrative structure based on estates, agriculture and rural life. Their inhabitants and the revenues they produced were assigned to cult centers, whose festivals offered identity to the populance. But the Seleukidai introduced political officers and judges, who were retained along with the increasing adoption of Attic Koine in official documents over Aramaic. However Armenian traditions were not forgotten, in fact the Haikh of Sophene held in particularly high esteem Vahagn the Vishapakagh, or dragon-reaper. This sun, lightning and earthly fire youthful god was thought to be the son of primordial forces, especially of the sea, whence he returned every day to rejuvenate. Described as possessing hair of fire, a beard of flames and suns as eyes, Vahagn was the national hero friend to mankind par excellence. His legends often saw him battling evil and opposing foreign deities, for example stealing straw, to be used as fuel, from the Syrian Ba'al Shamin during a cold winter, which dropped along as the heavenly thief hurried away forming the Milky Way. He was also cherished for his courage and prowess, which royal families associated to themselves, invoking Vahagn in their edicts. Along with the moon, Vahagn as the sun presided over oaths. Also his manifestation as the hearthfire protected the ancestors' spirits, but was also the symbol of home-life. These traditions survived to this day, whereby bride and groom, as they enter the new family home, kiss the fireplace and circle around it. From it brands were also taken, when any member went forth to found a new home. Vahagn also carried connotations of fertility as the bringer of rain, this relation with water was also expressed by extinguishing fires into water. Because it was thought to reunite siblings to the same source substance, a reminder to Vahagn's primordial origins and rejuvenation. Indeed flaky ashes of oak-fire in water were considered a potent healing mixture down to the Modern Age. Another of Vahagn's adventures was taking Astghik from Ba'al Shamin as his lover. Known as the little bride, she was the goddess of love and her sanctuary was known as Vahagn's chamber. Astghik was incredibly popular in Sophene and the neighbouring regions, legends tell about young Haikh men endeavouring to catch a glimpse of her beauty at sunrise, while she is bathing in river springs. She held cosmological features, being recognised as the planet Venus, diplaying benevolent healing powers.
The Magdoi inhabited the plain South-East of Mount Masios, but unfortunately nothing else is known about them. Except that due to the phonetic similarity, the Makedones decided to rename their land Mygdonia as per a common practice that developed in the Hellenistic period. This cause much confusion, forging invented Thracian origins, but these do not have any other backing. Indeed Xenophon first mentioned them as Magdoi, being levied alongside the Chaldaioi and Armenioi to fight in the Persian armies. Although he did not specify their ethnic history, it could safely be inferred from their deployment, that they were a tribe related to the Haikh, perhaps their southermost enclave.
History
The rising ascendancy of Seleukos I Nikator in the late 4th century BCE brought Sophene and Hayasdan under his influence. Specifically Sophene appears to have belonged to the Yervanduni estates since Hakhāmanišiyā suzerainty and its rulers then acknowledged Seleukid power. However Seleukos I's assassination in 281 BCE fired up political chaos and seems that the Yervanduni attempted to entrench in Sophene, asserting their independence. This task was probably given to Samus, the Avag Sepuh of Hayasdan, who likely held some sort of co-regal power at the time. However Antiochos I Soter managed to defeat the rulers of Hayasdan and re-establish their tributary status around 274 BCE. Relations remained uncertain and later in 260 BCE it seems that Antiochos II looked favourably on Arsham, the son of Samus, backing his ploy to take sole power in Hayasdan. Thus after getting rid of relatives, Arsham I took over all the Hai lands as a Seleukid Satrapal Arkah. Losing no time he consolidated his holdings and founded Arsamosata near the Euphrates River, which became a secondary capital. He even supported in 254 BCE a dynastic conflict in Bithynia that ended in favour of his guest and pretender Zileilas. Even greater opportunities presented themselves in 246 BCE, when it was the Arche Seleukeia that experienced a succession crisis. Arsham I sided with Antiochos Hierax and gained the neighbouring district of Kommagene to the West. There he built two fortresses, both called Arsameia, to hold chokepoints and protect his new frontier. It seems that everything paid off in 228 BCE with Arsham I's death, leaving to his sons two powerful and established realms, surrounded by a crumbling Arche Seleukeia and no strong polity to oppose them. However the brilliant new Seleukid Basileus, Antiochos III, reaffirmed his Dynasteia prominence and in 212 BCE he besieged Arsamosata in order to subdue Shavarsh I of Sophene and Kommagene. This quickly welcomed his new sovereign and married his sister Antiochis, who the following year had him murdered upon discovering that Shavarsh I was plotting to betray the Arche Seleukeia. It seems that at this point it was Antiochis who exercised the real power in Sophene, as guardian of her son-in-law Zareh. Who was later backed by Antiochos III Megas around 200 BCE in overthrowing his uncle in Hayasdan. There he set up his own son Artakhshas with the title of Strategos, as Zareh himself was, to serve as Seleukid representatives. Thankfully for them by 189 BCE their sovereign had been wholly defeated by a Roman led coalition, which offered them the possibility for expansion and independence. Indeed both claimed the royal diadem, father as Arkah of Sophene and son that of Hayasdan. An event followed by massive and aggressive military campaigns, Zareh I expanded as far as the Euphrates River in Pokr Hayk and Kataonia to the West. Together with his son, Zareh I firmly established claims over all the Kaukasian peoples, consolidating their Dynasteia leading all the Haikh. Both enjoyed long reigns, but in 163 BCE Zareh I's death caused discord among his sons. A younger one, Mihrbarzan sought the assistance of Ariarathes III Eusebes Philopator of Kappadokia to succeed in Sophene. While at the same time Artakhshas I offered the Kappadokian Basileus to invade the province and split it between them, but this was rejected and Mihrbarzan I was installed at Arsamosata. However the Seleukid Epistates of Kommagene, Ptolemaios a Hellenised Azat, which had been recaptured by Antiochos IV Epiphanes two years before, now exploited the uncertain political climate of the area. Confident about his well fortified position in Kommagene, which had been expanded at the expenses of Sophene and now had Samosata as its capital, he declared himself Basileus claiming to be a grandson of Arsham I. Sophene was now divided and Kommagenian power was quickly growing, although it still was a minor regional one. Around 150 BCE Morphilig I succeeded Mihrbarzan I in Arsamosata, while in 130 BCE Samus I of Kommagene took over royal power, after the death of his father Ptolemaios I, in Samosata. Looking for a powerful ally, Samos II Theosebes Dikaios married a Pontic princess, who bore his successor Mithradates. The latter was married also to Laodike Thea, daughter of the Seleukid Antiochos VIII, as part of a conciliation by Samos II with Dynasteia of Syria, which in turn recognised Kommagene as an independent polity. Thus in 109 BCE Mithradates I of Kommagene succeeded his father and at about the same time Arsamosata saw the ascension of Artan I, who was defeated in the late 90s BCE by Tigran II of Hayasdan, with Pahlavan assistance, annexing Sophene. Unable to resist the Pahlavan army, Mithradates I holed up in Arsameia on the Nymphaios River, where he built royal monuments, and kept a watchful eye on the political developments of his time. Help from the Seleukid Basileus Antiochos X Eusebes Philopator came to nothing, for he died in battle. However the death of Mithradates II Epiphanes of Pahlava in 88 BCE caused an abrupt power vacuum. Which Tigran II, assuming the title of Arkahitsh Arkah Mets, filled in the middle of the 80s BCE at the zenit of his power. Then he boasted his new position by founding Tigranakert on the Tigris River, surrounded by powerful walls, so thick that warehouses and stables were built into them. The impressive capital became also a cultural centre, described as rich and beautiful, where every man studied to adorn it even further. However in 71 BCE Tigran II Mets became a Roman enemy, when he gave refuge to his father-in-law Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. Thus the Proconsvl Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs quickly invaded Sophene in 69 BCE, attempting to seize the treasury at the still under construction capital of Tigranakert to finance his campaign. Indeed at the time Tigran II Mets was dealing with revolts in Syria led by Antiochos XIII, son of Antiochos X, who was trying to restore Seleukid power. Nevertheless Tigran II rushed to Tigranakert and managed to secure a good portion of the riches stored there, while stalling the besieging Roman troops. Then the Hai Arkahitsh Arkah Mets fell back to the mountain ranges and initiated a hit-and-run campaign assisted by great many people, appalled by Roman depredations. Meanwhile Tigranakert was holding on its own, naphtha made probably its first appearance in a military context, but the Hellenic mercenaries eventually prefered to open the gates to the Roman Proconsvl. Despite the initial successes, along with installing Antiochos XIII Dionysos Philopator Kallinikos as a Cliens, Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs was unable to catch Tigran II, subsequently suffering mutinies, loses and a direct defeat. Forcing the Senatvs to recall him in 67 BCE, leaving Asia in the hands of Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs. To make things worse Tigran II's own son, also called Tigran, unable to bear any longer the fact that his septuagenarian father was still an active ruler, decided to start a civil war with both Roman and Pahlavan assistance. But Tigran II Mets cleverly dealt with the situation in a single act: he unconditionally submitted to Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs, paying him off substiantially. Thus he became overnight a Roman Amicvs, enjoying the protection of the SPQR. While his son had to content himself with Sophene, but instead this Tigran brusquely complained about this resolution and ended up strangled during the Pompeian Trimphvs in Roma. By 63 BCE Sophene had been split by Roman will between Kappadokia, Hayasdan and Kommagene. The latter being ruled since 70 BCE, by one of the most ingenious political mind of the time: Antiochos I Theos Dikaios Epiphanes Philorhomaios Philhellenos. Son of Mithradates I Kallinikos of Kommagene, Antiochos I managed to keep friendly relations with both the SPQR, which entrusted him with Mesopotamia as far as the Euphrates River, and Pahlava, marrying off one daughter in the latter's royal family. Thus Antiochos I styled himself as Basileus Megas and during the Romano-Pahlavan wars he would allow armies to cross via Kommagene, but at the same time notify of it the opposing side. Or he would forestall damage to his countryside by supporting whomever held the upper hand, bribing and welcoming refugees. At Arsameia he erected a Hierothesion, initiating a dynastic cult, and also engaged in great works to improve his urban centres. But eventually both Roma and Pahlava found his particular neutrality uncomfortable. Antiochos I was thus besieged by the Trivmvir Marcvs Antonivs, even though he had promised an indemnity to resume his position as Amicvs. Eventually buying off the Roman army for less than a third of what he was willing to pay already. Later in 36 BCE he was murdered by a Pahlavan hired assassin, leaving Kommagene to his descendants, who would be thoroughly Romanised and dependent on the will of the Roman Princeps. Moreover members of the Kommagenian family would remain prominent Cives in Roma well into the 2nd century CE.
Strategy
Sophene is a remarkable province, for it is geographically well defended and rich in natural resources. Moreover its position makes it the perfect centre of power to control northern Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions. A wise ruler should always be confident regarding this province's defenses, keeping its invaluable crossroad safeguarded, facilitating commercial traffic.
Ailfertes
10-03-2013, 10:09
For what I can tell these are done:
Africa: Gaetulia, Kush, Kyrenaia
Armenia/Caucasus: Kartli, Pokr Hayk, Sophene
Asia: Bithynia, Galatia, Ionia, Kappadokia, Kappadokia Pontika, Karia, Lydia, Mysia, Pamphylia, Phrygia, Pontos Paralios, Rhodos
Hellas/Makedonia: Aitolia, Attike, Krete, Makedonia
Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Hyrkania, Karmania, Persis
These are still to be done (with the claimed ones in bold):
Africa: Byzakion, Di'Amat, Erythraia, Libye, Maqom Hadesh, Mauretania, Numidia, Numidia Massaesili, Oasis Megale, Phasania, Rus Lixus, Syrthim, Tiskat, Triakontaschoinos
Armenia/Caucasus: Adiabene, Adurbadegan, Aghvan, Egrisi
Asia: Kilikia
Balkans: Dalmatia, Dardanoia, Scorcouw, Illyria Hellenike, Thraikia Hypertera,
Hellas/Makedonia: Epeiros, Lakonike, Thessalia
Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Astauene (?), Drangiane, Elymais, Gabiene, Gedrosia, Hauratavish, Khoarene, Margiane (?), Media, Media Rhagiana, Paropamisadai, Parthyaia
Ailfertes
10-03-2013, 17:12
By the way, at the moment I am way too busy, but perhaps in November I will take some of the African regions. I don't know anything about them atm, but one of my colleagues would and I will try to ask for some literature.
QuintusSertorius
10-11-2013, 22:33
Krete is only partially done, doesn't deserve to be listed with the complete ones. I've still got more to do on that when I get some time to spare.
For what I can tell these are done:
Africa: Gaetulia, Kush, Kyrenaia
Armenia/Caucasus: Kartli, Pokr Hayk, Sophene
Asia: Bithynia, Galatia, Ionia, Kappadokia, Kappadokia Pontika, Karia, Lydia, Mysia, Pamphylia, Phrygia, Pontos Paralios, Rhodos
Hellas/Makedonia: Aitolia, Attike, Krete, Makedonia
Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Hyrkania, Karmania, Persis
These are still to be done (with the claimed ones in bold):
Africa: Byzakion, Di'Amat, Erythraia, Libye, Maqom Hadesh, Mauretania, Numidia, Numidia Massaesili, Oasis Megale, Phasania, Rus Lixus, Syrthim, Tiskat, Triakontaschoinos
Armenia/Caucasus: Adiabene, Adurbadegan, Aghvan, Egrisi
Asia: Kilikia
Balkans: Dalmatia, Dardanoia, Scorcouw, Illyria Hellenike, Thraikia Hypertera,
Hellas/Makedonia: Epeiros, Lakonike, Thessalia
Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Astauene (?), Drangiane, Elymais, Gabiene, Gedrosia, Hauratavish, Khoarene, Margiane (?), Media, Media Rhagiana, Paropamisadai, Parthyaia
So nobody is doing Sparta? That's a bit of a surprise...
So I'll have another go at this... Lakonike for me plz.
Damn, It seems I forgot to do epeiros :/
I'm sorry for the inconvenience. It having a description at all is more important to me than actually "being in the game" so if anyone wants to write the description, feel free to do so.
Brave Brave Sir Robin
11-24-2013, 23:30
Been very busy with a variety of things lately but I'm getting back around to this now. About halfway done with Parthyaia.
V.T. Marvin
12-02-2013, 16:17
Just letting you know guys that thanks to our great new auxiliary RAWROMNOM all your already provided descriptions are now fully integrated into our build. :yes:
So if more of you want to see their text in the game as it first comes out it is the best time to start writing. :2thumbsup:
And once again many thanks to all contributors, this community makes us proud! :bow:
Lakonike is (slowly) coming along but I had to share this. As I was typing, i noticed this:
Lakedaemon. And the Eurotas valley used to be feature a Lake rather than a river according to some accounts. Funny ha?
RAWROMNOM
12-10-2013, 00:40
Keep 'em coming! I'm happy to continue entering them in.
Lakonike will be delivered sometime next week if all goes well. I have gone completely overboard as far as length is concerned, but moderators may edit out all material they see fit. I expect my first draft to be finished today and I'll spend some time during the next few days correcting and polishing.
As promised.
Province Lakonike
Traveler’s Log
Travelling by ship from Crete to Laconia the traveler will probably stop at the beautiful Kythira Island, where Aphrodite was born. This island has always been an in-between station for the ancient route to and from northwestern Crete and the Peloponnesus. Reaching the edge of the mainland, beautiful scenic small bays and coves contrast the impressive mountain masses in the background. Images such as this, display clearly the isolation of the different parts of the Peloponnesus provided by overlapping mountain ranges and their plateaus and valleys. Though relatively small in size, this part of Hellas has harbored many city-state cultures. Entering the bay to the north where the Eurotas meets the sea and travelling up the valley it forms, between the Taygetos to the west and Parnon to the east, the traveler reaches the glorious, unwalled (until sometime in the third century BC and soon after enslaved) city of Sparta. Perhaps not much in the way of sightseeing, it still holds something spectacular to observe: its people!
Geography
Even though it is still not proven, it is possible that the name Lakonia is composited by the words Las and Konos, meaning stone and cone respectively, inspired by the view of Taygetos’s pyramidal highest peak. The Eurotas valley from north to south dominates the province. The river originates in the mountains and rolls gently to the sea. The reeds from its banks provided the material for the “beds” of the Spartans. The mountains on either side are rough and form a natural barrier that somewhat isolates the province. Taygetos, named after Taygetis a daughter of Atlas, holds the highest peak at over 2400m with a permanent snowcap and a very clear atmosphere that made it ideal for astronomic observation. In fact, Anaximandros installed an observatory and devices used to measure stellar and planetary movement, equinoxes and solstices, according to Cicero and Diogenis Laertios. Parnon is no small mountain just under 2000m and separates Lakonike from Arcadia. Stone and sunlight are ever present in Lakonike and against this background, olive trees, vineyards, orange and other fruit trees complete the scene of the Spartan countryside.
The People, Society and Government
No Dorian is more Doric than the Spartans. That perhaps is all that needs to be said about the Spartan stock. And if contrary to the human condition, which it is, this culture remained so for the better part of three centuries and furthermore it was enforced by law.
A layered society featured the slave land-workers, called helots, at the bottom, whose life was worth only as much as the care they took of their lords’ land and other needs. Notably, they belonged to the state, not to individual Spartans. The second social layer consisted of the perioikoi. These were free and somewhat independent living in settlements around the city itself. They were craftsmen and traders and as such were the only ones that were allowed to travel outside Lakedaimonian dominion. In war they fought as hoplites, although they were not up to the standard of discipline and effectiveness of the core Spartan army. That core consisted of Spartan full citizens, the Homoioi. These were born into their class, but could lose their rights for cowardice in battle or misconduct. They also received especially brave soldiers from lower classes into their numbers, who would usually have to go through the Spartan Agoge first. The general assembly of the Homoioi was the Apella, that voted on a voice, on issues such as campaign leaders or motions put forth by the Kings or the elders. While many details on its function are not clear, its most important task perhaps was electing the five Ephoroi responsible for maintaining public order and general oversight of Lykourgos’s laws. The Ephoroi served for one year at a time. They had the right to remain seated in the presence of the Kings whom they also kept an eye on for any digressions. Even so they were not all powerful. They could not get reelected and they could be judged by the next Ephoroi even to receive the death penalty on extreme occasions. The Apella also voted on a voice for the lifelong members of the Gerousia or the Senate. It included twenty eight men plus the two Kings for a total of thirty. Its responsibilities were mostly legislative and occasionally judicial. The dual kingship formed the top of the Spartan pyramid of power and predated Lykourgos’s reforms. It provided a balance between the two oldest and powerful families in Sparta. The Agiades and the Euripontides.
Lykourgos: In answer to the man who was insistent that he establish a democracy in the State Lycurgus said, "Do you first establish a democracy in your own house."
Charillos: When one of the Helots conducted himself rather boldly toward him, he said, "If I were not angry, I would kill you."
Perhaps the most important institution of the Spartan state was the Agoge. The fundamental principle for any army is discipline. And discipline is an acquired skill. It takes time and training. In Sparta, boys were passed over to the state, at the age of seven and were no longer the responsibility of their parents. Until their twentieth year they were rigorously trained, both physically and mentally. From the age of thirteen years old, they were taught to fight, survive and face adverse weather conditions. They ate the Melanas Zomos, or black broth made of pork, salt, blood and vinegar. They were also encouraged to steal for food and were only punished when caught on the act, not for stealing but for having been caught. They slept on reeds from the banks of the Eurotas and faced all kinds of brutality that makes for the terrible face of war, such as the Diamastigosis a test of endurance and perseverance for the body and the spirit. They were also taught to be brief and concise in their words. This skill was called “lakonizein”. They were also taught to scorn music, art and money. Trade and the arts flourished prior to the reforms. Initially there was no currency and no need for it either since the state provided for everything. Later on, Spartan coins were made of iron and disproportionaly heavy, so that when a lot of money was accumulated it would require a wagon to move it, inevitably drawing attention.
Androcleidas the Spartan, who had a crippled leg, enrolled himself among the fighting-men. And when some persons were insistent that he be not accepted because he was crippled, he said, "But I do not have to run away, but to stay where I am when I fight the opposing foe."
The Spartans gave particular attention to their hair, recalling a saying of Lycurgus in reference to it, that it made the handsome more comely and the ugly more frightful.
Demaratos: In a council meeting he was asked whether it was due to foolishness or lack of words that he said nothing. "But a fool, would not be able to hold his tongue."
When a Spartan soldier was about to strike down an enemy a trumpet sounded recalling him to his unit so he stayed his blow. When asked why he let the man live he replied that is was better to follow an order than to slay an enemy.
Another institution of sorts was the Crypteia. Probably introduced by Lykourgos the Crypteia took place once every year. Young Spartans would be unleashed in the countryside with the objective to kill helots. The Spartans would be unarmed or lightly armed and should seek out the strongest among the helots. This institution introduced the younger Homoioi to bloodshed, which they had perhaps experienced during the Agoge, but also kept the helot population in check, since estimates put it at about twenty times that of the Homoioi.
The Spartans hoped to maintain their way of life by insulating their city from aliens. Strangers were only allowed to stay with the city under special permission. This was called Xenilasia and was not unique to Sparta; it has also been noted among Cretan Dorians. Women in Sparta enjoyed special priviliges, when compared to other cities. They trained in sports so they might be strong and healthy and bear strong and healthy offspring. Young women were allowed to walk where they pleased unveiled so that suitors could observe their beauty. Not so married women that had to wear a veil at all times and offer their beauty only to their husbands. On that note, young husbands were not allowed to stay with their wives during the day and stormed their own bedrooms at night to enjoy their wives. This kept their passion fresh. On the other hand, if a Spartan could not produce any offspring it was not shameful to ask a fellow Spartan to impregnate his wife so that he too might have sons to offer Sparta.
The Spartans were very religious. All gods statues and images bore arms more often than not so that men would not go before them unarmed. They sacrificed to Heros before battle and especially revered Heracles and quite unexpectedly, Athena, their archrival’s namesake. Athena Optilletis got her epithet from an unfortunate event in her temple, during which Lykourgos, trying to implement his reforms nearly lost an eye when stricken by a rich man who stood to lose his wealth. He retained his vision and attributed his fortune to the goddess (optilos is a doric word for eye). Later on the rich man in question was handed over by the assembly to Lykourgos to kill if he so saw fit. Lykourgos took him into his household and overwhelmed him by means of his virtue to the point that he became Lykourgos greatest admirer.
Cleomenes son of Anaxandridas: When somebody inquired of him why Spartans do not dedicate to the gods the spoils from their enemies, he said, "Because they are taken from cowards."
Cleomenes son of Anaxandridas: When someone said, "Why have you not killed off the people of Argos who wage war against you so often?" he said, "Oh, we would not kill them off, for we want to have some trainers for our young men."
History
Neolithic ceramic evidence near the location of Sparta marks the beginning of inhabitation in this southernmost part of the Peloponnesus. While archaeology is somewhat limited in what it can tell us about the earlier years, myth is not. The Lakedaemonians have a rich mythology for their kingly lineage. A short version of the laconic age of myth has Las, one the first men created by the stones thrown behind them by Deucalion and Pyrra after the Cataclysm, settling in the location of what was to be Sparta, but was then called Las. In the Dorian dialect Las means stone. In the earlier Pelasgean dialect it can be interpreted to mean heavenly spirit. At any rate Las was killed by Achilles when the latter was visiting Sparta as Helen’s suitor. So here the line continues with Menelaos, though Las’s position is not clarified in this version of the myth and the lengthy catalog of mythic kings preceding Menelaos is not incorporated.
