Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
1. Background: The Greek and Dacian Wars.
1.1 Balkan Cauldron
The thirty years before the eruption of the Egyptian War were an unending chain of victories for the Roman Army. After establishing its dominion over Italy, settling a dispute with Carthage over Sicily and securing the Alpian passes from the Gaul threat, the eyes of the Eagles turned east, where their chief enemies lay.
The Punic War was swift and decisive. In its aftermath, the two Mediterranean powers came to a conclusion that their interests are not mutually exclusive. The Carthage was busy fighting the Iberians, and it conceded all of Sicily in exchange for peace. The Republic was never interested in fighting its wars in the West. The logistic aspect of transporting an army across the Mediterranean was enough to deter a fledgling nation with no naval power to speak of. And there was a war to win in the East.
The Senate has decided that to punish Epeirotes for their insolence in trespassing the sacred Italian soil, the Hellenic nation must be destroyed. A two-pronged attack was launched. First, a fleet of merchant ships transported one legion straight into the heart of Epeirote territory, near Ambrakia. Secondly, a stronger land-based force marched from Patavium, across the lands of the barbaric Illyrians.
At first, the neighbours of Epeiros were only too happy to see their rival diminished in power. But soon they recognized a greater threat, and in an unlikely alliance, Macedonians and Hellenes launched an attack that might as well have proved deadly if only it was better coordinated.
There came twenty years of heavy fighting across the Balkans. The royal city of Ambrakia itself changed its allegiance at least three times, as two successful Macedonian counterattacks wrestled it from Roman hands. The greek fleet controlled the Adriatic, and the only way to transport the troops was through Illyrian plain, busy with rebels. The mighty phalanx were more than a match for the Roman armies.
Eventually, however, the Eagles prevailed. First, Pella fell, and with it, the advanced Macedonian shipyards became Roman. This enabled the Republic to wrestle control of the seas from the Greeks. The fall of Peloponnesus came next, reducing the Pan-Hellenic Alliance to a small group of poleis around the Delphic Sanctuary, fiercely defending their mountain hideouts (Curiously enough, this rebel force would hold their ground for the next thirty years, as Rome could never spare enough troops to deal with it decisively) Without their ally, and without their capital, Makedonians retreated east, across the Bosphorus straits. Hot in pursuit after them, and after the remaining Hellenes colonies, the Legions trespassed into Ionia. Thus, Rome came into direct contact with Empire of the Pharaohs.
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1.2 The Ptolemy Empire ca. 230 BC
At this time, that is around 230 BC, Ptolemies controlled the vastest empire in the known world. Stretching from the deserts of Kyrene to the steppes of Parthia, Ptolemaic Kingdom controlled more land and resources than any other nation. This was mostly at the expense of the Seleukids, who fell apart shortly after 270 BC, divided between the Pharaohs and the Baktrian basileos. A remnant of the former empire still held control of the easternmost provinces though, and the pro-seleukid sentiment was still strong in the cities of Levant and Anatolia.
Ptolemies had few allies, preferring to deal with their threats themselves. Nevertheless, a small Pontic kingdom held their northern flank strong, while the Hellenes provided a well-needed naval power and a buffer against the ever-warring Macedonians. This balance of power in the eastern Med was all but destroyed by the Roman advances in the Greek War. The Ptolemies felt threatened and answered to the threat in the only way possible: by launching an assault against the Roman-held small Bithynian city of Nikaia.
By this time, the Macedonians and Hellenes were all but annihilated. The Delphos Alliance still held strong, but the Athens and Rhodes fell, and the last of the Macedonian provinces in Ionia surrendered. The Romans were almost ready to face their most deadly foe - but there was one more diversion to deal with.
1.3 Dacian War, 236 – 225 BC
A separate theatre of war opened in the North, where Getai commanders saw an opportunity for loot and plunder. The Illyrian and Thracian cities, once Macedonian, were now guarded only by small garrisons of Roman levies. Not having enough intelligence to learn about the Roman movements in the area, Getai besieged several cities and even managed to capture one of them for a while. Unfortunately for them, two legions were passing through Thrace on the way to the eastern front, and the Getai gambit failed miserably. The Eagles once again marched to a successful war against a weaker enemy.
1.4 Prelude to Nightmare: War in Ionia pre-225 BC
The barbarian northern tribes fought surprisingly well, however, and for several years Rome had many of her best soldiers tied in the mountain wars. Soldiers that would be crucial in securing a swift victory in the East. With the Dacian threat still severe in the north, the operations in Ionia could only be of the defensive scale. The siege of Nikaia repelled with great difficulty, the defensive position was established on the river east of the city, and further south along the borders of Pergamon, Lydia and Karia. Several major battles were fought, but neither side was able to gain advantage.
The Ptolemies suffered one major setback during this time, however. A raid of several cohorts has captured the undefended city of Ipsos and razed it to the ground. A Seleukid-friendly governor was established in the province and Roman troops retreated. Surprisingly, the Seleukid sentiment among the locals, including the troops, proved so strong that the Ptolemies didn’t bother with recapturing the city and instead decided to bypass it in their campaign. This later proved a fatal mistake.
The Ptolemaic Empire was slow to gather momentum. For several years, the troops were gathered from all four corners of the vast kingdom, while local Anatolian satraps bled themselves against the Roman forts along the frontline. This gave the Romans a respite they so badly needed. In 225 BC Buridava fell, and with it, the last of Getai kings. In the same year the Ptolemies finally launched their major offensive north of Ipsos. The total war has begun.