The longer version begins with Lelex as the first indigenous king of Sparta who interestingly enough was also considered primogenitor of the Messenians. His dynasty, the lelegides, is short with a total of three kings: himself, Mylis inventor of the mill and Eurotas who gave his name to the river. Eurotas was survived by no son, but had a daughter named Sparta! Sparta married Lakedaemon, a son of Zeus and Taygetis daughter of Atlas the Titan. Thus began the second dynasty and a new name was given the land: Lacedaemonia. Lakedaemon was succeded by Amyklas, founder of the Amykles settlement, who had three sons. Of these Argalos became king first and Kynortas after him. Then Perieres and after him Oibalos who begot Ikarios (Penelope’s father), Tyndareos (Helen and Clytemnestra’s father) and Arnes (mother of Boeotos). In this generation, the pre-Dorian familial connection of what is now the Ionian Islands, Boeotia and the Peloponnesus, is established. Oibalos had another son named Ippokoon (the horse whisperer) who took the throne and exiled his brothers. An invasion mounted by Herakles, but aborted after his injury, is placed at this point in the timeline. A second invasion assisted by the Arcadian Argonaut Kefeus was successful; an echo of the first Dorian incursions. Ippokoon and his offspring were killed and Tyndareos became King, but had no sons. Here ended the second pre Dorian dynasty. Menelaos married Helen, after her brothers the Dioskouroi took turns climbing Olympos and plunging into Hades, and so became King in Sparta introducing the dynasty of the Atreides. This is where myth touches history, as in all probability King Atreus, Menelaos’s father, is the Atarisiyas mentioned in the Hittite royal archives. The Spartan line of the Atreides mirrors the troubled time of the successive Dorian invasions into the realm of the Mycenaean world (also referred to as the invasion of the Herakleidae). Menelaos was one of the few lucky survivors both of the Trojan War and the nostos, the return trip home, the other prominent examples being Odysseas and Nestor. Still he had no sons and his daughter Hermione was married to his nephew Orestis. Orestis ruled over Argos, Mycenae and Lakonia. His son Tisamenos was the last King of the dynasty; he died fighting the Dorian invaders after being confined to Amykles. Of the Dorian Herakleidae, Aristodemos took Lakonia as his own. When he died his sons were not of age to rule, so his brother in law Thyras became steward. Meanwhile he colonized the island Kalliste (most beautiful) which he named after himself, Thyra (Santorini). Entering history….
Aristodemos’s sons who according to some accounts were twins (and they had to be to provide equality to the two lines of kings) were Eurysthenes of the Agiades (leaders) and Prokles of the Eurypontides (wide sea). They became kings to rule jointly. Counting the names of the kings and allowing for an average time of ruling, places the first joint kingship around the 800s BC. This institution was unique; still it is not attributed to Lykourgos’ reforms as other institutions particular to Sparta are. Assuming he is a historical figure - and many ancient sources agree he was, not the least of which is Aristotle - a younger brother of a deceased king and guardian of his nephew Harilaos Eyropontides or Leovotos Agiades. This changes the estimates somewhat and places him later in the late 7th century following a period of instability for Sparta, hence the need for change. At any rate, credited with bringing the Spartans out of the darkness and into the light (of justice) as his name suggests, he is far more appealing as a historic person that entered the realm of myth. It was Lykourgos that transformed Sparta into the unique state that was to survive with little change for centuries. Sparta was destined to enjoy eternal glory and be defined by war.
Messenian Wars: A state of recurring animosity existed between Sparta and its neighbors, a common occurrence with Hellenic states. Messena, Tegea, Sikion and Argos were all in an on-and-off state of war with Sparta. However the conflicts that really changed the balance of power in the Peloponnesus and propelled Sparta to regional power status were the first and second Messenian Wars. The first war was inconclusive, but in the second the Spartans managed to defeat the Messenians who were led by the energetic and perhaps mythical Aristomenes for the better part of fifteen years. The remnants of the Messenians were forced to take refuge at the fortified city of Eira and hold out for a few more years. However, they were both unable to turn the tide and secure a place in the post defeat environment, so they ended up fleeing to Epeiros and Sicily at Zagle, which later was renamed Messena. Aristomenes is said to have fled to Rhodes.
Polydorus: As he was leading out his army to Messene, someone asked him if he was going to fight against his brothers. He said that he was not, but was merely proceeding to the unassigned portion of the land.
The newly conquered lands and the accompanying slaves perhaps provided the Spartan citizens with such means of sustenance as were required in order for them to remain practically lifelong soldiers in the service of the state. It is not inconceivable that this thread of events led to the reforms of Lykourgos, especially since the 8th and 7th centuries BC are considered a tumultuous period of Spartan history. After this conquest Sparta initially tried to expand to the North with mixed results that dictated a change of strategy in favor of political means rather than military. After subduing Tegea and perhaps more importantly Argos, Sparta was manifestly not only the strongest power in the Peloponnesus, but also recognized as such in Hellas. To that effect there was little to no debate when Sparta was granted PanHellenic leadership of both land and naval forces in the landmark conflict that followed: The Persian Wars.
In the meantime an interesting incident occurred that led to a notable change in Spartan law and planted the seed for Hellenic civil war on a grand scale, the magnitude of which had never come to pass until then, but would become all too familiar in centuries to come. While Sparta was trying to expand its sphere of influence beyond the Isthmos, it found a pretext to interfere in Athenian politics and did so not too subtly. A Spartan contingent under King Kleomenes I, marched to Attica in support of a political faction in 510 BC. This led to the exile of “democracy’s father” Kleisthenes but later also to the expulsion of Kleomenes from the city. While a full scale invasion under both Spartan kings and with the assistance of Peloponnesian allies was brewing, the plan fell through and the coalition began to unravel when Corinthos refused to be a part of it and King Dimaratos also decided to abort and return to Lakedaimona. This case of royal discord led to a law stipulating that only one Spartan king would be allowed to campaign beyond the border.
Polycratidas: Polycratidas was sent, along with others, as ambassador to the king's generals, and when these asked whether they were there as private citizens or had been sent as public representatives, he said, "If we succeed, public; if not, private."
Persian Wars: By this time and indeed quite some time before the Spartan army had made its reputation for superiority, if not outright invincibility in Hellas. In 492 BC the Great King Darius advanced victorious through Thrace and Makedonia before returning home. In 490 BC a Persian fleet crossed the Aegean before burning Eretria to the ground and landed at Marathon only to be soundly defeated and forced to return whence it came from. Both these operations took place before any PanHellenic resistance could be organized, so the opportunity was not given for Spartan leadership. In 480 BC however a vast army poured into Thessaly and bottlenecked at Thermopylae (a site of mixed results for attacker and defender both before and since) in the face of a small Spartan led coalition. Part of the defenders fled when they learned that the Persians had found their way around their position. Others, including all 300 Spartans but one (or so tradition would have it), stood their ground and were slain to a man, King Leonidas I with them. The 300 were called “Hippeis” though they always fought on foot, perhaps a relic of old times, just as the Dioskouroi, considered Spartan progenitors are always depicted on horses, an image reminiscent of an oligarch class, wealthy enough to support horses.
Leonidas, son of Anaxandridas: When the Ephors said that he was taking but few men to Thermopylae, he said, "Too many for the enterprise on which we going." His wife Gorgo inquired, at the time when he was setting forth to Thermopylae to fight the Persian, if he had any instructions to give her, and he said, "To marry good men and bear good children."
Leonidas, son of Anaxandridas: When Xerxes wrote, "Hand over your arms," he wrote in reply, "Come and take them".
Diinekes: When someone said, "Because of the arrows of the barbarians it is impossible to see the sun," he said, "Won't it be nice, then, if we shall have shade in which to fight them?"
Paedaretus: When he was not chosen as one of the three hundred, which was rated as the highest honour in the State, he went away cheerful and smiling; but when the Ephors called him back, and asked why he was laughing, he said, "Because I congratulate the State for having three hundred citizens better than myself."
At any rate, the Persians advanced past a neutral Thebes and flooded into Attica. Athens, mostly defenseless was set alight and the Spartans in a characteristically self-serving manner begun fortifying the Isthmos. The Athenians did it again albeit under nominal Spartan leadership and effectively trashed Persian plans for a thorough conquest of Hellas. During the next campaigning season the combined Hellenic forces under Spartan leadership counterattacked in Boetia and destroyed the remaining Persian forces near Plataea, killing in the process their leader Mardonius, a prince and son in law of Xerxes. A full complement of Spartan hoplites was present that day as opposed to the 300-men-limited royal bodyguard of Leonidas I. Mostly Athenian hoplites faced Theban formations on their side of the battlefield, but it was the Spartan heavy hoplite phalanx that led an opportune yet unplanned charge which routed the Persians. Casualties were very heavy on the Persian side. Among the Spartan dead was the survivor of Thermopylae redeemed from shame, but not praiseworthy either, since he charged the enemy line in a non-Spartan frenzy. Another Spartan-led success was the Battle of Mycale, which was rather noteworthy, as naval warfare put Spartans out of their element. It resulted in the destruction of the Persian fleet and thus put an end to the second Persian invasion.
Pausanias son of Kleombrotos: When some people were amazed at the costliness of the raiment found among the spoils of the barbarians, he said that it would have been better for them to be themselves men of worth than to possess things of worth. After the victory at Plataea over the Persians he ordered that the dinner which had been prepared for the Persians should be served to himself and his officers. As this had a wondrous sumptuousness, he said, "By Heaven, the Persian was a greedy fellow who, when he had all this, came after our barley-cake."
The initiative now belonged to the Hellenes. And the Spartans were leading… at first. The fleet fought successfully near Cyprus and Byzantion, which prompted the Ionian coast of Asia Minor to consider rebelling against the Persian yoke. However, the Spartans rejected their pleas and instead sailed home, in their traditional militaristic isolationism, probably satisfied with being considered the best fighting force in Hellas and beyond. Pausanias was at first recalled due to his arrogance and independent ways. But the damage had been done and his replacement was not able to turn the mood. It was Athens that answered the call of the Iones and thus set the foundation for its future maritime “empire”. In 473 BC Tegea seized the opportunity to rebel against Spartan suzerainty as did Argos only to be brought to heel soon afterward in 471 BC. These events perhaps justify Spartan introversion. In 464 BC a great earthquake claimed many lives of Spartan citizens and provided the Helotes an opportunity to rebel against their lifelong masters. It was many years before Spartan authority was fully restored over its power base, but all the while Athenian power grew throughout the Aegean and mainland Hellas. The Spartan opposed where they could and incited dissent among disillusioned Athenian allies with considerable success. It was an antagonism kept at low level intensity and mostly regional conflict, a Cold War of sorts. However, when no alternative remained and the Athenian league was on the verge of growing too powerful to resist, a Spartan army marched to Attica under the pretext of liberating all Greeks and thus initiated the Peloponnesian War. Ironically, in the years of the Helot revolt, mostly well-off Athenian hoplites marched to help the Spartans take a fortified position of the Helots, only to turn back on learning that the Helots were Hellenes just like themselves.
Peloponnesian War: The Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) ravaged irreparably the Hellenic world from Sicily to the Euxinos Pontos and let the Persians meddle in Hellenic affairs with their overwhelming wealth. It is roughly divided in three stages and the immediate result was a decisive, but particularly short lived Spartan victory. King Archidamos who had led his people out of their city just prior to the major earthquake of 464 BC, thus saving their lives and subsequently also against the Helots and Perioikoi, was a cautious and reasonable man. He had discussed options with Perikles as his guest in Athens and even faced scrutiny back home because of his interest in negotiation. In the end he invaded Attica and besieged Athens in a very predictable, but reasonable move, in typical Spartan fashion. The Athenians declined battle of course and under Perikles’s guidance counterattacked using their naval and economic superiority… of course. During these operations a Spartan detachment surrendered after being cut off, an unprecedented event of extraordinary importance. In Athens a typhoid plague claimed many lives including Perikles’s. When a truce was agreed upon in 421 BC Athens could claim victory, if only marginally, since the Spartans who had attacked first had achieved very little and a return to status quo ante bellum was accepted.
In this first stage the Spartan general Vrasidas marched in Makedonia to assist Perdikas II of Makedonia, but found himself abandoned by the undisciplined Makedonians of the time and surrounded by the wild raiding Illyrians. He formed a defensive square formation perhaps for the first time in history that, with the uncompromising discipline of his men, allowed him to retreat unmolested by the barbarians. He died in operations against the Athenians in Makedonia. He was buried in Amphipolis, but a cenotaph was awarded him next to the graves of Leonidas I and Pausanias. The place of his death bears his name to this day (General Vrasidas’s Cape). According to Thucydides he fully embodied Spartan ideals. By comparison his counterpart of the time, the Athenian Kleon was enough of a dick to be ridiculed by Aristophanes in his Hippeis. (//strike comment and edit ~;) )
During the second stage of 415 - 413 BC the Athenians were convinced by the multi-talented and charismatic Alcibiades to mount a campaign in Sicily to intervene in a conflict between two cities there, Egesta and Selinounda. Beyond the surface, the objective was to expand the Athenian sphere of influence to the West and deprive the Spartans and their allies of its resources. Three leaders were chosen from all political factions Alcibiades among them. After the fleet sailed, however, Alcibiades was accused of mutilating the Hermaic stelae during a drunken stupor (or rage). These were basically road signs posted at corners and squares, nothing too important except that they featured the face of a major god. Blown out of proportion in the face of public discontent the matter warranted swift justice and Alcibiades was recalled immediately to stand trial. Whether this was provocation or actually his doing has not been determined, but at any rate he then defected to Sparta fearing for his life and with good reason. He was condemned in absentia. What was not evident at the time was that the Athenians were condemning themselves. Alcibiades adapted remarkably well and fast. This new “Spartan” gave a much needed touch of genius to the otherwise mundane Spartan strategic maneuvering, both in the west and the mainland. He suggested that Gylippos a Spartan ex commander then living in Magna Grecia be put in charge of defending Syracuse and Sicily. Also he suggested that Dekeleia in Attica be fortified so that Athens would only be able to resupply by sea. Gylippos was able to turn the tide in Sicily mostly relying on counter-investment efforts, racing time against Athenian fortifications aimed at isolating Syracuse. Both armies ceaselessly fought, harassed, built and destroyed, until Gylippos was able to use part of the Athenian efforts to his advantage. The Athenian expeditionary force found itself surrounded by land. When the fleet was also defeated they surrendered. The commanders were executed and the rest died in the mines under terrible conditions. This was a terrible blow for Athens.
During the third phase 413-404 BC the Spartan endeavors were too grand for their means so they turned to the Persians for financial aid. Athens was in panic even changing its form of government to an oligarchy in 411 BC for a year and a half. It was Alcibiades, who in the meantime had taken refuge in the Persian court in Asia Minor that advised the Persians to keep the war going. A Spartan fleet was built with Persian funds and the theater of operations moved to the northern Aegean and the Hellespont. Perhaps Alcibiades hoped that if Athens were hard pressed the city would pardon and summon him. And it did.
Alcibiades returned to Athens and took command of the fleet. The Athenians won a victory in Abydos in 411 BC and when the Spartans regrouped, a combined land and sea engagement in Kyzikos in 410BC. The Athenian fleet destroyed the Spartan fleet using a stratagem of Alcibiades and the army under Hares defeated the Persians on land. A report back to Sparta read: “The ships are destroyed. Mindaros (the commander) is dead. The men are starving. We know not what to do.”(//Drums in the deep… they are coming!) Democracy was restored in Athens. In 407 BC the Spartans under Lysandros defeated the Athenians with a newly rebuilt fleet using Persian gold near Samos and the Athenians blamed Alcibiades who decided to go on exile. Konon was placed in charge of the fleet, but was hard pressed by the new Spartan admiral, Lysandros’s replacement, Kallikratidas, a somewhat junior commander. Konon was forced to offer battle and suffered a bitter defeat, which resulted in him being hopelessly isolated and barely able to send a message home. The Athenians mobilized all resourced even granting citizen rights to metoikoi and slaves overnight, so that crews might be available for a new fleet sponsored by the molten golden statue of Nike. (//The goddess, not the brand). This makeshift fleet was trained and drilled en route and won the engagement in the Arginouses near Lesbos in 406BC. Conditions appeared unfavorable for the Spartans, but to his deputies’ advice Kallikratidas responded in typical cold laconic manner: “If I die, Sparta will be unharmed. If I shy away from battle, Sparta will be disgraced.” He was right. He died, but Sparta won the war eventually. The victors however had their hands full. Part of the enemy fleet escaped and had to be pursued, Konon was still cut off by some 50 Spartan vessels and almost 5000 of the fleet’s crew were drowning as their commanders were trying to make up their minds. The weather cared little for their deliberations and a storm forced the fleet to abandon any survivors still at sea and take to port. Bodies were seen floating in the sea and ashore as far south as Phokaia. The psychological impact was such that after much deliberating the Athenian authorities sentenced all the generals to death and executed the six that were present in Athens, in typical Athenian fashion. The Spartans sued for peace maintaining the status quo, which was unpalatable to the Athenians since it meant that many islands would not be under their control and they now felt confident enough to finally win the war. Lysandros was back in charge of the Spartan forces even against stipulations of the Spartan constitution. Cyrus the Younger was on friendly terms with him and provided the gold to rebuild the Spartan fleet once more. This fleet annihilated the Athenian fleet in 404 BC at Aigos potamoi and later blockaded Athens by sea. Cut off from land and sea the city was starved to submission and capitulated. Lysandros sent a laconic dispatch home: “Athens has fallen”
Antalcidas: When an Athenian said to him, "You must admit that we have many a time put you to rout from the Cephisus," he retorted, "But we have never put you to rout from the Eurotas."
The invincible Spartan phalanx was given little chance to prove its overwhelming superiority. And while the unwillingness of its enemies to face it is testament to that superiority, the surrender of Spartan hoplites definitely put a dent to its reputation. When the Athenians were not busy killing or neutralizing their successful leaders (as they always did) they enjoyed notable success even in particularly adverse conditions, made possible by the other Athenian advantage over Sparta, wealth. The balance was tipped as many times as needed by the vastly greater Persian wealth and it took a mediocre strategist, but capable negotiator and diplomat, Lysandros, to finalize the outcome.
The iconic Spartan super soldier notwithstanding, people are people. Vrasidas perhaps matched the Spartan role-model, but other important men of the era did not. A brief account on Gylippos and Lysandros follows:
Gylippos was born around 450 BC so that would put him in his mid-thirties when he took command of the Spartan force in Sicily. He is reported in the sources as being a “mothax” which is a term to describe Spartans of non-citizen descent, who are still raised as such, adopted or otherwise. His father was Kleandridas (not the one of Arginouses) a general and an advisor to the young King Pleistoanax that led the siege of Athens during the first stage of the war. Both Kleandridas and Pleistoanax were accused of receiving the secret government fund that Perikles of Athens could use according to law in any way he saw fit without reporting to anyone. The accusation was that they were bribed to lift the siege, but in all probability they were victimized by the rival faction in Sparta to be weakened at home and also to justify why the mighty Spartan army had achieved nothing before returning home and accepting peace. At any rate Kleandridas was condemned to death in absentia and Pleistoanax was severely fined so that, unable to pay, went into exile. Kleandridas had fled to Athens and from there to the Athenian colony in Thurioi. He became a general there and had his share of success. When Alcibiades defected the Spartans charged Gylippos with putting together a task force to relieve Syracuse, which he did, using Corinthian and Leukadian crews. Corinth was directly harmed by the Athenian expedition in Sicily since most trade with the West was conducted by Corinthian merchants. Gylippos was able to turn the tables on the Athenian force and gradually forced them into surrender. He wanted to spare the Athenian leaders but was accused of having a personal financial interest for doing so, since Nikias, one of the Athenian generals was a very wealthy man. This perhaps was an all too familiar accusation for Gylippos. There is however no record of a conviction and no indication either, since he continued to serve Sparta with all citizen rights. Some ten years later in 404 BC Gylippos was tasked by his superior Lysandros with delivering sealed sacks full of money and spoils back to Sparta. He was accused of removing a small part from every sack and then sealing it anew, without knowing that there was a small note in each sack documenting the contents. In fact it was a servant of his that turned him in saying that “many owls gather under his roof”, the owl being featured on many coins of the time. Just like his father he served in war with considerable distinction, but was sentenced to death in absentia for treason involving money - bribery and embezzlement, respectively.
Lysandros was a very capable political figure and a decent commander, yet unscrupulous and overly ambitious. His connections in the Persian court allowed him to build a powerful fleet which he handed over to his replacement Kallikratidas saying: “I give you a powerful fleet that rules the Aegean”, to which the new admiral replied: ”If so, take it from Samos to Miletos”, which were firmly in Athenian hands. Before withdrawing from his command Lysandros returned what remained of the Persian funds that had been allocated for the construction and maintenance of the fleet. He thus reassured authorities at home that he wasn’t taking any gold for his own, impressed the Persian with this gesture and stayed on good terms with them, made things harder for his successor and also sent a clear message that if he was being recalled (even as lawfully as he was), Sparta could not enjoy the full benefit of his services. When Kallikratidas was killed at the Battle of Arginouses, Lysandros was given free reign over the Spartan forces, but was not given the official title thus bypassing a legal obstacle. Such tricks were not beneath the upstanding Spartans. Lysandros used his influence with Cyrus the Younger and secured the funds needed to rebuild the fleet. Under his military leadership the Spartans captured the last Athenian fleet in 404BC and were therefore able to besiege it by land and sea into surrender. Having brought the Peloponnesian War to an end, Lysandros brought down the long walls of Athens, which had stood in the way of many a Spartan invasion. He installed a garrison and an oligarchy in Athens. Taking advantage of the turbulent political situation of the time he tried to overthrow the highly celebrated king Agisilaos II (also known as the Great), but failed. This was perhaps in self-defense since the Agiades seized every opportunity to curb his power and influence. He died in combat at the battle of Aliartos during the Boeotian War in 395BC. A true Spartan to the end he allegedly declared “Where there is no lion-hide, there is a fox-hide” displaying his skill in laconic speech. Lysandros is also an interesting case because he is the first verifiable example of a statesman receiving divine honors during his lifetime. This took place in Samos during the Lysandreia in his honor and it happened repeatedly. Previous examples oddly enough (or not) were Olympic winners. The same divine offers had been offered to Agisilaos II but he turned them down.
Clearly factional infighting was not an Athenian prerogative.
Lysandros: In answer to the Argives, who were disputing with the Spartans in regard to the boundaries of their land and said that they had the better of the case, he drew his sword and said, "He who is master of this talks best about boundaries of land."
Three years after the end of the war, in 401 BC Cyrus cashed in his favors. He was going to march against his brother the Great King. To that end he required a substantial hoplite force, which was provided by the Spartans in return for his support during the war. These however were not Spartans, but mercenaries under a Spartan commander, Klearchos. The army marched east and the mercenaries were initially tricked, then convinced to keep marching east all the way to the empire’s heartland not far from Babylon. Battle was given near Kounaxa and Cyrus was killed. The myrioi (10K) won their part of the engagement, but moved far ahead of the main front forming the fatal opening on Cyrus’s right. The hoplites were practically unmolested after the battle, but found themselves isolated far away from home, farther than any Hellenic force had ever been. Eventually they were led to safety by an Athenian, Xenophon, who also wrote the account of their hardship and achievement.
Korinthian War (395-387BC): The Spartans enjoyed considerable power in the years after the Peloponnesian War. In fact they were strong enough to attack the Persians in Asia Minor and wrest control of some cities from them. That gave enough cause for the Persians to support a new anti-Spartan alliance between Athens, Thebes, Argos and Corinth. The Spartans won victories on land but their fleet, essential to operations across the Aegean was badly damaged in the battle of Knidos against a mercenary Hellenic-Phoenician fleet that the Persian provided for the Athenians, a privilege reserved for the Spartans until that time. The Spartans did not give up easily, but when Konon raided the Peloponnesian coast he stirred the age-old fear of helot rebellion. Peace was in order. And it came to pass… for a while.
Agisilaos (the Great): Inasmuch as the Persian coinage was stamped with the figure of a bowman, he said, as he was breaking camp, that he was being driven out of Asia by the king with thirty thousand bowmen; for such was the number of gold pieces brought to Athens and Thebes.
Theban (Boeotian) War: The Spartans gave up the cities of the Ionian coast and Cyprus to have peace with the Persians and therefore concentrated their efforts in the mainland. In 382 BC, on a detour during a campaign Olynthos in Chalcidice, a Spartan force under Phoibidas destroyed the Theban acropolis, the Kadmeia, and installed a pro-Lakedaimonian faction in power. This was in clear violation of the peace agreed upon just five years before. The Thebans rebelled and war ensued, during which the Spartans unsuccessfully attacked the port of Piraeus, thus forcing the Athenians to the Theban side. The Spartans were the dominant regional power so they had the initiative, but they largely failed to achieve their goals, i.e. the complete submission of Thebes. Later in 376 BC they were defeated in a sea battle off of Naxos by a combined fleet lead by the Athenians and again in 374 BC in Alysia in Western Hellas. In 375BC the Theban Sacred Band of 300 men with cavalry support was able to defeat a larger Spartan force of nearly 800 hoplites in an unexcpected battle in Tegyra, as Pelopidas, the famous Theban commander, was trying to retake Orchomenos when it was vacated of its Spartan garrison. It was a proud victory for the Thebans and one that brought prestige to the Sacred Band. The result of the aforementioned facts was that the Spartans were not able to avert the formation of the “Koino ton Boeoton” or the Second Athenian League. In 371 BC after negotiations in Sparta, the Thebans would not surrender their consolidated position in Boeotia and the Spartans decided to invade once more, this time under Kleomvrotos I. The two armies fought at Leuctra where the phalanx in Echelon formation, invented by Epaminondas gave the victory to the Thebans. The other great Theban general and statesman Pelopidas was also present and was leading the Sacred Band of 300 men. The Spartans and their allies fielded about 11000 men, while the Thebans nearly half that number. However, the Spartans had the majority of the 1000 dead on their side, since they were fiercely engaged by the elite and strategically hard-pressed Thebans. These casualties were a terrible blow to the Spartans, not only for their ability to project power outside their heartland, but also to internal stability. During the winter of the next year the Spartan King Agisilaos II, launched an assault against Arcadia, which was stirring up. The Arcadians, predictably, reached to the Thebans for help and they answered the call. Epaminondas marched to Messenia, where the helots had revolted again, and fortified their capital Messena. The Spartans mobilized their forces against the invaders and met them in the battle of Mantinea. An uncommon occurrence was that Athens’ proximity to Boeotia forced it to side with the Spartans in this particular conflict. Feigning a degree of unpreparedness Epaminondas was able to both surprise them and effectively use the Echelon formation, which his enemies did expect him to employ, but were unable to counter under the circumstances. The Spartan front collapsed and victory went to the Thebans albeit at the price of losing their leader Epaminondas. When his companions remarked that he left no heir behind, he replied that he was leaving behind two daughters: Leuctra and Mantineia. Two years later Pelopidas died too, leaving the nascent Theban Hegemony headless and doomed to be very short lived.
These two defeats weighed heavily on the scarce human resources available to the Spartans and they never quite recovered. From that point on they were restricted to their homeland and its surroundings with only a few attempts at former glory.
When Agesilaus was wounded in battle by the Thebans, Androcleidas said to his face, "You have your just reward for the lessons in fighting you have given to that people who had no desire to fight and no knowledge even of fighting." For it appeared that they had been made warlike by the continual campaigns of Agesilaus against them.
Agisilaos II ruled from 444 to 361 BC. In 396 BC he campaigned in Ionia against the Persians to free Hellenic cities. Starting with Ephesos he marched on to Phrygia despite entering negotiations with the satrap Tissafernis. The satrap Pharnavazos was there with a strong cavalry force and Agisilaos was forced to fall back to Ephesos. Later on he set out again reaching the river Paktolos, where he defeated a Persian force. The new satrap of Karia Tithraustis convinced him to leave Karia by paying him 30 talants. In 394 BC, while preparing for a campaign deep in Asia he received a message to return, because Sparta was in danger. He reached Koroneia in Boeotia, where he fought a combined army of Thebans and Athenians. They had received gold from the Persians to attack, so that Agisilaos would be forced to leave Persian lands. He won the battle, if only marginally. He then campaigned in Egypt leading a mercenary force. He died in Cyrene, as he was preparing to return to Sparta. Agisilaos agreed to the humiliating terms of the Antalkideios Peace. Xenophon, an Athenian, states in his work that it is hard to write praise worthy of Agisilaos, nevertheless he will attempt.
Agisilaos (the Great): When he was still a boy, at a celebration of the festival of the naked boys the director of the dance assigned him to an inconspicuous place; and he obeyed, although he was destined to be king, saying,e"Good! I shall show that it is not the places that make men to be held in honour, but the men the places."
Agisilaos (the Great): Desiring to bring about the war against the Persian for the sake of setting free the Greeks living in Asia, he consulted the oracle of Zeus at Dodona, and when the god bade him to go on, he reported the answer to the Ephors. And they bade him go to Delphi and ask the same question. Accordingly he proceeded to the prophetic shrine and put his question in this form: "Apollo, are you of the same opinion as your father?" And Apollo concurring, Agesilaus was chosen, and began the campaign.
Agisilaos (the Great): Being asked once how far the bounds of Sparta extended, he said, with a flourish of his spear, "As far as this can reach."
Agisilaos (the Great): When someone else wished to know why Sparta was without walls, he pointed to the citizens in full armour and said, "These are the Spartans' walls."
Agisilaos (the Great): In answer to a man who said that the Spartans were becoming pro-Persian, Agesilaus said that rather the Persians were becoming pro-Spartan!
Agisilaos (the Great): On his way home from Egypt death came to him, and in his last hours he gave directions to those with him that they should not cause to be made any sculptured or painted or imitative representation of his person. "For if I have done any goodly deed, that shall be my memorial; but if not, then not all the statues in the world, the works of menial and worthless men, will avail."
Phillip and Alexander
In the years that followed the Theban hegemony, Phillip managed to be widely recognized as leader of the Hellenes. The Spartans had only taken part in blockading Thermopylae against him in 353 BC, but that was as far as they went… or could go. They never fought him directly. Even so, instead of a compromise, they were adamant and would not accept an overlord. Still, Phillip knew better than to just invade Lakonike for the sake of pride. The Spartans were too weak to pose a threat by themselves or in a coalition that wasn’t eminent anyway, but would fight fiercely in their homeland and probably to the death, taking as many of the invaders as possible. If anything, the Spartans could prove quite useful in the coming invasion of Asia Minor. So prudent King Philip tried a mixture of persuasion and threat. He sent an envoy with a reasonable message: ”Would you prefer I came as a friend or an enemy?” To which the Spartans replied: “Neither”. Then Philip sent a new message, more a bluff than a threat: “If I invade I will raze Sparta to the ground.” The Spartans coolly called his bluff. They replied “If”. Philip did not invade. Neither did Alexander after him. The Spartans would not take part in any coalition which they would not lead. Alexander later sent 300 Persian suits of armor with the inscription: “Alexander son of Philip, and the Hellenes, excluding Spartans, from the barbarians that dwell in Asia”. They were not moved. But they did rebel.
Antipatros
In 331 BC Alexander the Great had been marching for three years in triumph through the mighty Persian Empire. King Agis III of Sparta decided it was the time for rebellion and contacted the Persians for aid and to coordinate their actions. The Macedonian regent Antipatros had just quelled a rebellion in Thrace when he received word of the rebellion brewing in the south. In a swift march that was trademark of the military machine organized by Philip he reached Peloponnesus with 40000 men to deal with the 22000 of the Spartan coalition. They clashed in Megalopolis and the Spartan force was no match for the Makedones, even if it hadn’t been outnumbered. More than 5000 died on the Spartan side including King Agis III and more than 3500 fell for the victorious Antipatros. Alexander the Great called this the Battle of Mice in contempt.
When someone said to Astycratidas, after the defeat of Agis their king in the battle against Antipater in the vicinity of Megalopolis, "What will you do, men of Sparta? Will you be subject to the Macedonians? he said, "What! Is there any way in which Antipater can forbid us to die fighting for Sparta?"
The devastating defeat in the hands of Antipatros drove a point home and during the Lamian War of 323-323 BC the Spartans remained neutral.
Later in 294 BC, under Archidamos IV, Sparta tried to stop a roaming Demetrios I, the Besieger, as the latter was attempting to reestablish his power base in Makedonia. A shadow of its former power Sparta was defeated twice and there was nothing to block the way to the city itself. However, Demetrios upon receiving alarming news turned his attention to Lysimachos and Ptolemy who were counterattacking against his holdings in Asia Minor and Cyprus respectively.
Archidamus: When he invaded Arcadia, he learned that the Eleans were supporting the Arcadians, and so he sent this letter to them: "Archidamus to the Eleans. Quiet is a good thing."
In 280 BC a force campaigning near Delpoi, under Areus I, was scattered and soundly defeated by the Aitolians. In 272 BC Areus I, was in Crete that still maintained links with the Doric Spartans. At that time Pyrrhos of Epeiros returned from his Italian campaign and assaulted the hastily built fortifications prepared by the King’s son Akrotatos and manned (so to speak) by women and old men next to what remained of an able fighting force in the city. The invaders were repulsed and their King was killed ingloriously in Argos. In 264 BC during the Chremonideian War, Areus I, died in battle against Antigonos Gonatas. In 263 BC his son and successor Akrotatos attacked Mantineia in Arcadia and was killed in the battle that followed against the Arcadians. His death effectively put the Spartans out of the war. In 244 BC an Aitolian force raided through Lakonike and took many captives, as many as 50000 according to some reports. Agis IV tried to effect reforms to remedy the many problems of the Spartan polity at the time. Wealth was accumulated in the hands of less than a hundred families and the Spartan citizens “Homoioi “ numbered around 700, a far cry from the almost 10000 at the height of Spartan power. Striking debt and land redistribution did not sit well with the ruling elite and the King stood a parody of trial and was summarily executed. The son of the other King, the executed King’s enemy in many ways, was Cleomenes III. In 229 BC he led an attack on Megalopolis. The Achaean League’s general, Aratos, was quite famous at the time and while he took a cautious approach against the King he was defeated. Cleomenes III seized the political momentum offered by his victory and leaving the Spartan citizens in camp took the mercenary part of his army and marched to Sparta. He took control of all power structures in Sparta and in the process killed four of the five Ephoroi and dissolved the institution. Debt was stricken and land was redistributed allowing more people to participate in civil life and of course share the burden and honor of military service. Sfairos, a stoic from the Bosporos and consultant of the King was charged with reinvigorating Lykourgian law and practice that had become dead letter by that time. Tellingly, he was not a Spartan. The masses took hope, but the elite observed in apprehension. Cleomenes III took to the field again with considerable success and Ptolemaic funding. Aratos turned to Makedonia for help and Antigonos III Doson was more than happy to oblige. The Battle of Sellasia in 222 BC (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?145971-Beautiful-and-%28quite%29-historically-accurate-battle-paintings) put Cleomenes’s ambition to rest after a crushing defeat. He fled to Alexandreia, where he commited suicide in 219 BC. The other King Eukleidas died a Spartan’s death, killed in the battle. Antigonos entered Sparta in triumph, a shame never before suffered by its inhabitants. The institution of the Ephoroi returned, but a child, Pelopidas, was named king of Sparta. In fact tyrants, hailing from the royal houses nevertheless, under the pretext of being stewards to the throne, ruled in Sparta and one of the first of them was ironically called Lykourgos.
From this point on, Sparta interacted with the Achaean League and its strategos Philopoimen, an admirer of the other bane of Sparta, Epaminondas. Philopoimen fought in Sellasia in charge of Achaean cavalry and was instrumental in bringing about the Spartans’ defeat. Later in 207 BC in the battle of Mantinea, he also defeated and beheaded another steward of King Pelopidas, Mahanidas. Navis seized power in Sparta after that using mercenary troops and held on to it until 192 BC. Navis saw the need for further social reforms, which he did manage to effect. Striking debt, redistributing land and freeing slaves were all measures to that effect and he applied them to cities under his power such as Argos granted to him by the Makedonian King Phillip V, in return for his alliance. In 195 BC the Romans invaded Sparta with many allies from Hellenic cities and forced Navis to capitulate and accept their humiliating terms, including demolishing a significant part of the wall that he had ordered to be built around Sparta. In 192 BC Navis tried his luck again. He attempted to reconquer lands in the Peloponnesus, but his advance was checked once more by Philopoimen, who had defeated him twice in the past. The Spartan army was crushed and Navis was brutally killed by Aetolian troops under Philopoimen receiving multiple sword and spear wounds. After the battle, Philopoimen forced Sparta to join the Achaean League and in 188 BC to even accept its laws (bye bye ever-desired autonomia). The Achaean League was a roman ally, but in a couple of decades’ time, the senate decreed a number of cities out of the League, Sparta included, practically declaring war on the League. In 146 BC the Romans defeated an army and destroyed Corinth. All lands south of Makedonia were incorporated in the province of Achaea. Roman aristocrats visited Sparta in the years that followed, as tourists to observe their iconic way of life. Antiquity’s most disciplined soldiers, by any measure, had become a stop for sightseeing.
Strategy
The land of the Spartans offers a link between mainland Hellas and Crete, but it is not unique that way. Securing Lakonike is usually a closing chapter rather than a beginning of a campaign in the region. To the right faction though it offers an invaluable resource: its men.
V.T. Marvin
01-20-2014, 16:56
Wow! :dizzy2:
Now I should apologize to Brennus for telling him once that his descriptions tend to be on the long side... Very good read though, lots of stuff I have had no idea about! :bow:
RAWROMNOM
01-21-2014, 22:58
OUTSTANDING! Looking forward to entering this in!
Are there any more province descriptions that have not been assigned yet? I thought I should ask since there has been quite some time since the last one came in and the list at the first page seems to not be up to date.
Oh yes plenty. Kull could you be so kind?
Oh yes plenty. Kull could you be so kind?
I've copied our ENTIRE tracking list into the first post (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053524695&viewfull=1#post2053524695). Everything with a red "To Do" is an area where help is welcome. On the completed or in-process items, most of the links won't work as they lead back to the EB2 Team work areas, but it's still a comprehensive list. And actually a rare insight into how the team tracks progress in various areas to ensure we stay on target and always know what needs doing and where.
All I would add to that is if you are thinking of doing a Celtic province please run it past me first.
All I would add to that is if you are thinking of doing a Celtic province please run it past me first.
Dat "nitpicker" banner ^^
I've copied our ENTIRE tracking list into the first post (https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?144054-Regional-Descriptions-Help-the-EBII-Team&p=2053524695&viewfull=1#post2053524695). Everything with a red "To Do" is an area where help is welcome. On the completed or in-process items, most of the links won't work as they lead back to the EB2 Team work areas, but it's still a comprehensive list. And actually a rare insight into how the team tracks progress in various areas to ensure we stay on target and always know what needs doing and where.
Why is Lakonike WIP? Unless you mean it is being edited...
And btw if history and strategy for Thessalia are not being done. I'll do them. I'll also try Kilikia.
Gaius Scribonius Curio
05-12-2014, 11:25
kdrakak: with respect to Lakonike, it looks pretty comprehensive. I'll have a read/edit over the next week and add it to the build.
All I would add to that is if you are thinking of doing a Celtic province please run it past me first.
Ditto for Italy, since Etruria and Umbria are now complete....
Why is Lakonike WIP? Unless you mean it is being edited...
And btw if history and strategy for Thessalia are not being done, I'll do them. I'll also try Kilikia.
Yes, it is being edited (or rather it will be). Some of the provinces on that last, for example a few of the Gallic ones, have been done but just not added to the game yet.
Many thanks.
Have you had your Baltic provinces done yet?
Just to be clear... Evocata is not doing Thessalia anymore?
V.T. Marvin
05-14-2014, 23:26
Have you had your Baltic provinces done yet?
Yes, those are done (or almost done) already. :yes:
tobymoby
05-17-2014, 02:32
Hey Guys,
This is Dahyu Daha. This is my first regional description, so please critique and help me make it perfect. I did the best I could, but I may be missing a few things. Thanks!
BTW, I can try my hand at Parthyia and/or Astauene is anyone hasn't taken them.
Sources employed--
Primary:
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Torgus
Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander the Great
Strabo, Geographia
Ptolemy, Geographia
Secondary:
Encyclopedia Iranica
Attalos.org
Perseus.Tufts
Studia Graeco-Parthica--Philippika
Corpus Inscriptorum Iranicarum-Parthian Economic Documents from Nisa
Traveler’s Log: Welcome to the land of the Daha. Do not be dismayed by the aridity of this region as there are many great things to be found here, in particular the men that this land boasts. As the inhabitants of these lands are primarily nomads, they make excellent allies (and foes) to be employed by a wealthy ruler with enemies.
Entering from the south from Hyrkania or Astauene, to the west will be the Hyrkanian sea, while to the north there is a great desert, difficult for a large army to traverse, but with a few nomad guides, very much possible. However, following the Rivand Kuh mountains which divide Astauene proper from Dahyu Daha, there is the notable city of Nisaya. Despite the barbaric nature of the people in this land, some have sensibly settled themselves here. This will be the major city that will guarantee control over this region, and thus must be protected at all costs. It is here as well that mountain streams will keep the soldiers watered. East along the mountains is the region of Margiane. This land is good as an outpost to watch the nomadic Daha from the north; and owing to the many nomads living north of Nisaya, a source of nomad soldiers. But be watchful, for a man named Arsakes of the Aparni tribes has his designs to become his own king…
Geography: The land that corresponds to Dahyu Daha is indeed very dry and altogether a very difficult to traverse with an army. The territorial district corresponds roughly to modern-day Turkmenistan. While the Caspian sea is to the west and can help to water an army, traversing the interior of the land will be difficult. Looking northwards, one will see the Karakum Desert that defines much of this land as it is in modern times and was in ancient times (Strabo 11.8.3). It is very dry, although there are indications of currently dried up streams that crossed the deserts. The Rivand Kuh mountain range covers much of the southern section of the region, but to the east and west of the province, one can enter this region. To go north and travel along-side the mountains one will reach the city of Nisaya. It is here that an army may be able to traverse owing to the mountain streams; the range also contains pomegranate, figs, prunes, and apples amongst other fruits and while they may not be able to feed a full army, they may be to delay a full famine. Going east from the mountains, there is a well-watered route that will lead to well watered Margiania. The mountains are home to many animals from leopards to gazelles.
The People, Society, and Government: At 272 BC, very little can be said about this region in regards to its social structure. Strabo mentions that most of the population “are Skythian or nomadic tribes” (Strabo 11.8.2) specifically the “Däae” who are made of the Aparni and others; Strabo mentions Arsakes I took some Daha and Aparni and established his kingdom. As early as the Daiva inscription from Persepolis, the Persian king Xerxes I (r. 486-465 BC) references a tribe of “Dahae” that he rules over, while Herodotos mentions a nomadic “Dai” tribe in Persian service (Herodotos 1.125). From this, the “Däae”, the “Dai”, and the “Dahae” all appear to refer to the same tribe that we would call the “Daha.” The tribe appears to be a major nomadic tribe often in Persian service, even serving as part of Darios’ III army against Alexander (Arrian’s Anabasis 3.11.37). It appears that they lived next to the Aparni in this region, although Ptolemy remarks that below them was a desert, likely a fringe of the Karakum desert (Ptolemy Geographia 6.10). Ptolemy and Strabo mention other Skythian tribes live in this region as well, like the Messegetae and Sakae, although these tribes may have invaded well after 272 BC. For our purposes, the Aparni are an important tribe to examine, as they are the progenitor tribe to the Araskids. Strabo does refer to them being closes to Hyrkania, or the southwest of Dayhu Daha; however, because Strabo is writing in the first century AD, this movement may have occurred at a later point than 272 BC.
Are there any other “ethnic” groups in this region? This is hard to tell, although because Arsakids employed Greek as the language of their coins, and that Nisaya was a major mint, it stands to reason that were some Greeks in this region, likely a mobile population of traders. For the most part, however this region was comprised of nomads of Indo-Iranian stock with a population of settled people in Nisaya. It is further difficult to know about the governmental situation of Dahyu Daha at 272 BC; Strabo mentions that the Aparni, Xanthii, and Pissuri tribes were tribes of the Daha, implying the there was a confederation of these groups (Strabo 8.2). After 272 BC, and especially after 247 BC, the Arsakids took an important interest in the region and specifically the city of Nisaya. Their very first coins were minted in Nisaya, implying a silver vein in the region. Furthermore, archaeological evidence suggests the existence of a major citadel in the city as well significant economic transactions; most of the artifacts and structures are dated to the 2nd and 1st century BC. From what we can tell about the citadel, was that it was a very important regal center for the Parthians. Initially, this may seem slightly counter-intuitive; why would the Arsakids choose, of all the places in their empire (by this point they ruled much of the Iranian plateau and Mesopotamia), to build a citadel in an extremely northern part of their empire, next to ostensibly hostile nomads? The reason is hard to ascertain, and may owe to a political gesture to their nomadic “progenitors” to showcase that the Parthians are indeed mindful of their nomadic origins, and despite what their Hellenistic coins may imply, attuned to their past. Archaeologists have uncovered a major banquet hall that later turned into a royal treasury of royal objects. Interestingly, other archaeological artifacts like religious figurines have been found, often blending both Greek and Iranian elements; the existence of these artifacts has been suggested as an artistic residue of the prevalent motifs in these centuries, an artistic “koine” of sorts (Invernizzi 2010). Critically, we must not think of the Parthians recognizing the “superior” Greek culture and incorporating it into their imagery, but rather an organic process that involved coexistence and median point. Further evidence arises for ostraca found near the city; these ceramic pots contain economic information showing a high degree of trading in the region, especially of wine from estates. All these factors suggest that the after the Arsakid ascension, there was a strong royal presence in the region.
History: Based on Strabo’s account, by 272 BC, this region was settled by the Daha and other Skythian tribes. It is unknown what the details of their relationship to the southern Seleukid empire was, although it likely was hostile. Of the Dahaa, there are the Aparni, Xanthii, and Pissuri tribes (Strabo 11.8); the Aparni tribe under Arsakes I would invade Parthyia in 247 BC and establish the Arsakid empire. Justin refers to the Aparni, but calls them the “Parthii” but as it relates to them being Skythian exiles (Justin 42.1). In that sense, one can extrapolate that the Aparni tribe (Strabo’s term is likely more accurate) at some point migrated southwards to get away from the Skythian tribes from the north; it is hard to reconstruct the date of this movement, but at some point during the ascension of the Assyrians and Medes (roughly 900s-500s BC). After this, at some point (yet again, no concrete date, but I would argue before 272 BC), the Aparni settled “settled in the deserts betwixt Hyrcania, the Dahae, the Arei, the Sparni and Marsiani” i.e. Dayhu Daha(Justin 42.1). This passage implies that the Aparni are relatively “new” members of the Daha confederation; but at some point before 247 BC, they lived in this region. Strabo suggests that the Aparni were strongly in the Daha confederation, as when referring to Arsakes I and his tribe, he calls them Daha, but then says he really means the Aparni. Further teasing out Justin, he references the Aparni advancing their borders but meeting opposition by their neighbors; this statement is very vague but suggests the tribes slowly encroaching from Dahyu Daha along the edges of Seleukid territory. Finally in 247 BC with the defeat of Seleukos II by the Galatians, Araskes I with his Aparni tribe invaded Parthyia and Hyrkania, deposed Andagoras (Strabo 11.9), and founded the Arsakid kingdom. Despite Arsakes’ capital in Hekatomplyos, he likely still retained strong control over the region and Nisaya in particular.
Here, the narrative history of this region ends, and the remaining reconstruction must rely on numismatics and archaeology. For the Arsakids, Nisaya was the focal point of the region, and it likely was an important bastion for their cause. We do know that the first Parthian coins were likely minted in Nisaya (categorized as Sellwood Types 1-4) suggesting not only the city being a royal citadel, but also having a Greek community. These Greeks might have been traders, or specifically mobile traders, perhaps involved with relations with trading goods with the northern traders. Nisaya was still used as a minting location, and especially under Mithridates I (r. 171-138 BC) of which the Sellwood Types 10 variants 4-5 contain a monogram suggesting the city. The use of this mint location occurs intermittingly from Phraates II (r. 138-127 BC) to Mithridates III (r. 57-54 BC); after this period, there is no evidence of coins coming from this city. Turning to the archeological evidence, we get strong indications that the city was a seat of royal power. Incidentally our evidence was dated around the 2nd and 1st century BCs corresponding to the reign of Mithridates I onwards; in fact, another name for Nisaya has been postulated to be Mithrandikert or the “Fortress of Mithridates ”, showcasing that Mithridates I may have been responsible for restructuring the city as a royal seat of power. From the outset, there appear to be two major excavation points: Old Nisa and New Nisa. From the archeology, New Nisa was a citadel and contained a funerary structure; however because the building is in extreme disrepair, it has been difficult to examine further (Pugachenkova, 1958). In contrast, much work has been done to study Old Nisa. The major structure is called the “Square House” and appears to have been a banquet house and then later in the 1st century BC because a royal treasury of valuable objects (Invernizzi 2000). These objects include Rhythons or really fancy drinking horns. The imagery on the horn is both Hellenic and Iranian, suggesting a sense of cohabitation in the iconography of both groups. Furthermore, preserved statues of Artemis, Aphrodite, and Dionysios have been found but the figures are dressed in decidedly Iranian fashion, once again showcasing an ideology that emphasized a medium between Iranian and Hellenic elements.
According to Invernizzi, “The Arsacid citadel was at any rate an organism comparable to the great temple foundations of the ancient East and drew part of its wealth from a heritage, in which a large part was played by income from estates” (Invernizzi 2010) and this major point must be thought to reference the importance of this city, and by extension the region to the Arsakid court. It was clear that this city was not a border outpost in their empire, but instead something akin to a royal capital, where kings can showcase to all their subjects, their Iranian and Hellenic courtly and religious depictions. All these factors impose the importance of the city in Arsakid times as well as important notions of the Arsakid royal court and ideology. Logistically, it also implies that this region must have been somewhat safe and pacified during this time period; despite the ostensible hostility of the Arsakids with nomads (especially the Sakae), their kings feel safe enough to travel to this region. But that is not to say that tensions couldn’t arise, as there is evidence of a Parthian fortress in Igdy, Turkmenistan, roughly in the middle of the Karakum desert (or the middle of Dahyu Daha).
Strategy: For a nomad king wishing to plunder the south, this region is an excellent staging area for your forces to prepare before they move south. Because of the mountains, a nomad kign may move east to Margiania or west to Hyrkania and Parthyia. In converse, a settled king may find this also a useful area should he wish to fight more nomads to the north, as the Daha soldiers here are very effective horseman and will help against their nomadic brethren. It is also a got frontier zone to coordinate strikes northward.
tobymoby
05-26-2014, 03:12
Hey guys, here is Parthyaia. It was a lot of fun (and work!) but it should be good. Once again, if you find something wrong please tell me to fix. Thanks!
I will probably move onto Media or Media Rhagiana if no one has taken them. I will also start to tweak Dahyu Daha.
Sources employed---
Primary:
Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander the Great
Herodotos, Histories
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus
Plutarch, Life of Alexander the Great
Polybios, World History
Ptolemy, Geographia
Strabo, Geographia
Secondary--
Encylopedia Iranica
David Sellwood, An Introduction to Parthian coins
Livius.org
Perseus.Tufts
Penelope of UChicago
Traveler’s Log: Welcome to Parthyaia. Compared to neighboring Media, this land may seem very dry. However, the mountains that divide this region and Hyrkania have many water sources. Critically, a very important road traverses this land from Media in the South all the way to Margiana, Baktria, and beyond. Thus this land is a nexus point for a connection to the east. Likewise, a traveler coming from the east, can follow the roads that run alongside the mountains to the west. For this was the very route that Alexander the Great traversed going east. However, there are rumors that a rebellious satrap by the name of Andragoras is stirring up against his Seleukid overlords, so be warned....
Geography: The territory formed by Parthyaia corresponds to modern day Semnan province, Iran. The northwestern section of the territory is covered by the mighty Elburz mountain range; as such, there is little rainfall beyond the mountains in the region proper, resulting in the Dasht-e Kavir or Salt desert that makes up the southern fringes of this region. However, because of the mountains, there are streams that can help to water the land. The north of the province is Astauene, and here some scattered elements of the Elburz mountains form a rough division point between the regions. Importantly, these ranges will provide water to soldiers. In regards to its agriculture, the region appears to have been limited, although close proximity to the Elburz mountains may have resulted in the use of canals. Polybios remarks that though Parthyaia has “no water visible on the surface... there are a number of underground channels communicating with wells unknown to those not acquainted with the country” (Polybios 28.2). Based on further archeological evidence, it appears that crops such as wheat and barley were cultivated in this region (Rezvani 1999). Strabo is rather vague and refers to whole territory of Parthyaia as “thickly wooded and mountainous” (Strabo 9.1), likely only referring to the mountainous part of the region.
Logistically, the mountains are the most important landmark for this region as they provide the water and ability to do agriculture. As such, the most important road way will traverse this region and follow the mountains.
People, Society, and Government: By 272 BC, little is known in this region as regards to social structure. We do know that this territory was indeed a satrapy. Justin remarks that the region was nominally subservient to Seleukos Nikator and his son Antiochos I, but around the early 250s, a lieutenant Andragoras revolted; in the ensuing confusion Arsakes I with his Aparni tribe invaded and formed the Arsakid dynasty. (Justin 41.4) But between the period of 272 to 247 BC, what do we know about this region? Little, in fact it is unclear when Adragoras had taken power or what the elements of this rule. His name does appear to be an Iranian name, suggesting that he had risen to a high status amongst the Seleukids to be given the satrapy. Although this may not mean much as Strabo remarks that the region was “poverty-stricken” so ruling over the region may not have been economically very beneficial. The social structure was probably very hierarchical with landed estates and peasants working the fields. After 247 BC and the accession of the Arsakid dynasty, this region gains massive importance in particular due to the city of Hekatompylos (or one-hundred gates in Greek) as Strabo remarks that it was the “royal seat of the Arsakids”(Strabo 11.9) According to Polybios, the city was named as such because it was “the meeting-place of all the roads leading to the surrounding districts” (Polybios 28.7). This remark is interesting, and may suggest that the city was a critical nexus point with overland traders moving between the east and the west. The numismatic evidence certainly suggests this as the city was an important mint of Arsakid coins; Sellwood asserts that the Type 5 variant coins of Arsakes II were likely minted in Hekatomplyos (Sellwood 1971). Owing to these details, it is likely that the Arsakids cultivated the region as a bastion of royal power. What this meant for the average person is harder to say. Strabo remarked that the people lived in poverty, and the Arsakid kings had to quickly pass through the region as it could not sustain them for a long time. However, being that Strabo is writing in the first century BC, it is unknown if this was the economic situation of the region in the early Arsakid era.
One important element to examine with this region is in regards to its connections. We do know from Plutarch that Alexander the Great took his army through Parthia into Baktria (Plutrach Life of Alexander 6-7) and we know that Antiochos III will cut through Parthia when he goes to Baktria (Polybios 49.1). These two events are critical and support an important highway that connected the Iranian plateau to Baktria. Further based on the information that Arsakids used Hekatomplyos as an important mint and royal capital, suggests that they held a stake in controlling this road perhaps to get customs duties. Because by issuing coins, the Arsakids are in one way literally encouraging business but at the same time attempting to ideologically claim that their territory is a safe place to do business (further the titles and the iconography of these coins all are decidedly “Hellenistic”, implying that they targeted a specifically Greek audience). All these factors are strong in suggesting that region, more than anything, held importance by virtue of its ability to create a connection between the east and the west. Further, the types of coins showcases that a mobile population of traders existed that were likely eastern Hellenes especially from Seleukid territory. And central to this was the city of Hekatomplyos, of which the name of the city makes sense in being a figurative meeting point between different sections not of the district of Parthia, but of the Iranian plateau itself.
History: For the historical region of Parthyaia, our first indications of its existence arise from Assyrian references to the region. Inscriptions refer to a “Parthakka” or “Partukka” as part of their subjects, roughly in the 900s to 600s BC. By the 500s BC, the region enters Achaemenid Persian control of which Herodotos remarks that the satrap pay 300 talents as tribute (Herodotos 3.90). Herodotos, when referring to Xerxes' army mentions a Parthian contingent, although says that they were dressed and had the same equipment as the Baktrians; whether this may showcase a cultural similarity or just a mere coincidence it is difficult to know. There is a little more information from Alexander's anabasis from Arrian; he recounts that at Guagamela, Phrataphernes led the Parthian contingent, which were all horsemen(Arrian 3.8). The passage is interesting, because the geography of the region does not suggest wide pastures for horse breeding or grazing; as such it may reference Parthyaia's close contacts with northern nomadic tribes and their mode of warfare. It appears that Alexander was intent on using Parthian horsemen as part of his Companion Cavalry-a reason for the Opis mutiny- implying the region may have provided good cavalry for the Makedonians, or at least good estates to rear them (Arrian 7.6). After Alexander's death, Justin remarks that the region was given over to Stasanor, a “foreign ally, because none of the Macedonians would deign to accept it ” (Justin 41.5); it appears that Stasanor may have been an Iranian or a non-Hellene. It appears that this satrapy (and likely satrap) joined the Antigonid side against Seleukos; after this the Seleukids reasserted their power over the region (Justin 41.4).
Around the late 240s BC, owing to disturbances in the Seleukid empire (i.e. the civil war between Seleukos II and Antiochos II), a satrap by the name of Andagoras took over, only to be overthrown by Arsakes I and the Aparni in 247 BC (Justin 41.4). Justin remarks that Andragoras was the lieutenant of the Seleukids. We do know that he minted his coins (tetradrachmas), although no attestations of his willingness to be an independent king are expressed. Regardless, Arsakes' invasion is the staring point for the Arsakid dynasty of which most of its early history will be concentrated in Parthyaia, and in particular the citadel of Hekatomplyos. The city itself appears to have been founded by Seleukos I (Appian Syriaka 9.57) although archeological evidence suggests the city's foundation to me much older (Lendering 2005). Sellwood suggests that the first Arsakid coins were not minted in Hekatomplyos (Sellwood 1971); however, with Arsakes II (r. 211-191 BC), the Sellwood Type 5 coins likely were. This tiny detail of mint locations may suggest the Arsakids did not feel entirely comfortable with Parthyaia for some time; or it could be difficult in establishing the mint after Arsakes' I invasion. During the anabasis of Antiochos III Megas (209 BC), Polybios remarks that the Arsakes II didn't think Antiochos III would enter Parthyaia owing the dryness of the region; when he did, Arsakes II with haste tried to destroy wells in the region, but his forces where driven off by the Seleukid soldiers (Polybios 10.28). In desperation, Arsakes II fled out of the region(Polybios does not say where), and Antiochos III made it to the city of Hekatomplyos. With Seleukid authority reestablished in Parthyaia, Antiochos III traveled to Baktria though Justin remarks that Arsakes II was very brave and joined in an alliance (almost willingly) with Antiochos. (Polybios 10.29 and Justin 41.5) That the Arsakids managed to keep their rule over the region is interesting, and may highlight an unequal alliance designed to keep the Arsakids under nominal Seleukid control. When looking at the coins of Arsakes II, they support this story; none of his coins contain an titles and only show his name. Sellwood asserts that the minting of these coins was before 209 BC (the time of anabasis),and the lack of titles may have been a diplomatic game to appease the Seleukids as Polybios recounts how Arsakes II was surprised that Antiochos III had come to Parthytaia (Sellwood and Abgranians 1972).
During the explosive growth of the Arsakid dynasty under Mithridates I (r. 171-138), Hekatompylos must have been an important city under the empire, as many of his coins were minted in the region (Sellwood types 7-11 coins). The sheer amount of types minted in this city may showcase not only the economic importance of the region but especially its purpose as a place for connections. Strabo doesn't suggest that the region had anything particular lucrative to offer (although the minting of coins may suggest a silver vein in the region) and based on the name Hekatomplyos, I would argue that the city and the region were very important in maintaining a connection between the east and the west. The argument arises from a few important points; for one, the physical minting of coins despite the region not containing any resources means that business is being done, but likely only in regards to basic supplies like water or food for traders. Further, based on Arsakid coin hoard evidence from the Media hoard (IGCH 1813) and the Gombad Hoard in ancient Hyrkania (IGCH 1814), all contain coins from Hekatomplyos despite being a distance from the city. These factors suggest that the city was an important mint location as a residue of the city (and region) being a prime nexus point to move between the east and west. After Mithridates I, there are sparse references to Parthyaia; Hekatomplyos no longer served as a mint location as no coins from this location after Mithridates I have been found. Isidore of Charax mentions the region, but appears to link it with Dayhu Daha as he talks about the city Nisaya; he also talks about villages, but does not refer to any stations (military outposts along the road) suggesting that the Arsakids felt safe with region that outposts would not necessary.
Strategy: This region is an excellent connection point between the east into Margaiana and Baktria, or to the west to Media or Hyrkania. As such, a commander may find this region an excellent staging area to move between different regions.
QuintusSertorius
06-03-2014, 17:31
To my shame, I realise it's been over a year since I started the description for Krete, but didn't finish it. I've copied it to my machine and will attempt to finish it in the coming weeks.
linuslinothorax
06-08-2014, 18:18
Hey, i want to make the Di'amat and the Erythraia province. I will begin to study Ethiopology in Octobre and i will have acess to a library and educated professors. So if you can give me several months to research i will give you the descriptions.
Btw., why you choosed Aksum as the provincial capital of Di' amat? There are no evidences that this city even existed in 272 bc and it's rise to importance began in the 1'st century AD. I would presume Yeha as the capital of the former Di'amat kingdom.
V.T. Marvin
06-08-2014, 22:34
Knowledge and experience in this field is is both hard to come by and most welcome! Please go ahead! :yes: :bow:
Suggestions - such as the choice of province capitals etc. - are welcome as well as long as they are backed up with good evidence and argument. ~;)
Grammar and syntax notwithstanding here's Adiabene :P
Province: Adiabene
Traveller's Log
Crossing the Tigris River, where its tributary, the Lykos River, meets it, the traveller enters Adiabene. To be more precise this particular district is the plain of Atouria. In the vicinity lies the town of Mepsila, not far from the ruins of Nineue and Ashur. These once were the centers of the known world ruled by the Aturin, but today only the foundations of walls made of polished stone full of shells and others of brick stand. Nevertheless events and decisions shaping the order of things still took place in Atouria to our times. Indeed here is also located Gaugamela, meaning the Camel's House, founded in order for its revenues to sustain a camel that undergone the greatest possible labour and fatigue in the Persian invasion of Skythia, carrying royal baggage and provisions. More recently Alexandros Megas of Makedonia spear-won Asia on the surrounding field against Dārayavahuš III of Pârsa. Just to the south, past the Lykos River, lies Arbela, the only Assyrian settlement still flourishing. In fact it stands at a junction point of the major caravan routes and since the Persian conquest it had been a Satrapal seat, which Alexandros Megas awarded to his Strategos Amphimachos. However Seleukos has made it the center of power for the Hyparchia of Adiabene, often trusting local noblemen to lead it. Such preeminence for Arbela has been going hand in hand with the local cult of Ishtar, the Lady of the city. Served by sacred prostitutes and eunuch priests, her temple has always favoured trade, but it is also famous for its spring of naphtha and fires. Further east stand Mount Nikatorion, so named by Alexandros Megas after his victory, and also the settlement of Natounia, near Kuparisson, a plantation of Cypresses. Employed by Alexandros Megas to build a new fleet, which was supposed to ship his new army to conquer Arabia and beyond. Its location at the passage across the Kapros River has made it a most valuable resource, easily reached by the Mesopotamian fluvial traffic. To the South lies Korkura, an old city recently refounded by Seleukos I Nikator, who added a new and higher outerwall. He also paved the streets, settled there noble families and brought many craftsmen, who named the commercial streets after their trades and professions. He also built a beautiful palace inside the older fortress and erected a watchtower near it, in honour of Sardanapalos, the Aturian original founder. While North of the Adiabenian plains are lofty terrasses, separated by valleys, foothills of the Zagros Mountains. This region is called Korduene and is inhabited by the Kardukh, skilled builders who live in defiance of neighbouring powers. Their main settlements are Shareisha, Satalka and Pinaka, all formidable natural fortresses enclosed by walls, but they usually dwell in open villages. Korduene is also famous for its fine pastures, an aromatic plant called Amomon and deposits of Gangitis stone, which is said to drive away reptiles. To the North-East, at the border with Aturpatakan, Lake Mantiane is located, noteworthy for being the largest salt-water lake. That is the district of Sigriane, an important source of income, due to its salt pans for the concretion of salt.
Geography
Adiabene consists mainly of open shrub steppe and a mountainous region, characterised by several plateaus, resulting from the many rivers that cross it. This province is marked by very hot and long summers, mitigated by low humity throughout the year. Nevertheless many nights of frost occur, while winters are relatively cold and snowy. Spring and autumn can also experience a rise in temperatures, due to a hot and dusty wind coming from the south. In the plains are found scattered permanent and seasonal lakes, with riverine woodlands and reeds growing in the wetlands areas. With the advent of agriculture canals have been built to secure the availability of water, countering the intense evaporation during the summers. Large predators like wolves, sand foxes, caracals, jungle cats and wildcats can be encountered. In the vegetated areas roam arabian goitered gazelles and badgers, while reed thickets and semi-desert terrain are the natural habitat for wild boars. The river valleys are a major migration route for waterbirds and support a tremendous diversity of bird species like greater flamingos, pygmy cormorants, marbled teals, turtle doves and pin-tailed sandgrouses. The houbara bustard, great bustard and little bustard instead are found in the more arid areas. While the lesser kestrel, lanner falcon and Eurasian griffon vulture breed locally in the steppe areas.
The People, Society and Government
The Aturin after the fall of their empire were not massacred, quite the contrary. The new emerging powers recognised how highly developed Aturian society was, keeping their language for official documents and employing experienced workers, like goldsmiths and builders in the new urban centers. During Hakhāmanišiyā rule prominent individuals from Athura, as it was known in Persian, became even secretaries of crown princes. Although Akkadian was no longer spoken, scripts being recorded in Aramaic, traditions and culture from the imperial period were carried on. Ashur, the chief solar deity, was still being worshipped alongside Ishtar, goddess of all-consuming forces, fertility and war; Nannaya, a tutelary lunar goddess; Sherua, goddess of dawn; Bel, a syncretic Mesopotamian chief deity; Nabu, the deity of wisdom and patron of scribes; plus Nergal, lord of the underworld. Aturian priests with their distinctive long conical hats and tunics were still being depicted on monuments well into the advent of the Romani. The Aturian ideology of universal hegemony had simply been taken over by subjects of the same multinational power structure, whose new leaders considered Aturian rulers as their royal forefathers. Indeed it was this assimilation of Aturian culture that crystallised the supreme Persian deities, the imperial standards and measures, the artistic symbolism, the organisation of the court and its ceremonies, even taxation, the conscription system and the calendar with its Aturian month names. The Seleukidai themselves came to be referred to as Basileis of Syria, which was just the greek derived term to designate Athura. Indeed Atouria and Syria were largely interchangeable, it was only in later times with the fixation of Graeco-Roman and Persian borders that the cultural unity of Athura was split, resulting in two linguistic innovations as well. Together with the educated elite, there were also numerous Aturin serving as heavy infantrymen. Usually armed with shields and spears, they also carried single-edged swords and wooden clubs knotted with iron. Equipped with linen corselets or bronze lamellar armours and bronze conical helmets.
The Kardukh were very independent minded mountaineers, who engaged in agriculture, viticulture, handicrafts and animal husbandry. Appreciated also as experienced builders, they may have been descendants of Bronze Age communities, likely Hurrian or Bianilian, who gradually mixed with Armenian and Iranian newcomers. Despite being subjugated by Kūruš of Pârsa, the Kardukh frequently rebelled against Hakhāmanišiyā suzerainty and ultimately achieved de facto independence. Extremely warlike they defeated royal armies almost effortlessly, owing to the difficult terrain they inhabited. Indeed the Khšaçapāvan at Arbela had to come to terms with them as equals, securing trade and favourable relations only at a personal level. In war the Kardukh are recorded as skilled slingers, hurling the largest possible stones, and archers armed with particularly large arrows, keeping to advantageous positions and adopting hit-and-run tactics.
History
Soon as the Seleukidai consolidated their power in Mesopotamia and Asia, Adiabene became a frontier zone, that throughout the 3rd century BCE was uneffected by political events. In was both in Hai and Seleukid interests to keep borders quite, while greater conflicts elapsed in other regions. It is unknown whether Ptolemaic influence reached Adiabene in the 240s BCE, if so it probably was just at a very flimsy nominal level. The peace agreements of 241 BCE brought Mesopotamia back in Seleukid hands anyway. Aturin in the late 220s BCE were likely mustered to defend the Tigris and its crossings during the revolt of the Satrapes of Media, Molon. Following Antiochos III Megas' defeat at Magnesia in 190 BCE Adiabene was still in the Seleukid sphere of influence. Local nobles had always been part of the local political life and profited by collaborating. Even during yet another Median uprising in 160 BCE, led by the Satrapes Timarchos who held royal ambitions over Mesopotamia. However he was quickly defeated by Demetrios I, who was named hailed as Soter and founded near Arbela a new city, named after himself Demetrias. Seleukid control in the region was very much alive and thriving, but outside of Mesopotamia the continuous rebellions had facilitated the rising of Pahlavan power. Led by Arshak V, or Mihrdat I who now styled himself a Philhellenic Basileus Megas, Pahlavan forces took control of Mesopotamia in 141 BCE. After Seleukid Basileis were defeated and captured by the Pahlava, Basileus Antiochos VII Sidetes rallied a mighty army in 131 BCE, possibly 80,000 men, and mounted a campaign to restore Seleukid Mesopotamia. He was initially successful against the Pahlavan Sâlâr Vidadat on the Lykos River, but the subsequent counteroffensive led by Arshak VI, or Frahāt II, marked the final change of power. He accomplished this also thanks to the support of the local inhabitants, who revolted against the Seleukid garrisons and chose to ally themselves with the Pahlava. This brought a resurgence of Aturian identity, for the new sovereigns were content in favouring local Dynastes, who assumed ever greater autonomy, under overseeing Pahlavan governors. These actually took residence in Ashur, rebuilding it with new temples and palace structures. From this center irradiated a stronger Iranian cultural influx, that resulted in new strong local figures taking active part in the international political life. Unfortunately the earliest names of the new Adiabeian Dynasteia that emerged were not recorded for the 1st century BCE. We only know that such a ruler sided with Tigran II Mets of Hayasdan, after the latter occupied Adiabene, supplying experts and materials to build the new Hai imperial capital in Sophene, together with soldiers to fight against the Romani. During the following years of war between the SPQR and the Pahlava, Artavadz II of Hayasdan had to take the Pahlavan side and Hai power waned to the point of dependency. Thus even the Adiabeian polity, in the first quarter of the 1st century CE, became a semi-dependent vassal state under the Pahlava. Yazata I of Adiabene is the first ruler recorded and his descendants would convert to Judaism and last for a century, taking part in proxy wars under Roman or Pahlavan influence.
Strategy
Adiabene stands on the crossroad of valuable trading routes and could be considered a gate to Mesopotamia and all its riches. A capable ruler should also mantain the best possible relations with the neighbouring highlanders, who can become invaluable allies. Thus the control of Adiabene is paramount for whoever holds ambitions over the whole of Asia.
Why go through all the unneccessary trouble of rewriting regional descriptions. Wasn't there already descriptions in EB1?
Why go through all the unneccessary trouble of rewriting regional descriptions. Wasn't there already descriptions in EB1?
1 some provinced in eb1 dont exist in eb 2 (they were changed)
2 from what i understand eb team wanted to create as many new things as possible rather use eb1 material
3 new breakthrought in history made some descriptions absolute
4 province descriptions are made either by historians (which this is their job) or by contributions
V.T. Marvin
06-18-2014, 23:20
And none were there in EB1 - it is a new feature altogether.
Province: Aturpatakan
Traveller's Log
Past the shores of Lake Kapauta, whose name means blue in the Persian tongue, the traveller finds himself in the beautiful country of Aturpatakan. Once this province was part of the large Satrapeia of Media, but events following Alexandros Megas' death caused the current political division. A fertile plain embraces the lake, dotted by numerous ash hills, on top of which fortications have been built. To the East an impressive settlement is located: Ganzak. Meaning treasury, it once was a Satrapal seat, but it has become a royal capital for the local Dynasteia. The surrounding country is very fertile and its pastures can feed several thousands horses, but the rest of Aturpatakan is mountainous, rugged and cold. Nevertheless these peaks contain mines of gold, quicksilver, lead, silver, orpiment and amethysts. To the North are the Parachoathras Mountains, volcanic in nature they are the continuation of Mount Choatras, which stands to the east of Lake Kapauta. Extention and connecting link between the Tauros and Antitauros Mountains is Mount Iasonion, where Yazona terraces are located and local worship takes place. These ranges are inhabited by several warlike mountain tribes, who conduct a semi-nomadic life and neighbours know them as predatory brigands. Marking the northern border is the Aras River, which cuts a fertile valley throughout its course. While to the East, like a twisting snake, runs the Amardos River, splitting Media in two regions. Overlooking the depth of the valley lies the fortress of Frahāspa, which controls superb hunting grounds and holds a fire temple. Āturpāta, the local ruler after whom this province is named, has made this fortification the residence for his wives and royal princes. By the Kaspion Sea a dry plateau can be found, infamous for having a treeless and chalky soil. This is the only Aturpatakanian access to the sea, particularly cold, the surrounding peaks are perpetually covered with snow, it also holds hot mineral springs. Finally to the South the Zagros Mountains act as a natural barrier between Aturpatakan and Mesopotamia. Here is located the fortress of Jis, built by a volcanic pool, whose bottom cannot be sounded. Remarkably earth soaked with its water, immediately becomes hard stone.
Geography
Aturpatakan is characterised mostly by forest steppes, interrupted by isolated mountain ranges, with occurrences of large flats and salt marshes. The climate is semi-arid, but temperate, with precipitations falling mostly in winter and spring. The winters are particularly severe and summers are marked by extreme aridity. The dominant tree species are oak and pistachio, while at lower altitudes the vegetation is steppic, with shrubs predominating. However it is animal life that is supported in a rich variety: brown bears, Asiatic black bears, Persian fallow deers, foxes, eagles, wild goats, sheeps, wolves, leopards, wild boars and lizards roam the mountain areas and forested hills. While in the semi-arid steppe the typical avifauna is comprised by rock partridges, see-see partridges, little bustards, houbara bustards, black-bellied sandgrouses and black vultures. Aturpatakan is also noted for its considerable volcanic constructions, such as large andesitic cones, some bearing the marks of glaciers, while in the lower plateaus are untouched by them. These numerous fractures are known as the "volcanic cicatrix", which follows the internal ridge of the Zagros and marks its contact with the central Iranian plateau.
The People, Society and Government
The Mada of Aturpatakan were a very ancient population already by the Hellenistic period, having began to settle in the area at the end of the 2nd millennium BCE. Coming into contact with the Assyrian polity, the Mada formed a highly developed bureucratic organisation, coordinating local chiefs. Even before the emergence of a Median state, the title of Khšaçapavān existed to describe these individuals. Later it would be adopted by the Hakhāmanišiyā to designate regional administrators. The Mada were also innovators of architecture, taking inspiration by Assyrian and Bianilian buildings that would develop the prototype for forts and the columned hall, typical of the Persian Apadāna. The basic Median economic occupations were the breeding of horses and hadicraft production. Despite being excellent horsemen, the Mada were also highly religious and it seems that the Magian tradition formed among them. The Maguva were belonged to an influencial priestly class, acting also as dream interpreters, soothsayers, tutors and teachers of royal sons. They performed cultic libations at natural settings, like rivers and mountains, as well as making sacrifices of livestock, but were also engaged in administrative and economic activities. At first the Maguva were not representatives of any particular religion, just technical experts, but in time they adopted Zoroastrianism and as Athravana tended sacred fires and perfomed chants. Āturpāta's own name means "protected by the fire", denoting a strong Zoroastrian credence, was widely accepted by the locals not only as the name of the land, but by the 1st century BCE as the official designation for the people living in it.
The Kurtiya were a tribe dwelling mainly on the Zagros ridges of Aturpatakan. Their origins are uncertain, but their name denotes an association with mountains and dates back to Sumerian times. It is also possible that their name was a very generic term, denoting a collection of nomadic groups. By the Hellenistic period the Kurtiya were considered highly capable slingers, sought after by major powers to bolster their armies.
The Galshu were another tribe of highlanders, living by the Parachoathras Mountains. Noted as excellent javelineers and as being most warlike, throughout Hakhāmanišiyā rule they were a continual source of revolts. Coming to terms only with charismatic individuals, but always at a personal level trusting their word and never recognising higher socio-political structures. They required constant attention and military intervention, but whenever the Galshu felt a danger looming over their lands, they would side with other Northerners and the Mada.
The Asagartiya were an Iranian nomadic tribe, whose movements encompassed large tracks of land even outside of Aturpatakan, but their nobles often boasted Median origins. They were particularly famour for fighting unarmoured, carrying only with lassoes and daggers to finish their opponents.
The Amarda dwelled in the ranges South of the Kaspion Sea and conducted a pastoral life. They were another Iranian nomadic tribe and are described as a bellicose people, who found shelter in caves dug in the mountains. Appreciated as mounted archers, they wore a distinctive head-dress around their foreheads, which in reality was a sling employed both in war and to drive away predators from their herds.
The Tapara were an Iranian nomadic tribe, who might have had Skythian origins. They too dwelled south of the Kaspion Sea and were noted for having a custom, whereby the men dressed in black, wearing their hair long, while the women dressed in white and kept their hair short. They also practiced serial marriage, meaning that after few children were born and raised, the parents would marry other members of the tribe for several times during their lives.
The Kaspiya were an ancient people dwelling along the southwestern shore of the Kaspion Sea. Unfortunately very little is known about them, except that much of the local geography was named after them. They have been regarded as a pre-Indo-European people and were administratively grouped with the neighbouring nomadic tribes.
History
Before Aturpatakan was established as a province it was just a district of Media, which, at the time of Alexandros Megas' campaign, was under the Satrapal authority of Āturpāta. He proved a very capable and loyal Khšaçapavān, alongside his troops he fought at Gaugamela in 331 BCE. There he assaulted the Makedonian left flank, forcing Alexandros Megas to end his pursuit of Dārayavahuš III of Pârsa, lest he would have cut down the Makedonian infantry. Afterwards Āturpāta offered shelter to his sovereign and remained faithful, until the latter was betrayed and killed the following year. At that time Alexandros Megas appointed Media to Vakhšupata, simply because he had been imprisoned in Susa and thought him a natural ally. However Āturpāta was recognised for his skills and kept by Alexandros Megas' side. Indeed in 328 BCE the Makedonian Basileus reinstated him as Satrapes of Media and for the following years, as Alexandros Megas pushed eastwards, Āturpāta dealt with Iranian pretenders to the kingship of Asia. So high he rose in his new sovereign's esteem, that in 324 BCE Āturpāta's daughter was married to Perdikkas, who has just become Chiliarchos and therefore was second in command of the whole Makedonian army. Aturpatakan can be said to have been formed by the sudden death of Alexandros Megas the following year and the agreement between the Diadochoi at Triparadeisos in 321 BCE. From then onwards Āturpāta and his descendants had to deal with a neighbouring Hellenistic Satrapes of Media. Probably a settlement reached with Perdikkas, out of their marriage ties, to ensure a quiet northern border. But his territorial power had significantly diminished and Āturpāta soon realised how he could no longer trust Perdikkas, who developed royal ambitions, shown even in seeking more profitable marriages. Thus Āturpāta hedged his bets and claimed local kingship during the subsequent years of political chaos. By 312 BCE Seleukos I Nikator and his Dynasteia had become the neighbours of Aturpatakan. However the Seleukid Basileus accepted the new political situation and concentrated his efforts controlling southern Media, but might have exercised some sort of nominal suzerainty over Aturpatakan. Unfortunately little is known of this province's history during the 3rd century BCE, nor is it clear when Āturpāta died. It could be inferred that Artavazda succeeded him, but nothing else is known about this ruler. Around 220 BCE Artavazdana was Šāh of Aturpatakan, his name recorded in ancient sources being a patronymic. Described as being extremely old and the most powerful Iranian Dynastes of the time, he likely exploited the past Seleukid succession crises to exert a fully independent authority in the region. However Antiochos III, after his victory over the rebellious Molon, Satrapes of Media, launched a campaign against Aturpatakan, mainly to warn all nobles against supporting rebels with troops or arms. As already mentioned at this time Artavazdana had grown old and did not resisted, but acquiesced to submit Aturpatakan to Seleukid suzerainty, in exchange to his confirmation as Šāh. The following century is again very much silent in its reconstruction, Mihrdat I of the Pahlava successfully turned Aturpatakan into a vassal state after 148 BCE. Local autonomy was once again preserved and the royal family married into the Arshakid house. This situation remained unchanged until the death of Mihrdat II of the Pahlava around 88 BCE, when Tigran II Mets of Hayasdan claimed imperial power. This would eventually turn Aturpatakan into one of the main battlegrounds between the SPQR and Pahlava. In 36 BCE Marcvs Antonivs launched a major expedition against the Pahlava, marching through Aturpatakan. However, during the siege of Frahāspa, the Roman rearguard and siege-train were completely destroyed, compelling to withdraw in a disastrous retreat during winter. Despite the success the contemporary Šāh of Aturpatakan, called Artavazda, offered Marcvs Antonivs an alliance, out of fears concerning his autonomy and enmity over the division of the spoils with his Pahlavan sovereign. This allowed Artavazda to retake territory lost to Hayasdan, but the civil war in Roma caused all support from Marcvs Antonivs to end. Left alone Artavazda could not resist Pahlavan and Hai attacks, which resulted in him being taken prisoner in 30 BCE. Nevertheless struggles between Pahlavan claimants allowed him to escape, ultimately reaching Roma and taking refuge with Avgvstvs. He died around 20 BCE and his descendants probably lived in exile in Roma, being put back in power only in 9 CE, when a Roman supported claimant gained power among the Pahlava. However the Dynasteia of Aturpatakan ended not long afterwards in 19 CE with the murder of another Artavazda, being replaced by Arshakid younger sons.
Strategy
Aturpatakan has always been a stepping stone to all the major provinces of Asia and a source of superb cavalry forces. Rulers, with designs of domination in the East, should not overlook to defend its mountain passes and establish cordial relations with the many tribes of the highlands.
Thessalia's history and strategy sections will probably be posted during the weekend. The text needs a bit of editing before being submitted for editing by the team, but is otherwise ready. Kilikia might be a while... I hope both can make it to the release.
Province: Aluan
Traveller's Log
Leaving Kartli the traveller enters Aluan and finds himself in marshes. These are formed by the nearby Alazon River, which cuts its way through rocks in the Kaukasos Mountains. Similarly the Tkwarua River, flowing through Aluan all the way to the Kaspion Sea, causes sediment to accumulate in great quantity, filling channels and annexing small adjacent islands to the continent. Irregular marshes are a common occurrence, but at the same time this swelling stream improves the quality of the land. Indeed every kind of fruit, even the most delicate, any sort of plant and evergreen grow in Aluan without sowing and ploughing. Young trees bear fruit even the second year and the full grown yield so much that a large quantity is left on the branches. Moreover at the proximity of the Tkwarua River the country always presents herbage and it affords excellent pasture. Vines do not require digging round them and are pruned every five years, while in many places the ground can be turned with a simple wood plough. Land that has been sowed once produces two or three crops, astonishing the visitors, who all agree that the plain is better watered than Mesopotamia or Aigyptos. Unfortunately this is true for the land closest to the streams, much of Aluan is arid. Not far from the Tkwarua River lies a town called Kapalak, but it is steadily growing thanks to the local trade. Indeed large quantities of Indian merchandise are conveyed into Aluan by the Tkwarua River, on their way to the adjoining countries on the Euxeinos Sea. Further south, acting as a natural border with Haysdan, stand the first peaks of the Antitauros Mountains. While closer to the Kaukasos Mountains another town is located, called Shemakha, overlooking the inland commercial routes to the Sauromatae. Nomadic communities cooperate with the locals against invasions, but when there is no war they frequently raid the people of Aluan. To the East the Tkwarua River is joined by the Araks River, whose impetuous stream from Hayasdan impels forward even more sediment. Causing the main water course to be divided into twelve branches, some affording no passage, while others are so shallow as to leave no shelter for vessels. Further South the Parachoathras Mountains mark the boundary with Aturpatakan. As a response to the attacks coming from the north, a fortress called Chor was built to guard the main mountain pass. Today it has become the citadel for an expanding town and it has allowed local tribes to push as far as the Terka River. Back on the coast a natural harbour can be found, but its surroundings are best known for its fiery wells abundant in naphtha.
Geography
Aluan mainly consists of alluvial plains surrounded by highlands. North of the Kaukasos Mountains the flatlands are more extensive and the eastern peaks have suffered a particularly severe erosion and glaciation is minimal. The western half of Aluan is instead characterised by a series of individual ridges and troughs, caused by longitudinal fractures. The most notable features are mud volcanoes and mineral springs located in ravines by the eastern coast. The climate is marked by long hot summers and short mild winters, moreover Aluan is the driest province in the Kaukasos. This led to the development of three primary types of landscape: steppe, arid open woodland and semi-desert. In addition these are separated by wetlands and riparian forests. The most common plant in the desert areas is wormwood, in the steppe is relatively tall forb, in the foothills live three different species of juniper, while the forests are dominated by oak trees, black poplars, field elms, willows, lime trees and salt cedars. Regarding wildlife in the woodlands, the main species are wild boar, grey wolf, roe deer and Caucasian red deer. In the more arid regions can be found striped hyenas, Persian gazelles, Caucasian hamsters and lynxes. Notable is the reptile diversity, which comprises Mediterranean tortoises, Lebetine vipers, Western boas and Dahl's Whip Snakes. While examples of characteristic avifauna are partridges, griffons, black vultures, white-tailed eagles, black storks, white-headed ducks, ferruginous ducks and marbled teals.
The People, Society and Government
The Aluanukh were a semi-nomadic pastoral people comprising twenty-six tribes, each led by its own chieftain and possessing its own dialect. They were extremely fond of hunting, which they pursued with Caucasian Shepherd Dogs, men and animals said to be equal in eagerness and skill. Dog fights also occurred as a ritual activity, according to complex rules. Legends and tales held how animals consorted with hunters or spoke of human cohabitation with other creatures. Indeed masked men dancing at ceremonies were part of fertility cults. The Aluanukh practiced trading by barter and were not very warlike, but more concerned with defense. Still they were capable of fielding several tens of thousands warriors, both on foot and on horseback. Mostly wielding javelins and bows, they also mustered armoured troops wearing coverings made of hide, equipped with shields and corslets. Aluanukhan society was divided in four classes: to the first belonged the chieftains and their kin, administering justice and commanding the army; to the second belonged priests who settled the respective rights between peoples; the third was composed of warriors and husbandmen; while the fourth class comprised the common people, considered inviolable, performing all the duties of ordinary life. Overall possessions were common property of the families, but governed by the elders as stewards. The Aluanukh worshiped a Celestial father deity, the sun and, above all, the moon. Priests received the highest honours after the chieftains, even exercising authority over sacred attendants. The mentally ill were treated with superstitious reverence, for they were considered to hold supernatural connections, which enabled them to chase away the spirits of sickness. The priests would seize them and bound them with sacred fetters, maintaining them sumptuously. Afterwards they would be anointed with fragrant oils and sacrificed by piercing the heart through the side. The manner of the fall allowed divinations, which were later publicly declared and then the community would trample upon the body, as a mode of purification. Geronticide was practiced, around sixty years of age, since the land was unable to support a large population and it was regarded as impious to show any concern for the dead, even mentioning their names. Nevertheless the elders of the whole community were paid the greatest respect by all the members. Moreover the Aluanukh believed in sympathetic magic, according to the contagious principle, whereby things that were once in contact with someone could be used in rites and spells to make things happen to that person. They also developed an elaborate solar calendar system, which dictated agricultural practices. The most widespread rituals however concerned rain-making, such as sacrificing horned animals at springs or on mountain peaks. Human victims could also be drowned in rivers, but also other techniques, like tying a stone to branches of sacred trees and let them fall down into springs, were adopted. Contacts with Iranian peoples also brought fire worship, which was tied to the already existing Aluanukhan reverence of the sun. Whole mountainsides could be set ablaze during certain days, like the celebration of seasons' first dawns. Certain tribes of Aluan practiced endogamy, even brother-sister marriages, but such unions traditionally happened by abduction. Giving rise to complex rules of interaction between the sexes. Women also tattooed their faces with cosmological symbols, serving both as amulets and to identify them with specific communities.
History
Aluan already belonged to the polity of the Mada since the early Iron Age and afterwards experienced Hakhāmanišiyā influence, kept as part of the Median dependencies. Iranian nobles and contacts with Aturpatakan continued into the 3rd century BCE, while first direct contacts with Hellenistic polities took place only around 286 and 281 BCE, when the Seleukid Strategos Patrokles undertook the circumnavigation of the Kaspion Sea right from Aluan. Throughout the 3rd century BCE the Aluanukhan tribes kept relations with one another through polyglottism, initiating a process of political unification. By the end of century Iranian influenced nobles could marry their family into neighbouring royal ones. Following the collapse of Seleukid power in Mikra Asia around 189 BCE and the climate of uncertainty unleashed in Kaukasia, the Aluanukh suffered great pressure at their borders. Hai expansion towards the Tkwarua River and from the mid 2nd century BCE Pahlavan aggression to extend its influence, accelerated the process of unification in Aluan. Thus rose an acknowledged ruler of all tribes, which nevetheless kept their linguistic and tribal identities, capable of mustering all the fighting men. This event brought about a greater urbanisation of Aluan, favoured and coordinated from Kapalak, which became the royal residence. Later in 69 BCE the Aluanukh joined Tigran Mets II of Hayasdan against Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs, but when the campaign prolonged itself they seized the Hai northern district of Khambichan. Led by Arvita they claimed neutrality and granted Cnaevs Pompeivs free passage in 65 BCE, during the latter's pursuit of Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. However soon as winter came the Aluanukh forded the Tkwarua River to make an attack upon the Roman camp, but Cnaevs Pompeivs deliberately let them cross to limit their space for manouvering and quickly routed them. Despite the losses inflicted a treaty was agreed upon and the Roman forces carried on their march. However soon afterwards the Aluanukh got back to their stance of open aggression, compelling Cnaevs Pompeivs to hastily turn back. Apparently the Pontic Basileus was behind these actions, needing assistance to buy himself some time while he mustered forces in the Northern Euxeinos Littoral. However this time the Aluanukh fenced off the river banks with long stretches of palisades and hard fought close quarters ensued. Thankfully for the Romani, soon as the royal brother Kosis, who was leading the Aluanukhan army, was killed, a retreat was called. All these difficulties and the unfavourable climate during the long march started to be felt by the Roman troops, but nevertheless Cnaevs Pompeivs decided to press on towards the Kaspion Sea. What eventually compelled the Roman army to withdraw, three days later, was the multitude of deadly reptiles encountered. Aluanukhan hostility did not cease, but around 36 BCE an Antonian Legatvs managed to defeat Zober, who had succeeded Arvita, establishing a Roman client state. From then on the Aluanukh proved effective allies against the Pahlava, while the royal Dynasteia at Kapalak kept friendly terms with Avgvstvs. However commercial and cultural close contacts with the Pahlavan polity continued unhintered.
Strategy
Aluan is a particularly important region, because it holds one of the gates of the Kaukasos. Its control can secure polities both to the North and South of the mountain chain. Its natural resources are also quite valuable and the access to the Kaspion Sea links Aluan to the profitable trade routes of Asia.
Here is the text for the "History" and "Strategy" sections for Thessalia. I hope you all enjoy reading it...
Man it is hard work keeping up with Arjos!!!
:2thumbsup:
Province Thessalia
History
Thessalia is where the first Hellenes (probably not calling themselves that at the time) settled in what was to be the land that took their name. It was previously inhabited by pre-Hellenic, probably non Indo-European people collectively known as Pelasgians. The Hellenes came from the North, from an area in the Pontic steppes in modern day Ukraine and/or near the Caucasus. While for a long time the widely accepted theory was that they came overland through the mountains of Aimos, it is now considered possible that the influx of settlers came by sea from the Caucasus, near what was later going to be Colchis. Ironically, a mythical Hellen king from the city of Iolkos in Thessalia, would go through great toil to complete the trip in the opposite direction in search of the Golden Fleece.
The settlers expanded more and more over the newfound land and eventually took over most of the coastal areas from Thessaly to the western coast of the Peloponnesus and the islands off it. They also dominated most of the fortifiable positions and hills. Their Sky-Thunder god (not yet personified as Zeus) took preeminence over the dominant deity of about 20000 years, the Great Mother of fertility and earth and nature, a turn in religion reflected even now in mythology. The sons of Zeus and the thunderer himself have been vanquishing chthonic monsters ever since. Still, evidence of coexistence and mutual influence between the newcomers and the Pelasgians are quite common. The northern border of Thessalia was mount Olympus, a pelasgian word simply meaning mountain, found also further south, in the Peloponnesus and even across the Aegean. In the center of the Thessalian plain was Larissa, also of pelasgian origin meaning acropolis or fortress or even, in a simpler version, just hill.
The Hellenic tribes of note that were prominent in Thessalia were the Aeolians, the Boeotians and the Aenianians, but there were others. Each tribe carved a territory in the great Thessalian plain to hold as its own. Tellingly there was such a territory called Pelasgiotis. The Hellenic tribes spoke the Aeolian dialect and spread to the islands of the northern Aegean and even across the sea to northern Asia Minor (perhaps before settling in Thessalia). The Boeotians spread to Boeotia and gave it its name.
Mycenaean era
In the southern part of Thessalia there was an area called Phthoia and in its vicinity a city called Hellas. The exact location of the city has not been designated beyond doubt, but its name has been adopted by a whole people and a whole country. Southern Thessalia was the home of Achilles and his Myrmidons, but the inhabitants of Phthoia and Achilles’ soldiers are referred to by different ethnonyms in the Iliad and are led by another king. Achilles’ father Pyleas however is said to have held sway over both regions. To the north Iolkos prospered as an important trading port of the wider region, at that time called Aeolis, maintaining trade routes to the Euxeinos Pontos importing gold among other commodities, hence the fleece of the Argonauts. Sheep’s skin was a handy “tool” for collecting gold from rivers in Colchis at that time. Though not comprehensively under single leadership, Thessalia is doted by Mycenaean palaces and Linear B inscription findings, which leaves no doubt as to whether or not this area was part of the Hellenic world. In fact, in some ways it is perhaps its birthplace.
During the eleventh century BC, following the Mycenaean decline, a Dorian tribe called Thessaloi from Thesprotia to the west, moved into the plain and settled there. Perhaps they forcibly displaced the other tribes or simply found a place among them, gradually gaining prominence enough for the land to be called after them… Thessalia!
Archaic period.
During the archaic period the tribes of Thessalia attained regional supremacy. They were self-sufficient, possessed excellent cavalry and perhaps even quite a bit wealth. To this end it is possibly very important that they were involved in many conflicts of the time in their periphery including the war between Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea. The war was largely decided in the Battle of the Lelantion Plain during which the charge of Thessalian heavy cavalry under Cleomachos of Pharsalus successively swept the enemy cavalry and hoplite phalanx. Chalcis won the day and the war, but both sides had suffered such destruction during the war that they were unable to maintain their naval and trade supremacy in the Mediterranean leaving room for Athens, Megara and Korinthos to fill the gap and their coffers. The Thessaloi were free to focus on consolidation.
Eleven polities and tribes from all Hellas rallied behind the Thessaloi in founding the Delphic Amphictyony. The institution’s purpose was initially to protect the sacred ground of Apollo in Delphoi and Demeter near Thermopylae. Gradually the Thessaloi controlled five of the eleven other tribes and were thus able to dominate the amphictyonic council since it relied on a simple voting system to reach decisions. Powerful cities such as Sparta and Athens also took part in the council, but commanded only one vote each. Besides, they were physically quite removed from the area the council convened to administer and consequently took a cooler view of things for a long time; at least until their sphere of influence reached that far. The Thessaloi, with their position in the plain consolidated, were looking for the right time and opportunity to dominate Phocaea and take control of the Delphic temple complex and oracle, along with all its wealth. They succeeded in doing both after a war that lasted about a decade. It was called the 1st Holy War.
1st Holy War (approx. 595-585)
The cities of Kirra and Krissa its port were the only ones in Phocaea that had not been subdued by the Thessaloi. Perhaps in need of money to withstand the pressure from their northern neighbors, their inhabitants harassed the pilgrims to Delphoi and also engaged in piracy in the Corinthian bay, which meant they were a big problem for the city of Sicyon. Krissa was the closest port to the oracle so anyone travelling by boat to Delphoi logically used this port. The Kirrans exacted tribute from passers-by. This was pronounced sacrilege by the amphictyonic council and war ensued. An alliance was formed between the Thessaloi, the Athenians and the Sicyonians. The information on military operations is scarce. We do know that leading the Thessalians was Eurylochos of the Aleuathae of Larissa. Leading the Sicyonians was the tyrant Cleisthenes of the Orthogorithae and Solon was in charge of the Athenians. At some point Kirra was besieged and blockaded and finally succumbed, when its water supply was poisoned. Both cities were razed to the ground, the city of Delphoi was proclaimed independent and the plain where Krisa had been was consecrated and given over to Delphoi.
The Thessaloi now held sway over all of Thessaly and its tribes, with the peninsula of Pelion included, and all of Phocaea to the south. Naturally, they looked farther south to Boeotia, where their once close neighbors had expanded or taken refuge in centuries past. However their good fortune did not hold. They were first defeated by the Boeotians in the Battle of Kerissos around 520 and later in 510 by a confederation of Phocaeans in the Battle of Yampolis. In both cases the Thessalian heavy cavalry that had facilitated Thessalian ascension, was correctly neutralized by the proper use of terrain and appropriate tactics. For the years that followed, the Thessalians would not look beyond their fertile, horse breeding lands.
Persian Wars
In 480 BC, the Persians invaded. They subdued Makedonia just by marching through it and entered Thessalia. A contingent of Greeks was set to defend the straits of Tempe at the Thessalians’ request. However, they abandoned the defense before the Persians were in sight, following a decision of the council of Isthmos to defend further south. Thessaly offered “land and water”. The Thessalian family of Aleuadae that ruled Larissa even provided a mounted troop for the Persians. Thorax of Larissa was a member of the Aleuadae. He was a son of Aleuas, a friend of the poet Simonides. After the Battle of Salamis, Thorax stood at Mardonius’ side at the Battle of Plataea in 479 BC with the Thessalian cavalry. However, they did not charge. After the Persians were defeated, King Leotychidas of Sparta, led an army into Thessaly to punish those who had sided with the Persians, but Thorax and his family were rich enough to convince him. In the years that followed Thessalian power waned; Athenian surged so the Thessalians were tacitly brought into the fold.
2nd Holy War
In 449 the second war for control of the Delphic oracle broke out, dubbed the 2nd Holy War. Unlike its previous version, this conflict was brief. Athens wanted to change the status quo and control Delphoi by proxy, using the Phocaeis for the purpose. The Delphic Amphictyonia had been pro-Persian during the wars of 480-479 and this was all the justification the Athenians, self-proclaimed protectors of Greece ever since, needed to launch their propaganda and cover their true intent. The Spartans responded by sending troops to the city of Delphoi and temporarily restored the situation, but the Athenians under Perikles campaigned there shortly after and delivered the city to the Phocaeans. Tellingly, the Thessalians did not interfere.
Peloponnesian War
During the Peloponnesian War (431-404) Thessalia remained an Athenian ally, just as it had been for the past half a century, but did nothing to interfere with Brasidas’ Spartan column as it marched through the plain on its way to Makedonia.
During the years of Spartan Hegemony 404-371, after the Peloponnesian War, Thessalia was brought to the Spartan side, but significant events took place around it, in Boeotia and Chalcidice, or away from it at the Ionian coast of Asia Minor and its hinterland. Thessalia itself remained relatively calm. It was probably these conditions of relative peace that allowed a gifted leader from the city of Pherae to unite Thessalia as Spartan power was reaching its point of decline. Jason of Pherae had succeeded his father Lycophron I of Pherae as tyrant of Pherae and was appointed tagus of Thessaly in 374 BC. He formed, trained and led by example a highly competent professional force, which included the famous Thessalian cavalry. He was confident that despite its relatively small numbers, this force could outfight most citizen armies it was bound to face in the area. Jason was soon able to extend his control to much of the surrounding region, briefly transforming Thessalia into a powerful state or at least a threat to powerful states in the region. Jason was assassinated in 370, but his career, though short lived, was a prelude to what lay dormant in northern Greece, if power could be concentrated under the right leadership. The skill of his military and his maneuvers, diplomatic and otherwise, proved that the north was stirring and was a force to be reckoned with. Jason aspired to Pan-Hellenic leadership and even had plans for an invasion of the Persian Empire. To wit, Isocrates sent letters to Jason requesting that he unify Greece, as Philip later would. Isocrates later sent similar letters to Phillip. Contrary to Phillip’s son though, Jason’s son, Alexander was not particularly successful. He fought for and finally gained the title of tagus and ruled harshly before finally being defeated by the Thebans soon after. Jason was perhaps an inspiration to Alexander the Great as Epaminondas might have been for Phillip. Xenophon’s praise of Jason’s leadership skills bears interestingly close resemblance to what is known of Alexander’s. Jason of Pherae is believed to be the inventor of the hemithorakion, a type of armor well suited for cavalry.
Boeotian Hegemony
After the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans held sway from the Peloponnesus to Thessalia. In 368 Pelopidas campaigned against Thessalia, but was captured by Jason’s son and heir, Alexander of Pherae. In 367 Epaminondas led another campaign north and was able to free Pelopidas. Alexander had grown strong in the meantime and his enemies in Thessalia requested Theban intervention. Pelopidas led 7000 men north, once more. They clashed at the famous site of Cynos Kephales, where a number of battles took place in antiquity. During the battle, Pelopidas furiously attacked his former captor’s guard inflicting heavy casualties, but receiving mortal wounds. The Thebans won, but lost a great general. In 362 they would also lose Epaminondas and with him any chance of maintaining hegemony. This however would not suffice for the Thessalians to resurge.
3rd Holy War 356-346
The title tagus went with a mere shadow of its previous status when held by Jason’s successors, Polydorus, Polyphron, Alexander, Tisiphonus, and Lycophron. The old aristocracy had had enough and called for Philip II of Macedon to intervene. He was happy to oblige and deprived Lycophron of his power in 353 BC restoring the ancient form of government in Thessalia. After his resounding victory at the Battle of Krokion Pedion, where his soldiers marched wearing laurel wreaths the Thessalians elected Philip archon tagus of the Thessalian League for life and a few years later in 344 BC, he re-established the tetrarchies installing loyal governors, probably hailing from the old aristocracy.
Post-Phillip
The Thessalian cavalry became part of the Macedonian army and many Thessalians, including possibly 1800 cavalry, took part in the campaign of Alexander the Great. They were consistently assigned to the left flank of the formation in all three major battles of Granicus, Issus and Gaugamela and they consistently performed to a high standard, ranked second only to the Companions. They were allowed to return home after the burning of Persepolis in 330. 130 horsemen stayed on as mercenaries, but they too were sent home when Alexander reached the Oxus. In the years that followed Thessalia was ruled by the Macedonians until, at the close of the First Macedonian War in 197, it was declared free by Flaminius. It was ultimately incorporated in a Roman province along with Macedonia and Epirus.
Strategy
Thessalia is very fertile and is considered the breadbasket of mainland Hellas. It sits at the center of the old Greek world and grants access to Aetolia and Epeiros to the west, Boeotia and Attiki to the south, Euboea just across the channel and Makedonia to the north. While Thessalian heavy cavalry can be recruited as mercenaries at various locations around the Mediterranean, they can be recruited at significant numbers here, if the right faction holds their homeland.
Friendly Sword
07-08-2014, 20:24
Hi again!
Exciting to see so much being done. :)
I was doing some research about ancient Yemeni history the other day in relation to the ecological crisis that's hapenning there and I was inspired to do some EB style research and write up the profiles for the region.
In the event that noone is working on Qataban, Saba, Hadramawt and Ma'in, I would love to work on them over the next couple of weeks. (They make sense to do in tandem).
Am I correct in my understanding that no work has yet been done on them in terms of regional descriptions?
Friendly Sword
07-08-2014, 20:31
Regrettable but understandable that there is no Himyar region represented in the game. :P
Regrettable but understandable that there is no Himyar region represented in the game. :P
It is part of Qataban and there's no problem in talking about it in the "History" and "People, Society & Government" sections. Actually they come in handy to cover exactly such scenarios ;)
Right now Arabia is indeed lacking several descriptions, please do consider taking a crack at them. I'm looking forward to read them, very interesting area!
Province: Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae
Traveller's Log
Leaving the Kaukasos Mountains behind him, the traveller enters the Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae, or country of the Aekhsyraedzhytae. Called Sirakene by the Hellenes, it used to be inhabited by Skulata, who not too long ago abandoned it and left it sparsely populated. However little after the death of Alexandros Megas small groups of nomads, led by their Aeldar Arifarn, penetrated into the territory without much resistance. These call themselves Aekhsyraedzhytae and since then they intermingled with the local sedentary communities. By the foothills and banks of the Terka River both open and fortified settlements have been established. The maintained contacts and stable times permitted a permanent caravan route to form along the western coast of the Kaspion Sea. While back in the interior the landscape is dotted by several burial mounds and stone sepulchers, built by locals together with the Aekhsyraedzhytae. The western border of this country is marked by the Achardeus and Danu Rivers, while the northern one is constituted by the delta of the Rah River. Inside are vast plains belonging to the Aekhsyraedzhytae, where they dwell in tents and waggon-houses during summer. However about ten more fortified and open settlements can be found, with Uspe holding the central position and serving as tribal capital. Situated on a height, it possesses walls of wickerwork hurdles with soil between and moats. Up to this point Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae is a steppe, with plenty of grain to be had in the river basins, but the eastern portion is arid with sand dunes.
Geography
Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae consists mainly of dry sheep fescue and feather grass steppes. In its western half there are a number of lakes of various size, permanent and seasonal rivers, and salt-marshes. While the Rah Delta is a wetland characterised by rare aquatic plants like Aldrovanda veiculosa and Nelumbo caspica, along with several species of gulls, terns and waterfowl. Indeed it is considered a paradise for migratory birds, who pass over the area twice a year, hundreds of thousands of them nesting there. Typical mammals living in Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae are wild boars, otters, weasels, brown hares, wild rabbits, muskrats and especially large herds of saiga antelope. Important is also the fauna of the Kaspion Sea, mostly comprising herring and bullhead families, few species and subspecies of them being sturgeons. The climate is marked by short, but cold winters and hot summers. Over the plains rainfall does not occur often, while it happens twice as much by the foothills of the Kaukasos Mountains.
The People, Society and Government
The Aekhsyraedzhytae were among the first Sauromatian tribes to migrate to the Pontic-Kaspian steppe and as such they were the first to enter a crisis inherent to nomadic economy. Namely impoverished nomads had to settle and adopt agriculture, while only richer families continued their pastoral movements. Nevertheless this resulted in the genesis of a unique polyethnic cultural group: jewelry and weaponry from Kaukasia and hellenised catacomb burials with dromoi were adopted. Aekhsyraedzhytae as a name represent a relation to milk and could possibly be traslated as "the milkers". Despite this ethnonym, they proved to be quite capable traders, establishing links to the Kimmerios Bosporos and polities of the Kaukasos Mountains. The luxuries that were most sought after were fine pottery, even wheel-thrown, and mirrors, moreover several Rhodian amphorae speak for Mediterranean imports. Kaukasian cultic practices were also adopted, noticeable by vessels containing pebbles in burials. The Aekhsyraedzhytae used adzes, reaping knives, picks and hoes, and by the late 2nd century BCE they had become solely agriculturalists. Unlike other Sauromatae, the Aekhsyraedzhytae equipped themselves considerably less frequently with swords and spears, their specific armament being instead socketed iron arrows. Also very early on the Aekhsyraedzhytae formed a polity of their own, ruling over the Maiotai. However this union grew ever closer and by the 1st century CE the political center shifted to the territory south of the Achardeus River.
History
Already around the mid of the 4th century BCE the Sauromatae were conducting raids and incursions against the Skulata. In concomitance with these actions the Aekhsyraedzhytae led by Arifarn, their Aeldar, took possession of the country that came to be named after them. In 309 BCE the Aekhsyraedzhytae concluded a treaty of Philia with Eumelos, who was a pretender against his brother Satyros II for the title of Archon kai Basileus of the Kimmerios Bosporos. When called to join battle at the Thates River, a tributary of the Achardeus River, Arifarn mustered 20,000 horsemen and 22,000 infantrymen. However Satyros II and his Skulata allies defeated the combined forces of Eumelos and Arifarn, who together fled back to the nearby winter capital of the Aekhsyraedzhytae. Surrounded by great cliffs and thick woods, it was strengthened with high towers and outworks and swampy land fortified by wooden palisades. At first Satyros II resolved to plunder the neighbouring villages, hoping to force his enemies to sally forth. When this tactic proved fruitless he ordered his men to take the barricades by storm, which they did, but at a great cost of lives. Nevertheless to reach the Aeldar's palace woods had to be cut down and Arifarn launched a counterattack with great boldness, stationing archers on both sides of the passage. After four days of hardship, the onrush of the Aekhsyraedzhytae was successful and Satyros II himself was grievously wounded with a spear through his upper arm. That night he died after having reigned only nine months and his body was carried back to Pantikapaion, where his other brother Prytanis celebrated a magnificent funeral. Refusing to share power Prytanis quickly took over the army, but Eumelos and Arifarn in the meantime managed to capture several cities and villages on the Asiatic side of the Kimmerios Bosporos. Eventually Eumelos managed to defeat his last brother and subsequently slew all the friends, wives and children of his kin, except for a single son of Satyros, who took refuge among the Skulata. Finally Eumelos could rule alone, although he would die in a chariot accident five years later, but the Aekhsyraedzhytae could be seen as ultimate victors, for they were now masters of the hinterland. The 3rd century BCE was a time of consolidation for Arifarn and his tribe, with Maiotan influence ever increasing and his successor during the first half of the century also married into the royal family of Kartli. Thus the Aekhsyraedzhytae came to the help of Saurmag I of Kartli to secure his succession, and throughtout the later half of the 3rd century BCE likely supported the Sauromatian encroachment against the Skulata. The 2nd century BCE however saw the complete metamorphosis into a sedentary culture and this seems to have forced the Aekhsyraedzhytae to rely more on other Sauromatian tribes. Mostly because at this time the Aekhsaitae, the royal tribe of the Sauromatae, were experiencing a weakening in prestige and power. Now the Rukhsalantae wintered in the marshes next to Maiotis and during the last decade of the 2nd century BCE, together with the Aekhsyraedzhytae, they supported Palakos of the Skulata. However the latter was defeated by Diophantos, a Pontic Strategos from Sinope, whose Basileus quickly won over the Sauromatae with gifts and by intermarrying into the families of neighbouring Aeldaerttae. This resulted in a renewal of luxuries reaching the Aekhsyraedzhytae and throughout the first century BCE they fought alongside the Pontic Dynasteia. This would bring the people of Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae yet again into a conflict between royal brothers of the Kimmerios Bosporos around 45 CE. However Roman Legiones took part in the war on the side opposing the claimant favoured by the Aekhsyraedzhytae and Uspe was captured. Terms were asked, offering 10,000 captives as assurance, but the Romani opted to massacre the inhabitants. Thus the ruling Aeldar Dzarzyn was forced to prostrate himself, but during the Roman withdrawal by ship on the Danu River, the Aekhsyraedzhytae and Maiotai assaulted the Roman army and several soldiers died. Nevertheless, during the later half of the 1st century CE, Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae would be invested by the Alantae and the locals would join this new tribal union.
Strategy
Although not rich in natural resources Aekhsyraedzhyty Baestae is a strategically valuable province. Protected by large water courses on three sides and facing the Kaspion Sea on the other, it is a crossroad between Asia and Europe. Its control will allow its ruler to easily reach profitable trade routes either by commerce or with marching armies.
Friendly Sword
07-14-2014, 19:02
Hey Arjos;
I read through the description; it looks awesome. I have a question though.
I assume the relevant territory labeled in the map provided in this thread that is being described here is Dahyu Siraca. Presumably Danu=Don, Terka=Terek, Achardeus=Kuban etc etc. Why has the name been changed to Aekhsyragty Baestae? What language is the source for this? I am not challenging it; I am just curious, as I am unfamiliar with this as a name for the territory of the siraces/sirakes/sirakoi.
Thanks!
I've been working on Iranian languages, especially Ossetic and the Skytho-Sauromatian inscriptions from the Pontic region. Together with the corpus of sagas from the Kaukasos. Hopefully this is a closer language to the one used in the steppe during EBII's timeframe...
Also lacking scripts, I've written it down as close as possible to their pronunciation. Exception being "ae", which to this day has several of them, but possibly the closest was a mid-central vowel...
Dahyu Siraca was a little constructed from Old Iranian and the rendering of the ethnonym as recorded by Hellenic sources...
It is tricky but etimologies can be identified, thankfully there are few modern scholars working on it. Just need to improve my russian to read more of them XD
Also challenges and any help are always welcomed! ^^
Edit: you may actually notice a change to the name, because I forgot about lenition laws!
Province: Aursyty Baestae
Traveller's Log
After crossing the Rah River, the traveller enters Aursytae Baestae where the Aursytae dwell. By the delta are saline wetlands, which make good pasture for livestock and many caravans can be seen traversing. While upstream the Rah River are burial grounds with several mounds, each used by a Sauromatian family. Farther to the North the landscape becomes arid, first being dotted by salt domes, but eventually turning into a desert, which skirts the Kaspion Sea. Here rainfall rarely occurs, but it is the shortest route and, thanks to their domesticated camels, the locals can endure the voyage. However the other areas of Aursyty Baestae are almost as arid, this is definitely a hard country. Nevertheless these grounds hold the main pastures and meadows of the Aursytae, here it is where they most frequently wander and are known as the Aursyty Zaekkhytae. By the floodplains millet is sown at temporary campsites, where the Aursytae return seasonally to gather the harvest. As the steppe comes to an end around the Rah River the landscape becomes a particularly hilly plateau. Woodlands also are once again encountered in this area, but less and less people live there. The locals describe the northern region as an untraversable forest, which only Ugra hunters dare enter. While to the East, as far as the Dzhaikhs River, the landscape gradually becomes more open with a narrow steppic corridor. Here since time immemorial the Sauromatae have buried their men and women in mounds, according to their fire worshipping traditions. Differing from those by the Rah River, several of these were constructed with stones, some including platforms, cromlechs or simply stone heaps. At this point plains soon end, hillocks quickly turn into highlands and then into the Urala Mountains. These are the highest peaks of the region, but compared to other ranges in the world they are not particularly formidable. Here by tributaries of the Rah River lie open settlements and fortresses, built by communities mainly oriented to hunting and fishing, but also known for their highly developed metalworking skills. However these are divided by growing internal tensions and pressure from the nomadic communities. Numerous valleys and ridges parallel one another in an ever more forested area, marked by ever colder days. No horseman wanders here and legends hold that progressing northwards would be pointless, because the snow falls so thick and copious to obfuscate the view as if countless feathers were poured down.
Geography
Aursyty Baestae is a vast province mostly comprising flatlands, which extends into the Taiga. Springs are pretty short and dry, with warm summers and autumns followed by cold winters. Typical fauna of the area closer to the Kaspion Sea include wild boars, otters, weasels, brown hares, wild rabbits, muskrats, many semi-desert rodents, aurochs, European bisons, wild horses and saiga herds. In the plains typical plants are Artemisia, volga fescue, feather grass and wheat grass. While the floodplain forests comprise oaks, poplars, willows, ash trees, pine trees and birches. Instead closer to the Urala Mountains Siberian spruces, larches, elms and firs are dominant. These forests are roamed by reindeers, sables, polecats, minks and, although not specific to the region, Eurasian dippers, Golden eagles, chaffinchs, Eurasian dotterels, Northern black grouses and Ural owls may be found.
The People, Society and Government
The Aursytae were first and foremost traders, whose commercial wanderings went from the Euxeinos Sea to Central Asia. Already from the 5th century BCE the Sauromatian military aristocracy living in this region was equipped with bronze helmets, and scale or plate armour. However these were not of local production, tin deposits being limited in the area, and control of exchange networks for smelted metal or finished artifacts became one of the distinctive Sauromatian social aspects. Particular to the people living by the Rah River was also the distinction between unalloyed copper, arsenical bronze, tin and tin-leaded bronze for specific items. The use of tin seems to have been limited to cups and mirrors, emphasising its prestige and ritual status, marked even more by the different colour properties. Aurs means white and it probably stood for religious purity, indeed characteristic to the Aursytae were small portable altars carved from stone or censers made out of stone or clay. All of these were used in fire cult rituals and it seems that women filled the role of priestesses. While the men were mounted archers, who favoured trilobed tanged arrows as their weapons. The pastoralism that developed in Aursyty Baestae was more than an economic specialisation, it constituted a distinctive way of life. In general the men handled the herding, butchering, trade, organisation of migrations and fighting, while women the cooking, packing, unpacking of possessions for transport and processing of wool, hides and milk. However no fixed gender roles existed and women held freedom in general, exercising great political influence. This is what shocked foreign observers and tied the Amazones mythos to the Sauromatian tribes, but in reality these nomadic women were equal members of society in an unforgiving environment and were expected to partecipate actively in the sustenance of the tribe.
History
The southern Urala steppes in the 4th century BCE experienced massive nomadic migrations, resulting from internal developments of mobile cattle-breeders from the northeastern forest-steppe. Of great influence were also the campaigns of Alexandros Megas, which undermined the traditional simbiotic relationship between nomadic and sedentary populations in Central Asia. This led to a demographic explosion at the end of the century, whereby several groups migrated en masse into the Rah-Danu interfluvial area, assimilating the related locals. The Aursytae set themselves on establishing a monopoly over the existing trading routes. Throughout the 3rd century BCE they were mainly occupied with escorting caravans, helping drive out the Skulata and destroy their fortified settlements. These actions secured their supremacy and allowed the Aursytae to become the largest Sauromatian tribe, constituting almost a separate nomadic federation. Leading the caravans to the Bosporan markets, keeping close to the areas of migration, brought much wealth to the Aursytae. Their networks extended as far as Huwarazmish, were Bosporan coins circulated well into the 2nd century BCE. While the western borders of Aursyty Baestae were firmly controlled by Sauromatian kinsmen, the Aursytae also extended their influence to the Ugric populations in the forested North. Their intrusion resulted in the creation of independent polities, which then traded with the neighbouring nomadic chiefdoms. However the Aursytae had to deal increasingly with pressure coming from the east, which ended the relatively trouble-free epoch. Namely around the middle of the 2nd century BCE the Alantae were growing in power as a tribal union and had to assume a more aggressive stance to fend off Hsiung-nu expansion. For the time this resulted in a second wave of migration, which carried some Aursytae along with the movement toward the West. This event coincided with the collapse of the Aekhsaitae and, although not yet displaced from Aursyty Baestae, left the Aursytae to take care of themselves on their own, surrounded by potential enemies. Thankfully Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos in the late 2nd century BCE offered a new fulcrum for the Sauromatian tribes, which brought back political stability. Throughout the first half of the 1st century BCE the Aursyty Aeldar Spadaen managed to keep intact his tribe, leading 200,000 riders and preserved the trading supremacy. However this was a flimsy balance, but it nevertheless lasted into the 1st century CE and even the Avgvsti of Roma considered the Aursytae their allies. In 45 CE the Aeldar Eunon thus supplied cavalry to the Roman forces poised against the Aekhsyraedzhytae and later pleaded for leniency to Avgvstvs Clavdivs over the conquered. Despite the successes, influence from Central Asia was growing among the upper strata of Aurs society, several members taking on practices like the deformation of the skull. Around the half of the 1st century CE the Alantae finally migrated westwards, assimilated all the Aursytae and together left the pastures of Aursyty Baestae forever.
Strategy
Aursyty Baestae is the northern hallway between Asia and Europe, through it run profitable trading routes. It is also a melting pot, where new cultures take form, the latest being the Sauromatian one. Thus to certain nomads it is something of an ancestral homeland and to any ruler it is a breeding ground for excellent horsemen.
Province: Aekhsaity Baestae
Traveller's Log
Beyond the Danu River and its arching tributaries the traveller finds himself in a vast land inhabited by restless tribes. Lately their migrating bands have taken the area as their pastureland, but everyday they wander southwards looking for riches and fame. The southernmost country belongs to the Rukhsalantae, a most warlike tribe, while the upper reaches of the Danu River belong to the Aekhsaitae. These are the royal Sauromatian tribe, whose leadership in war is uncontested by the other Sauromatae. Therefore the surrounding steppes are generally known as Aekhsaity Baestae. These nomadic grounds have recently pushed back the Skulata and have assimilated the Tursakata. Indeed now the burial mounds by the water courses belong to the Rukhsalantae and Aekhsaitae. Although few of them practice farming, the mainly dwell on both sides of the Danu, in what have come to be known as the Aekhsaity Zaekkhytae. Generally they spend their lives in tents made of felt, fastened on waggons, and round about the tents are the herds which afford the milk, cheese and meat on which they live. From time to time they move to other places that have grass, spending the summers in the plains and the winters in marsh-meadows. To the North dwell the Ugrat and, although still spacious, their country is interspersed with woodlands. Like other Sauromatae they have migrated from afar, but they mostly deal with the Mardkhvara tribes to the forested North, with whom they hold close kinship. Beyond them people no longer live in tents, but in open and fortified settlements. There local ore in exploited and once smelted it is traded to their nomadic neighbours, otherwise the Mardkhvara spend most of their time foraging and tending to their livestocks. In this region the Rah River bends westwards and the landscape is one of bogs, lakes and marshes. Farther North lie deep forests and only the most dauntless, or senseless, hunters venture into.
Geography
Aekhsaity Baestae for the most part is an undulating plateau of grassland. This consists of drought-resistant perennial and annual herbaceous plant, which are particularly rich and are mixed with legumes, daisies and irises. While the forest steppe to the North, as the name denotes, alternate with oak, littleleaf linden, field maple and ash woodlands, oaks becoming the sole feature at higher latitudes. Different is the plain bounded by the tributaries of the Rah River, which is covered by mixed and pine forests, together with sandy areas and a large number of wetlands. Summers as hot and winters cold, with considerable diurnal variation in temperature. Although rainfall is insufficient, reach its maximum during summer, in winter a stable snow cover persists until March. The fish fauna native to the Danu River mainly consists of belugas, Russian sturgeons and starry sturgeons. Roaming the valleys and meadows instead are squirrels, foxes, hares, wolves, wild boars, elks, European bisons, aurochs, wild horses and deers.
The People, Society and Government
The Aekhsaitae, just as their name denotes, were the rulers of the Sauromatae. They led the black mantles, meaning all the Sauromatian warriors. Although they held some sort of religious prestige, this was merely the product of the conquests and charisma of their tribal leaders. Military force in the steppe initiated unification, but to maintain cohesion the Aekhsaitae had to offer real economic benefits. These were realised by granting access to luxury goods and trade opportunities, that the single tribes could not have gained on their own. In turn the lesser Sauromatian Aeldaerttae accepted subordinate political positions, but direct control over all the tribes was never achieved. What the Aekhsaitae led was a nomadic confederacy and far from being mindless plunderers, they concentrated their efforts on exacting tribute, keeping friendly relations with foreign centers of production and securing trade routes. The Aekhsaitae also kept the central geographic position, surrounded by a protective ring formed by the other tribes and throughout their wanderings this condition was maintained. Overall Sauromatian society comprised three classes: the Wezdaettae, or nobles, the Sau Laegtae, or warriors, and the Khumgaerdgutae, or plowers, to describe common people from dependant farming communities. However all of these were free, slavery was not widespread in Sauromatian society, being limited to few household servants, rather it was the most requested comodity by Hellenistic markets. In proportion to their prominence the Sauromatae also tattoed themselves with mythological motifs, while during ceremonies women painted their faces with dots and parallel lines, which held cultic significance. Feasts, linked to ceremonies, were the most important social events. The happiest and most frequent topic of conversation was recounting about military deeds. Whoever ended up being considered the best was rewarded sacred drinks, the highest honour among the Sauromatae.
The Rukhsalantae were above everything else warriors. Along with the Aekhsaitae they were equipped with helmets, scale armours and spears or lances to act as heavy cavalry. They eagerly provoked war, for looting seems to have been their main source of income. All of this made them excellent mercenaries, which neighbouring polities eagerly sought to hire. It also comes as no surprise that the Rukhsalantae worshipped the sword and in battle they always led the charge, brandishing blades that measured up to 130 cm. Their ethnonym literally stands for "the luminous honourable ones", meaning "Western Alan people", speaking for their Central Asian origins.
The Ugrat were Ugric speakers, originally living near the Urala Mountains, who migrated westwards with other cattle-breeders during the Sauromatian ethnogenesis. They were some of the northernmost Eurasian nomads, wandering between the Upper Rah and Dzhaikhs Rivers, and this resulted in splittings of groups, who went on living as gatherers. Although little is known about them during the Hellenistic period, preserved oral traditions speak of warriors eager to prove themselves, but also capable of engaging in violence solely out of boredom. Through their dealings with neighbouring peoples, they learned about composite bows with bone laths. Their appellative stood for "the powerful ones" and they were particularly crafty hunters, who trained their horses to lie on their bellies and play dead. At the same time the Ugrat and their dogs hid among bushes and trees, soon as their game approached the horses, the hunters would shoot and jump on their mounts to pursue, while the dogs would seize the prey. Although they lived in close contacts with Iranian nomads and were part of the Sauromatian confederation, the Ugrat preserved their own animistic and shamanistic traditions.
History
At the end of the 4th century BCE the battered Skulata retreated below the Danu River and the Sauromatae became masters of the steppes. Led by the Aekhsaitae, the newcomers in the early 3rd century BCE launched assaults to establish tributary dependencies, eliminate opposition and gain easy loot. These actions proved to be extremely successful, forging close and allied relations with the local tribes. For many Hellenes living by the Northern Pontic Littoral, the Sauromatae were also valuable allies, whose assistance could help them retain political independence from larger poleis. However such standings required tribute to the Aekhsaitae and certain communities could not bear the financial burden, resulting in punitive raids. This was exactly what happened to Olbia around 225 BCE, when the Sauromatian Armdar Aekhsidafarn found fault with the gifts due to him. However the new order that was established across the Pontic steppes favoured greatly local markets. The Sauromatae by then had broken Skulatian power, forcing their remnants to retreat in Mikra Skythia and the Taurike Chersonesos. At this time the Aekhsaitae moved their main encampments by the Danu-apara River, the Rukhsalantae to the lower Danu River and the Ugrat to the North of the Aekhsaitae. So from the 2nd century BCE what used to be Aekhsaity Baestae, became pasturelands and hunting grounds of the Ugrat. Who distanced themselves from the Sauromatae after the collapse of the Aeksaitae around the middle of the 2nd century BCE. This allowed the Ugrat to remain relatively unaffected by the events of the following centuries. Only the coming of Turkic groups much later on, would result in new ethnogenetic processes for the people living between the Danu and Rah Rivers. Being now closer to the Taurike Chersonesos, the Aekhsaitae now started to exercise suzerainty over the Skulata and became a major political power, sought by Hellenistic polities. By 179 BCE their Armdar Gatal's power was undiscussed across the steppes: the Skulata became a tribal dependency and the Skythian refugees in Mikra Skythia would be ultimately defeated around 150 BCE. However Gatal was succeeded by Madusag, who proved to be totally given up to a life of luxury and his wife Amag took over the leadership of the Aeksaitae. This seemed like a good moment to the Skulata for reaffirming their independence. They quickly started to raid the Tauric Hellenes, who on their part appealed to Amag for help. Still considering the Skulata as her subordinates, she requested a cessation of all hostilities, but her prohibition was received with contempt. The Skythian ruler Argotos had already married Kamasarue, the widow of Pairisades III of the Kimmerios Bosporos and relied on her son Pairisades IV assistance. However Amag with her retinue of 120 Sauromatae, in one night and day, rushed to Skythian Neapolis and stormed the palace. Arriving unexpectedly, for Amag and her riders had managed to kill all the scouting parties, Argotos was slayed, together with his friends and relations. Then Amag ruled in favour of Chersonesos, which had suffered territorial loses at the hand of Argotos, and put in power Skilouros among the Skulata. He was Argotos' son, but still a minor and his hereditary rights were not in discussion. However following these events, around the middle of the 2nd century BCE, the power of the Aekhsaitae collapsed. Either with Amag's death the royal clan was estinguished or her successors were unable to resist the new wave of migration from Central Asia. The newcomers probably did not recognise the Aekhsaitae as protectors and in the following conflict might have caused the end of the former Sauromatian hierarchy. In the late 2nd century BCE each tribe seems to have had to rely on its own power alone. Olbia now reasserted its autonomy and started to beat back the Sauromatae. Lead by the Strategos Nikeratos, the Olbiopolitai even managed to support a party in an internal strife at Chersonesos that had developed, setting the first stone for a Symmachia. Nikeratos at this time led parties as far as the forest-steppe by the Danu-apara River, but he was finally ambushed and killed in a night assault. The Sauromatian tribes west of the Danu River at this time seems to have sided with Skilouros. Who now presented himself as the new centre of power for the nomadic tribes. He quickly launched an aggressive policy against the Hellenes, conquered several ports, reconstructed Neapolis and made Olbia a tributary dependency once more. However Skilouros was not considering himself a successor of the Aekhsaitae, he built a Heroon to honour Argotos and started to mint coins in his image: the power of the Skulata had been restored in his eyes. When Palakos succeded him around 113 BCE unrest had been brewing and the Hellenic poleis had been calling for from help from Mithradates VI of Pontos. Whose Strategoi Diophantos and Neoptolemos by 106 BCE had eliminated the Skulata, making their Basileus the new leader of the Sauromatian tribes. Whose Aeldaerttae now intermarried with the Pharnakidai and led their bands as Pontic allies in the following century. Nothing is heard of about the Aekhsaitae in this period, while the Rukhsalantae proved excellent mounted troops in Mikra Asia. However when Pontic power failed and even the Pharnakid Bosporos started to become a puppet of the Roman Avgvsti, with the coming of the unstoppable Alantae around the middle of the 1st century CE, their Rukhsalan kinsmen decided to leave the steppes above the Euxeinos Sea, joining the Aevzaegtae at the Istros River.
Strategy
Aekhsaity Baestae is the current homeland of the Sauromatae, where some of the best horsemen in the steppes can be recruited. While not particularly rich in resources, the control of this province will allow superb military forces, which otherwise would be poised against the neighbouring regions.
Alcibiade
07-30-2014, 18:00
Here is the text for the "History" and "Strategy" sections for Thessalia. I hope you all enjoy reading it...
Man it is hard work keeping up with Arjos!!!
:2thumbsup:
Province Thessalia
History
Thessalia is where the first Hellenes (probably not calling themselves that at the time) settled in what was to be the land that took their name. It was previously inhabited by pre-Hellenic, probably non Indo-European people collectively known as Pelasgians. The Hellenes came from the North, from an area in the Pontic steppes in modern day Ukraine and/or near the Caucasus. While for a long time the widely accepted theory was that they came overland through the mountains of Aimos, it is now considered possible that the influx of settlers came by sea from the Caucasus, near what was later going to be Colchis. Ironically, a mythical Hellen king from the city of Iolkos in Thessalia, would go through great toil to complete the trip in the opposite direction in search of the Golden Fleece.
The settlers expanded more and more over the newfound land and eventually took over most of the coastal areas from Thessaly to the western coast of the Peloponnesus and the islands off it. They also dominated most of the fortifiable positions and hills. Their Sky-Thunder god (not yet personified as Zeus) took preeminence over the dominant deity of about 20000 years, the Great Mother of fertility and earth and nature, a turn in religion reflected even now in mythology. The sons of Zeus and the thunderer himself have been vanquishing chthonic monsters ever since. Still, evidence of coexistence and mutual influence between the newcomers and the Pelasgians are quite common. The northern border of Thessalia was mount Olympus, a pelasgian word simply meaning mountain, found also further south, in the Peloponnesus and even across the Aegean. In the center of the Thessalian plain was Larissa, also of pelasgian origin meaning acropolis or fortress or even, in a simpler version, just hill.
The Hellenic tribes of note that were prominent in Thessalia were the Aeolians, the Boeotians and the Aenianians, but there were others. Each tribe carved a territory in the great Thessalian plain to hold as its own. Tellingly there was such a territory called Pelasgiotis. The Hellenic tribes spoke the Aeolian dialect and spread to the islands of the northern Aegean and even across the sea to northern Asia Minor (perhaps before settling in Thessalia). The Boeotians spread to Boeotia and gave it its name.
Mycenaean era
In the southern part of Thessalia there was an area called Phthoia and in its vicinity a city called Hellas. The exact location of the city has not been designated beyond doubt, but its name has been adopted by a whole people and a whole country. Southern Thessalia was the home of Achilles and his Myrmidons, but the inhabitants of Phthoia and Achilles’ soldiers are referred to by different ethnonyms in the Iliad and are led by another king. Achilles’ father Pyleas however is said to have held sway over both regions. To the north Iolkos prospered as an important trading port of the wider region, at that time called Aeolis, maintaining trade routes to the Euxeinos Pontos importing gold among other commodities, hence the fleece of the Argonauts. Sheep’s skin was a handy “tool” for collecting gold from rivers in Colchis at that time. Though not comprehensively under single leadership, Thessalia is doted by Mycenaean palaces and Linear B inscription findings, which leaves no doubt as to whether or not this area was part of the Hellenic world. In fact, in some ways it is perhaps its birthplace.
During the eleventh century BC, following the Mycenaean decline, a Dorian tribe called Thessaloi from Thesprotia to the west, moved into the plain and settled there. Perhaps they forcibly displaced the other tribes or simply found a place among them, gradually gaining prominence enough for the land to be called after them… Thessalia!
Archaic period.
During the archaic period the tribes of Thessalia attained regional supremacy. They were self-sufficient, possessed excellent cavalry and perhaps even quite a bit wealth. To this end it is possibly very important that they were involved in many conflicts of the time in their periphery including the war between Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea. The war was largely decided in the Battle of the Lelantion Plain during which the charge of Thessalian heavy cavalry under Cleomachos of Pharsalus successively swept the enemy cavalry and hoplite phalanx. Chalcis won the day and the war, but both sides had suffered such destruction during the war that they were unable to maintain their naval and trade supremacy in the Mediterranean leaving room for Athens, Megara and Korinthos to fill the gap and their coffers. The Thessaloi were free to focus on consolidation.
Eleven polities and tribes from all Hellas rallied behind the Thessaloi in founding the Delphic Amphictyony. The institution’s purpose was initially to protect the sacred ground of Apollo in Delphoi and Demeter near Thermopylae. Gradually the Thessaloi controlled five of the eleven other tribes and were thus able to dominate the amphictyonic council since it relied on a simple voting system to reach decisions. Powerful cities such as Sparta and Athens also took part in the council, but commanded only one vote each. Besides, they were physically quite removed from the area the council convened to administer and consequently took a cooler view of things for a long time; at least until their sphere of influence reached that far. The Thessaloi, with their position in the plain consolidated, were looking for the right time and opportunity to dominate Phocaea and take control of the Delphic temple complex and oracle, along with all its wealth. They succeeded in doing both after a war that lasted about a decade. It was called the 1st Holy War.
1st Holy War (approx. 595-585)
The cities of Kirra and Krissa its port were the only ones in Phocaea that had not been subdued by the Thessaloi. Perhaps in need of money to withstand the pressure from their northern neighbors, their inhabitants harassed the pilgrims to Delphoi and also engaged in piracy in the Corinthian bay, which meant they were a big problem for the city of Sicyon. Krissa was the closest port to the oracle so anyone travelling by boat to Delphoi logically used this port. The Kirrans exacted tribute from passers-by. This was pronounced sacrilege by the amphictyonic council and war ensued. An alliance was formed between the Thessaloi, the Athenians and the Sicyonians. The information on military operations is scarce. We do know that leading the Thessalians was Eurylochos of the Aleuathae of Larissa. Leading the Sicyonians was the tyrant Cleisthenes of the Orthogorithae and Solon was in charge of the Athenians. At some point Kirra was besieged and blockaded and finally succumbed, when its water supply was poisoned. Both cities were razed to the ground, the city of Delphoi was proclaimed independent and the plain where Krisa had been was consecrated and given over to Delphoi.
The Thessaloi now held sway over all of Thessaly and its tribes, with the peninsula of Pelion included, and all of Phocaea to the south. Naturally, they looked farther south to Boeotia, where their once close neighbors had expanded or taken refuge in centuries past. However their good fortune did not hold. They were first defeated by the Boeotians in the Battle of Kerissos around 520 and later in 510 by a confederation of Phocaeans in the Battle of Yampolis. In both cases the Thessalian heavy cavalry that had facilitated Thessalian ascension, was correctly neutralized by the proper use of terrain and appropriate tactics. For the years that followed, the Thessalians would not look beyond their fertile, horse breeding lands.
Persian Wars
In 480 BC, the Persians invaded. They subdued Makedonia just by marching through it and entered Thessalia. A contingent of Greeks was set to defend the straits of Tempe at the Thessalians’ request. However, they abandoned the defense before the Persians were in sight, following a decision of the council of Isthmos to defend further south. Thessaly offered “land and water”. The Thessalian family of Aleuadae that ruled Larissa even provided a mounted troop for the Persians. Thorax of Larissa was a member of the Aleuadae. He was a son of Aleuas, a friend of the poet Simonides. After the Battle of Salamis, Thorax stood at Mardonius’ side at the Battle of Plataea in 479 BC with the Thessalian cavalry. However, they did not charge. After the Persians were defeated, King Leotychidas of Sparta, led an army into Thessaly to punish those who had sided with the Persians, but Thorax and his family were rich enough to convince him. In the years that followed Thessalian power waned; Athenian surged so the Thessalians were tacitly brought into the fold.
2nd Holy War
In 449 the second war for control of the Delphic oracle broke out, dubbed the 2nd Holy War. Unlike its previous version, this conflict was brief. Athens wanted to change the status quo and control Delphoi by proxy, using the Phocaeis for the purpose. The Delphic Amphictyonia had been pro-Persian during the wars of 480-479 and this was all the justification the Athenians, self-proclaimed protectors of Greece ever since, needed to launch their propaganda and cover their true intent. The Spartans responded by sending troops to the city of Delphoi and temporarily restored the situation, but the Athenians under Perikles campaigned there shortly after and delivered the city to the Phocaeans. Tellingly, the Thessalians did not interfere.
Peloponnesian War
During the Peloponnesian War (431-404) Thessalia remained an Athenian ally, just as it had been for the past half a century, but did nothing to interfere with Brasidas’ Spartan column as it marched through the plain on its way to Makedonia.
During the years of Spartan Hegemony 404-371, after the Peloponnesian War, Thessalia was brought to the Spartan side, but significant events took place around it, in Boeotia and Chalcidice, or away from it at the Ionian coast of Asia Minor and its hinterland. Thessalia itself remained relatively calm. It was probably these conditions of relative peace that allowed a gifted leader from the city of Pherae to unite Thessalia as Spartan power was reaching its point of decline. Jason of Pherae had succeeded his father Lycophron I of Pherae as tyrant of Pherae and was appointed tagus of Thessaly in 374 BC. He formed, trained and led by example a highly competent professional force, which included the famous Thessalian cavalry. He was confident that despite its relatively small numbers, this force could outfight most citizen armies it was bound to face in the area. Jason was soon able to extend his control to much of the surrounding region, briefly transforming Thessalia into a powerful state or at least a threat to powerful states in the region. Jason was assassinated in 370, but his career, though short lived, was a prelude to what lay dormant in northern Greece, if power could be concentrated under the right leadership. The skill of his military and his maneuvers, diplomatic and otherwise, proved that the north was stirring and was a force to be reckoned with. Jason aspired to Pan-Hellenic leadership and even had plans for an invasion of the Persian Empire. To wit, Isocrates sent letters to Jason requesting that he unify Greece, as Philip later would. Isocrates later sent similar letters to Phillip. Contrary to Phillip’s son though, Jason’s son, Alexander was not particularly successful. He fought for and finally gained the title of tagus and ruled harshly before finally being defeated by the Thebans soon after. Jason was perhaps an inspiration to Alexander the Great as Epaminondas might have been for Phillip. Xenophon’s praise of Jason’s leadership skills bears interestingly close resemblance to what is known of Alexander’s. Jason of Pherae is believed to be the inventor of the hemithorakion, a type of armor well suited for cavalry.
Boeotian Hegemony
After the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans held sway from the Peloponnesus to Thessalia. In 368 Pelopidas campaigned against Thessalia, but was captured by Jason’s son and heir, Alexander of Pherae. In 367 Epaminondas led another campaign north and was able to free Pelopidas. Alexander had grown strong in the meantime and his enemies in Thessalia requested Theban intervention. Pelopidas led 7000 men north, once more. They clashed at the famous site of Cynos Kephales, where a number of battles took place in antiquity. During the battle, Pelopidas furiously attacked his former captor’s guard inflicting heavy casualties, but receiving mortal wounds. The Thebans won, but lost a great general. In 362 they would also lose Epaminondas and with him any chance of maintaining hegemony. This however would not suffice for the Thessalians to resurge.
3rd Holy War 356-346
The title tagus went with a mere shadow of its previous status when held by Jason’s successors, Polydorus, Polyphron, Alexander, Tisiphonus, and Lycophron. The old aristocracy had had enough and called for Philip II of Macedon to intervene. He was happy to oblige and deprived Lycophron of his power in 353 BC restoring the ancient form of government in Thessalia. After his resounding victory at the Battle of Krokion Pedion, where his soldiers marched wearing laurel wreaths the Thessalians elected Philip archon tagus of the Thessalian League for life and a few years later in 344 BC, he re-established the tetrarchies installing loyal governors, probably hailing from the old aristocracy.
Post-Phillip
The Thessalian cavalry became part of the Macedonian army and many Thessalians, including possibly 1800 cavalry, took part in the campaign of Alexander the Great. They were consistently assigned to the left flank of the formation in all three major battles of Granicus, Issus and Gaugamela and they consistently performed to a high standard, ranked second only to the Companions. They were allowed to return home after the burning of Persepolis in 330. 130 horsemen stayed on as mercenaries, but they too were sent home when Alexander reached the Oxus. In the years that followed Thessalia was ruled by the Macedonians until, at the close of the First Macedonian War in 197, it was declared free by Flaminius. It was ultimately incorporated in a Roman province along with Macedonia and Epirus.
Strategy
Thessalia is very fertile and is considered the breadbasket of mainland Hellas. It sits at the center of the old Greek world and grants access to Aetolia and Epeiros to the west, Boeotia and Attiki to the south, Euboea just across the channel and Makedonia to the north. While Thessalian heavy cavalry can be recruited as mercenaries at various locations around the Mediterranean, they can be recruited at significant numbers here, if the right faction holds their homeland.
First description I 've read and it's quite impressive. Learnt so many things in the first paragraphs only !
Anyway, I enjoyed reading this a lot.
EDIT : same for Arjos's, Iimpressive summaries. I love the opening "crossing... the traveler finds himself in ...") ! Catchy and efficient :-)
Province: Aevzaegty Baestae
Traveller's Log
Leaving the Danu River behind him, the traveller comes across a sloping landscape. This is Aevzaegty Baestae, where the Sauromatian tribe of the Aevzaegtae have recently settled. In the northern half of this region forests still alternate with grasslands, but the remaining portion is mostly flat and featureless. To the South, by one of the Danu River tributaries, the Aevzaegtae have infiltrated themselves and caused a significant change in the mode of life. Settlements and fortifications used to dot the river valley, but now only burial mounds stand fast. Everything has been turned into grazing land and hunting grounds, belonging to the Aevzaegtae and therefore are known as Aevzaegty Zaekkhytae. Farther South live the Skulata, if one can stretch the meaning of one's words, for the Skythian tribes live on the run and much of their territories have been left to the mother goddess Api. No man wanders nearby the border with Aevzaegty Baestae for fear of being attacked by Sauromatian bands. To the West lies a vast plain, whose earth is some of the most fertile in the known world and agrigultural societies still inhabit it, having either joined the Aevzaegtae or keeping friendly relations with them. Living inside their Gordi, or fortified settlements, the locals' life has been relatively unaffected by the coming of the Sauromatae. However tribal confederations like the Budinjas and Neurjas have opted to shift northwards, keeping close to the forests, which offer greater protection and are away from the troubled Skythian steppes. The whole western boundary of Aevzaegty Baestae is marked by the Danu-apara River, beyond which no Sauromatae ever wander. Explaining why the new Sauromatian masters of the land have decided to call that water stream, "the river on the far side". Studded with submerged rocks and emerging boulders it is very difficult to navigate, together with swamps and sandy river terraces this area is an excellent natural barrier. Moreover the neighbouring tribes have a common enemy in the Skulata and therefore the Aevzaegtae keep good relations with them, for the moment.
Geography
Aevzaegty Baestae can be described as an elevated hilly plain, descending into a grassland, which is bisected into sections by water courses. Winters are relatively mild with some snowfall and summers are long with uneven rainfall, being slightly drier in the southeast. The river valleys contain mostly woodlands of oak, maple, linden, ash, elm, black poplar, pine and willow trees. While the steppe and its well-watered soil support low sedge, sheep fescue grass, narrow-leaved bent grass, feather grass, yellow bedstraw, meadow sage and steppe varieties of clover. Thickets consist of blackthorn, steppe cherry, wild rose, cut-leaved meadow sweet and Ruthenian broom. Instead the Danu-apara terraces are habitat for salt plants. The wooded river banks are inhabited by squirrels, pine martens, roe deers, hazel mice, forest dormice, gray dormice, red-backed mice, field voles, steppe polecats, birch mice, mole rats, gray hamsters, steppe lemmings, large jerboas, spotted susliks, black-bellied hamsters and gray voles. The Oak forests also host several bird species like red kite, stock dove, ringdove, common turtledove, green woodpecker, thrush nightingale, common quail and partridge. Migratory birds join them, like wild geese, cranes and wild ducks, since the Danu-apara River is also a migration route. However all of these become prey for Aesculapian snakes, vipers, common and tree snakes. Closer to the Danu River instead live corsac foxes, bobak marmots, long-eared hedgehogs, great bustards, calandra larks, demoiselle cranes, black-winged pranticoles, tawny eagles, little bustards, yellow-bellied colubers, steppe vipers, four-striped snakes. In this province can also be sighted mooses, Russian wild boars, river otters and rabbits. While the vast steppe is roamed by European bisons, aurochs and wild horses.
The People, Society and Government
The Aevzaegtae lived and armed themselves much like the Aeksaitae and Rukhsalantae, but more so than their Sauromatian kinsmen, they learned to live side by side with sedentary locals. As pastoralists the Aevzaegtae formed close bonds with peoples inhabiting villages and fortresses, with whom they often traded and together they rallied to fight invaders. This coexistence was fostered by the language developing in Aevzaegty Baestae, indeed the ethnonym that was chosen by the inhabitants meant "those speaking the same language". Through the shared communication, beliefs came also to be formed from the different backgrounds, centered around the worship of the sun. Such unity and identity lasted in later centuries, even when the Aevzaegtae were scattered in communities of 500 members living in Britannia. Overall daily life among the Aevzaegtae was just the same as among other Sauromatian tribes. Herds generally consisting of sheeps, goats, horses, cattle and camels supplied all the means for subsistence and transportation. Oxen were used to pull the carts in wetter parts of the steppe, while camels in arid ares. The major tasks throughout the year were related to the most important food product of the herds: milk. Being processed into yogurt, dried yogurt or cheese. Particularly appreciated was fermented mare's milk. The animals were also slaughtered for their meat and hides. Such hides and sheared wool provided the raw material for clothes, storage bags and felt covers for tents. Everything else could be procured through trading and those communities living on the border of the forest-steppe supplied experties as carvers, woodworkers and smiths.
History
The Aevzaegtae represented the vanguard of the Sauromatian migration pushing ever westwards. During the 3rd century BCE they were occupied with fighting the Skulata and establishing control over the acquired territories. More specifically the Aevzaegtae ended up constantly dealing with those Skythian groups that retreated into Mikra Skythia. After the mid 3rd century BCE they also entered into close contacts with the Bastarnoz. Noble families from both tribes often intermarried, establishing pacts of military cooperation. In 230 BCE the Aevzaegtae probably fought alongside Aekhsidafarn nearby Olbia, but still just as aggressive expeditions and not migratory movements. These would happen only from the 2nd century BCE, when the Aevzaegtae took over Skythia. Their former pastures by the Danu-apara River being incorporated into the grounds belonging to the Aekhsaitae. These events occurred alongside great successes by the Sauromatae, becoming the uncontested power of the region. The Armdar at that time, Gatal, was approached even by the Pontic Basileis to keep in check the Kimmerios Bosporos. Already by 179 BCE Chersonesos recognised Gatal as their ally, who was also overlord of the Skulata in Taurike. Around the middle of the 2nd century BCE the Aekhsaitae pushed southwards, settling around the estuary of the Danu-apara River. Thus the former Aevzaegty Baestae, especially its northern fringes, were left to the Neurjas and Budinjas. Whose confederations would remain in power of the region throughout the coming centuries, until the coming of the Gutoz. As for the Aevzaegtae, after the collapse of the Aekhsaitae, they sided with Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos and were tasked with paving his way to the Istros River. By the end of the 2nd century BCE the Aevzaegtae had assimilated the remnants of the Skythian refugees and served as cavalry contingents for their Pontic allies against the Romani. Their efforts had to secure a supply line to invade the Italian Peninsula from Pannonia toward the middle of the 1st century BCE. However this grand plan never materialised and the Aevzaegtae had to face instead the growing power of the new Dacian forces led by Burebistas. When the political chaos settled, the Aevzaegtae resumed their raiding activities with the Bastarnoz and around 18 BCE they went as far as providing aid to Thrakian rebels, ravaging Makedonia and clashing with the provincial armies of Avgvstvs. Afterwards from 7 BCE the Aevzaegtae increasingly left the Pontic Region, wintering beyond the Istros River and eventually settled in the plain west of the Karpates Mountains. This was done in accordance with Roman authorities, who wished to form a buffer zone to contain the resurgence of a united Dacian power.
Strategy
Aevzaegty Baestae is the perfect launching point for expansion in the Northern Pontic Region or westwards, but at the same time it is protected by its geography. Fielding capable horsmen, this province offers versatility to the strategic planning of its ruler, who can exploit it in several manners.
Hi everyone. I would like to share with you some wonderful news. My second daughter was born a few days ago and after a small health related adventure will be coming home today. This, however, means that I have seriously de-prioritized writing the description for Kilikia. I have done some research but to be honest I haven't typed a word. It is highly unlikely that it will be ready within August.
Congratulations kdrakak ^^
Rhun ap Beli
08-10-2014, 13:56
Provinces Descriptions Status: is there a reason why i can't see these on the opening forum post when I click on them I get a message you are not authorised to view this anyone?
Thanks
Rhun ap Beli
08-10-2014, 14:13
East African Kingdoms and capital cities
Dʿmt a kingdom located in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia existed c. 980 BC–c. 400 BC capital Yeha.
Kush an ancient African kingdom located in Sudan existed c. 1070 BC–AD 350 capitals Meroe, Napata, Kerma
Aksum or Axum, also known as the Aksumite Empire existed c. 100 – c. 940 AD capital Axum.
For an earlier enquiry
Provinces Descriptions Status: is there a reason why i can't see these on the opening forum post when I click on them I get a message you are not authorised to view this anyone?
Thanks
That post was taken from EB's internal fora, so unfortunately certain links redirect there and only EB members have access to it...
Kull pasted it for a more up-to-date list :)
In the event that noone is working on Qataban, Saba, Hadramawt and Ma'in, I would love to work on them over the next couple of weeks. (They make sense to do in tandem).
Am I correct in my understanding that no work has yet been done on them in terms of regional descriptions?
Qatabân, Saba' and Hadramawt have not yet been written by me. If you want to do them be my guest. However if you do please let me know so I can check whether we are using a similar chronological scale.
The Ma'in province will be changed into a nomad province based on the 'Amirum and Muhaʾmirum tribes. So don't write it. The old Ubar province will be removed in the future as well.
linuslinothorax
08-10-2014, 19:34
(...) The old Ubar province will be removed in the future as well.
So one more province to use? That's one news i like to hear, i hope you guys wont spent it before the two lasting factions aren't chosed.
QuintusSertorius
08-11-2014, 10:47
Is anyone doing Uidi Saluuioi? I thought it was one already done, but that's not what the summary on the first page says.
If not, I'll have a go, it's one I've done some research on my own on, for my RPG campaign a little while back. Plus I've played as Massalia before, so I've got a good idea of the strategic side of holding it against all comers.
Is anyone doing Uidi Saluuioi?
Afaik no one is, go for it ;)
Is Oasis Megale finished or taken? i have a 1st draft written out.
Is Oasis Megale finished or taken? i have a 1st draft written out.
It is neither, please do post your draft ^^
QuintusSertorius
08-11-2014, 14:19
Afaik no one is, go for it ;)
I'm going to try to get this done tomorrow, since the release is imminent.
I'm finding Krete hard to finish, though. I could do the Strategy section for it, but it's hard to do the history section when it's so long, but has very thin information for some periods.
Angelos Chaniotis (http://books.google.it/books?id=rqH9W2mv00UC&pg=PA9#v=onepage&q&f=false) has a nice summary of events in Hellenistic Krete, maybe it can direct you to useful sources?
Most of the Hellenistic period is coming to life through epigraphic sources, which aren't as much published as ancient historians. Anyway for long histories, as a rule I'd stick with the late 4th century BCE to Avgvstvs. Previous material could help in covering the socio-political section for background on the locals life. But do not worry about covering the whole human history (hell even geological :P) of a given province...
Then again I perfectly understand the difficulty of covering this specific period, compared to much better documented ones. Overall I say write what you feel like is needed as a good support for the players :)
Oasis Megale
Travellers Log
After 6 nights of travelling in the desert I am all too glad to see this wonderful island of green in the middle of the nowhere. The temple at Hibis stands proudly on a small hill above all the other mud brick and wooden dwellings. crops and orchids surround the small city, at the outskirts a small green forest against a background of never ending sand and blue sky. looks like a good place to hide out, but he wont be in there, these government types love their comfort. He should be here in this city if anywhere. speaking of comfort I would like to wash this sand out of my hair and sleep in a room.
I investigated the market place after eating breakfast. the locals sell food and enjoyable delights to the caravan traders that come through and the soldiers that are garrisoned here. The caravan traders barter and translate with each other using hand signals exchanging words from a mixture of languages. Scribes write down their transactions and contracts. The most valuable trade is gold and ivory, talents of it come from the south. The guards munch on dates, watch over the market place and glance apprehensively at the horizon. I hope he hasn’t joined one of these caravans heading south its a 40 day trek to the Aethiopian lands. or west towards Carthage, months of oasis hoping though the Libyan desert, 7 days was enough for me.
I found a real estate contract of a house recently bought in one of the outlying villages, paid the old man living there 3 times its value. seems like a desperate move. I have been here 5 days now and the locals are giving me the look, they know what I’m up to. I need to act today or I will scare away my fugitive. In the horizon I can see a tiny version of Hibis. A small hill with buildings on top and green surrounding it. I reached the village later in the day to see a quiet place with people toiling away in the soil. Everyone stops to look at me except for a chubby man cleaning out sand from the water channels with a wooden spoon. as soon as our eyes met he started running towards the never ending desert climbing the dunes with spoon in hand. Smiling I took out the rope and thought about his bounty.
Geography
One of the major oasis nearby the Nile it is a large depression stretching approximately 150km north-south and 40km east-west. The depression allows beautiful life-giving water from the Nubian sandstone aquifer to reach the surface easier. The Acacia of Egypt and the Dhoum Palm form small dense forests where the aquifer naturally leaks via springs.
People, Society & Government
Water is the foundation of society at the oasis. Small hills inside the depression expose the aquifer sandstone. Underground irrigation tunnels (Qanats) are dug into the sandstone rock to expose the fossil water. Water perspires from the rock and is channelled away from the hill to reservoirs that are lined with mud bricks or ceramic. From there the water is organized by the administration by giving out portions to the surrounding fields controlling the water supply. The farmers major crops are wheat, millet, date and fruit trees. They also mine Alum an antibacterial mineral (hydrated Potassium Aluminuim Sulphate) there is a record of 1000 talents of alum coming from the oasis used in the building of a temple at Delphi.
This Oasis is a crossroads between Lake Chad, Garama, and Meroe as an alternative trade route to the Nile. The chariot route from Garamantian controlled Phazania stretches from the Niger river to Memphis. They used their famous chariots to cross the dessert, 4 horse chariots are seen in rock paintings along the way. The most used trade route is the trans-Saharan trail "The trail of 40 days". It begins here and heads south towards the sahel then west to Lake Chad.
(kharga oasis > Selima > el-fasher > lake chad. i can only find roman pottery shards at selima. Did it actually go this far during the classical period? )
Gold, ivory and slaves travel through here from beyond the desert. To protect the trade route from desert tribes and bandits forts are established on top the hill-villages that dot the oasis north and south of the temple at Hibis. Each empire that has ruled Egypt has reorganised their own military structure at the oasis, building their own new forts.
The Capital of the oasis is Heb in hieroglyphics, Hebes means "to plough" in Egyptian and Hibis in Greek. The temple built here was started during the 26th and completed by the 30th dynasty of the late period and mostly decorated by Darius. This meant that the layout was of typical Egyptian design with Persian atmosphere. The temple is dedicated to the Theban deities with Amun being the Lord of Hibis. It also has several rooms dedicated to Osiris who gained a popular cult following during the late period. The walls are covered in hieroglyphs about the deities lives and depictions of giant papyrus scrolls that have hymns to Amun written on them. As is customary in Egypt the rulers would upgrade the temple, adding finishing touches well in to the Roman period.
History
As the Sahara plains gradually transformed into the Sahara desert roughly 5000BC humans living there forever changed their way of life. The oasis became an important outpost for the people of the Nile river and a refuge for dessert travellers.
Neolithic and Old Kingdom camp sites are found using the natural springs as a water resource.
The Hyskos tribes from the north and Nubia from the south invade Middle Kingdom Egypt (1550BC). The trade route goes through the oasis to avoid Hyskos controlled Memphis and Nubia. With Thebes as the capital of the Upper Kingdom it establishes a town at the oasis large enough to support an army.
The Persian Shah Cambyses II (son of Cyrus the Great) captures Memphis after defeating the Egyptian Pharaoh at the Battle of Pelusium in 525BC . Soon after he launches campaigns against "Carthage, Ethiopia and the Ammonians." none of which are successful .On the way to Siwa from Hibis the army vanishes in the desert. "When the Persians were crossing the sand from Oasis to attack them, and were about midway between their country and Oasis, while they were breakfasting a great and violent south wind arose, which buried them in the masses of sand which it bore; and so they disappeared from sight. Such is the Ammonian tale about this army." said Herodotus.
After Cambyses II died the Persian administration established qanats and reservoirs. With precious water secured it encouraged permanent settlement. Camels are introduced with the Persian conquests and these beasts of burden now become vital for tran-Saharan trade. Cambyses II successor Darius chose to cooperate with Egyptian society, who despised their Persian overlords very much. He issued a number construction projects through out Egypt and is responsible for most of the decoration at Hibis temple.
The oasis became an invaluable trade route that received precious goods from across the Sahara. It is maintained throughout the Ptolomaic(Oasis Megale) and Roman(Oasis Major) periods with construction efforts to secure precious trade and insert their religious beliefs. Being a distant outpost from lower Egypt, political and criminal fugitives would hide away here hoping to avoid the authorities.
Strategy
The owner of Thebes can easily secure this town for additional trade revenue. Not a direct threat from the major powers in the north, there is little need for major military investment if the Nile is secure. The desert itself provides the best defense here, troops will suffer from exhaustion if they are from more temperate regions. The commander can wait until the enemy is exhausted before engaging.
I need to post 3 times before i can post links
Here are sources i used
The Qanats of ‘Ayn-Manâwîr (Kharga Oasis, Egypt)
Michel WUTTMANN, Thierry GONON, Christophe THIERS, Institut français d’archéologie orientale, Cairo
north Kharga oasis survey
http://www1.aucegypt.edu/academic/northkhargaoasissurvey/home.htm
American University in Cairo (formerly in collaboration with Cambridge University), co-directed by Salima Ikram and Corinna Rossi
(perseus digital library)
Herodotus
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854)
William Smith, LLD, Ed.
e-scholarship uni of California. Late period Temples
http://escholarship.org/uc/item/30k472wh#page-1
Selima oasis
http://lbi-project.org/lbs/data/pichler-negro%20sah16.pdf
Sahara by Marq De Villiers & Sheila Hirtle
ISBN 0-8027-7678-7
middle kingdom settlement
http://www.yale.edu/egyptology/ummmawagir.html
middle kingdom graffiti
https://oi.uchicago.edu/sites/oi.uchicago.edu/files/uploads/shared/docs/ar/91-00/96-97/96-97_Desert_Road.pdf
A History of Egypt from earliest times to present By Jason Thompson
ISBN 978-0-307-47352-3
QuintusSertorius
08-12-2014, 12:41
Angelos Chaniotis (http://books.google.it/books?id=rqH9W2mv00UC&pg=PA9#v=onepage&q&f=false) has a nice summary of events in Hellenistic Krete, maybe it can direct you to useful sources?
Most of the Hellenistic period is coming to life through epigraphic sources, which aren't as much published as ancient historians. Anyway for long histories, as a rule I'd stick with the late 4th century BCE to Avgvstvs. Previous material could help in covering the socio-political section for background on the locals life. But do not worry about covering the whole human history (hell even geological :P) of a given province...
Then again I perfectly understand the difficulty of covering this specific period, compared to much better documented ones. Overall I say write what you feel like is needed as a good support for the players :)
While I appreciate your faith in my linguistic abilities, I can't read Italian! :laugh4:
Indeed, Krete is one of those with a "span of human history" potential to it, and even just getting from pre-history to the Hellenistic era still takes in all the developments in Hellas, of which it was an intrinsic part.
I've made a start on Uidi Saluuioi, I'll plug away at it today and finish tomorrow if I don't later.
The book should be in english, at least it is on my end :S
While I appreciate your faith in my linguistic abilities, I can't read Italian! :laugh4:
If you have a google account, log with it at books.google.com a search with the title returns the book. It is now in my library. I'll get to it after "From Samarkhand to Sardeis" :)
Thanx Arjos. Chaniotis' book looks very very interesting!
QuintusSertorius
08-12-2014, 19:04
If you have a google account, log with it at books.google.com a search with the title returns the book. It is now in my library. I'll get to it after "From Samarkhand to Sardeis" :)
Thanx Arjos. Chaniotis' book looks very very interesting!
I don't have a Google account, though it was logged in to my wife's and the link pulls up an Italian edition.
On Uidi Saluuioi, I'm about 75% done on content, but it's going to need some judicious editing, which I'm not very good at. Having a torrid time trying to find period-appropriate names for places and geographical features.
On Uidi Saluuioi, I'm about 75% done on content, but it's going to need some judicious editing, which I'm not very good at. Having a torrid time trying to find period-appropriate names for places and geographical features.
Brennus will be more than happy to help you there. Actually he will likely demand it :P
Brennus will be more than happy to help you there. Actually he will likely demand it :P
GAAAUUULLLL!
(Yes)
Quintus, PM what you have already, I can already think of some sexy archaeology from that region.
QuintusSertorius
08-12-2014, 20:12
GAAAUUULLLL!
(Yes)
Quintus, PM what you have already, I can already think of some sexy archaeology from that region.
Excellent, because while I'm fat on assertion (a fair bit is taken from my notes culled from a range of sources without noting citations), I'm thin on sources.
Friendly Sword
08-14-2014, 20:15
Hi all!
Just wanted opinions from y'all. I am part way through completed the three proto-Yemeni territories and something occured to me. Would it make sense to include a mention of Socotra in either Hadramawt or Qataban? Socotra is super cool!
The island was certainly inhabited or at least had been inhabited by our time frame as archaeological evidence demonstrates, and became an important stopping point in the Indian Ocean trading network, especially by the 1st century BCE and onwards...
The only issue is that it does not logically jive particularly well with either province, except perhaps as an addendum to the description of the spice trade's growth across the Arabian Gulf.
Please feel free to do so, as a matter of fact Socotra in-game is part of Hadramawt :)
Moros any thoughts or plans?
I inserted Socotra as a unique building a few days ago. But the description it currently has was just a quick whip up from memory and pretty short. So you're always welcome to write a description for it. A new description wouldn't make the first release though.
Friendly Sword
08-14-2014, 22:02
No worries!
Here is a sample; just the first two sections of Hadramawt. I cannot quite match Arjos for style. ;)
Hadramawt Travellers Guide
It is a worn and weary traveller who reaches the land of Hadramawt, for whether scorching desert or roiling sea, this land of jagged mountain and narrow valleys is surrounded by forbidding terrains with a paucity of life. Yet somehow in this crucible of heat and aridity one finds cities of shining towers and lush valleys that lie nestled in carved out limestone valleys. Called Arabia Felix by distant enviers, it has been made fruitful and prosperous by a canny people who upon finding themselves astride what would become one of the world’s most important routes, chose to become its careful guardians. The land they inhabit lies abreast the Arabian Gulf where beyond the narrow coastal plain lie distant exotic islands such as dvipa sukhadhara that give shelter to ships bringing distant goods. In the mountain fastnesses lie the wadis, where the tribes of Hadramawt build dams and cities amid the greenery that blooms amidst fertile soil. To the west lies the central basin of southern Arabia, gateway to rival kingdoms that would seek to control the riches that flow through this land. And finally, to the north lies the great desert, with departing caravans able to glimpse in the distance the glittering visages of sand dunes that rise as high as mountains.
Geography
Hadramawt is a varied territory in the southern Arabian Peninsula that roughly equates to the eastern portion of modern-day Yemen that compromises its three the eastern governorates of Shabwah, Hadramaut, and Al Mahrah. As in much of southwestern Arabia, the landscape is dominated by geologically young interior mountains that give way to semi-arids central highlands to the north and a narrow arid coastal plain that borders the Arabian Gulf to the southeast. Interspersing the limestone highlands lie one of Hadramaut’s most important features for its human populations; the relatively fertile valleys with seasonal watercourses called ‘wadis’. It was along the contours of its westernmost wadi that Hamdramawt’s earliest permanent human population likely developed and along which its first urban settlements saw their roots. Abutting these carved valleys can be found rolling hills and hot plateaus that may have supported grazing for Iron Age people and continue to support herds of goats and sheep. In the northeast of Hadramawt lies the fiercely arid gateway to the Empty Quarter, where the eastern plateau region gives way to rolling dunes and some of the hottest and driest weather on the planet. Finally, several hundred kilometres south lies an offshore archipelago of which the island now known as Socotra is the largest. It is among the isolated landforms on earth of continental origin.
The climate of Hadramawt follows a similar pattern to much of Arabia, with the western highlands dominated by a mild temperate climate that fluctuates between a dry cool winter and a rainy warm summer. The more northerly areas of the plateau and the adjacent Empty Quarter have a hot, dry, and harsh desert climate throughout the year. The coastal plain also has a hot climate throughout the year but is differentiated by its high levels of humidity, a characteristic shared with the island of Socotra.
The flora and fauna of Hadramawt differs drastically across the different subregions. The northern desert is a truly inhospitable place, with virtually no life to speak of beyond a small number of desert-adapted species of lizards and insects. Vegetation along the coastal plain is limited to sparse grasses and dry climate plants such as date palms, citrus, and spurges. The volcanic soils of the central highlands support a more mixed and flourishing plant life, with acacias and sycamore trees giving way to pines and mosses at higher altitudes. Settled areas here are surrounded by fertile grazing land and plots of land that have yielded cereal crops for millennia. The animal life of Hadramawt is as varied as its plant life, with huge populations of ostriches, antelopes, and baboons serving as prey to deadly predators such as panthers and even lions. The waters off the Hadramawt coast are far less bountiful than their Red Sea equivalent, but still contain schools of tuna, mackerel and sardines. The most extraordinary example of lifes diversity can be found on the island of Socotra however; where umbrella-shaped dragon’s blood trees shelter hundreds of species of birds, bats, insects and insects found nowhere else on the planet.
QuintusSertorius
08-24-2014, 01:59
Did all those contained herein make it in time for the beta?
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