In the first years of the conflict, neither side was really prepared for what was to come. The Romans have just finished a series of deadly wars with minor enemies, and the Senate could hardly imagine anything more devastating than the conflicts with Hellenes and Macedonians. The Ptolemies, on the other hand, swept through Asia virtually unstopped by the weak Seleukids, and they must have imagined Rome as an equally clay-legged collossus. Only this can explain the eagerness with which both empires marched against each other across the plains of Phrygia. The conflict that would ensue would shake the foundations of the Ancient World and change the history forever.
(more to come as soon as I get my notes in order. it's now 209 BC in the campaign and I'm at a stalemate on the Tigris)
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Looks good, hope to see an truly epic war.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
good luck! just out of curiosity, are you the same eadingas of the resource patch?
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
2. The War in Dates – from Battle of Hermus to Seleukid Crisis
Before we analyse the first phase of war in detail, let us consider the overall progress of the Roman campaign.
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Situation in the Balkans in 235 BC
230 – 225 BC – Rome wages defensive war along the Ionian Limes. The defense concentrates along the two rivers running north-south and a fort of Castrum Hermionis. Roman legions manage to stave off several assaults on Nikaia.
226 BC – Raid on Ipsos. The city is sacked and left to its own devices – a Seleukid-friendly governor is established.
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Situation in Ionia prior to the battle of Hermus
225 BC – To counter a major enemy offensive, the legions march east, towards Galatia. However, the Ptolemies exploit the gap in the limes and strike from south-east. Battle of Hermus, in which three legions defeat a slightly weaker Ptolemaic army.
Buridava falls, marking the end of Dacian War
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The Battle of Hermus
224 BC – Roman legions enter Ancyra and proceed east. For the next three years, the Ptolemies successfully defend the mountain passes between Galatia and Sophene, in what is collectively known as First Battle of Mazaka.
224-217 BC – Unsatisfied with lack of progress in central Anatolia, Senate orders the legions to move south and capture coastal provinces of Pamphylia and Kilikia
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One of the several encounters forming the First Battle of Mazaka - this one in 219 BC
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Situation in Anatolia prior to the Pontic War, 220 BC
218-215 BC – Pontic War. The Ptolemies persuade Pontos to attack Roman northern flank. A fresh legion and an auxiliary Scythian army is sent to deal with the threat and after three years of fierce fighting Pontos is brought to its knees.
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Situation in Anatolia in 219 BC
217 BC – After three years of fighting, Antioch falls. The Ptolemy government moves to Damascus.
An expeditionary force lands in Alexandria and takes the city by surprise.
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Overall situation in 217 BC
216 BC – Second Battle of Mazaka. A complete disaster, as two legions and their allies are destroyed and for a moment the fate of entire Anatolian campaign hangs in the balance. Rome manages to hold the defensive perimeter based on Ancyra and surrounding forts.
In Egypt, Memphis falls. In Syria, Tadmor is captured.
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Second Battle of Mazaka
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Overall situation in 216 BC
215 BC – A fresh legion lands in Syria and together with the force already there, manages to make quick progress. Within a year, Edessa, Syria Koile and Nabateia fall, cutting off the Egyptian provinces from the rest of the Empire. The Ptolemaic government flees East, and Roman legions start the pursuit.
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Overall situation in 215 BC
214 BC – Third Battle of Mazaka. The allied Syrian army attempts to encircle the city from the east, but is intercepted and destroyed. Another army, supported by several cohorts of legionnaires, is stuck in the mountain passes near Karkathiokerta.
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Overall situation in 214 BC
213 BC – Race to Tigris. Nearing exhaustion, two Roman legions cross the desert and after a heroic battle among the ruins of Babylon, capture the city. Seleukeia and Arbela fall as well, and the Levantine coast is cleared of any opposition. However, the march and the numerous battles along the way leave Roman troops in Mesopotamia unable to continue their progress.
In winter, another expeditionary legion lands in Kyrene, as the force from Memphis moves south to capture Hibis.
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Overall situation in 213 BC
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Situation in Anatolia in 213 BC
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Situation in Egypt in 213 BC, prior to capture of Hibis
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Situation in Mesopotamia in 213 BC, prior to capture of Babylon
212 BC – Battle of Karkathiokerta. After a diversion in the west, main Roman army strikes east of the city and captures it after a bloody battle. The city is left to rebel to the Seleukids, as Rome has not enough troops to spare to control it properly.
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Situation in 212 BC prior to the Battle of Karkathiokerta
211 BC – Sea port of Charax is taken in an effort to secure the southern end of the Tigris defense.
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Overall situation in 211 BC
210 BC – Battle of the Sands. Last major encounter in the conquest of Egypt, the combined forces of two Egyptian expeditions fight a Ptolemaic army composed of Nubian levies and mercenaries. The battle is a close victory for Rome.
IV Battle of Mazaka. After regrouping in Karkathiokerta, two auxiliary Roman armies move west towards the as yet unconquered city. One of them is annihilated, and the other severely battered, but eventually the battle is a victory for Rome and the city is besieged.
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Battle of the Sands
209 BC – Last of the Egyptian cities falls. A series of rebellions shakes the Roman territories, and the neighbours see it as a right time to exploit the weakness of the overstretched empire: Sab’yn and Carthage decide to attack from the south and the west.
In the far northern end of the frontline, Rome decides to take Ecbatana in attempt to encircle the main Ptolemaic force concentrated in Susa.
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Situation in 209 BC, the early stages of the oncoming crisis.
208 BC – V Battle of Mazaka. The city falls, and immediately rebels to the Seleukid side, with great losses for the Roman army stationed there. Also, Seleukia rebels to its former masters. The Senate decides to finally wage war against Seleukid-friendly possessions in western Asia.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
3. Turning Points
3.1 The Battle of Hermus – the beginning of Total War
The fortress of Castrum Hermionis was built by Romans in the time they were still mopping up the Macedonian presence in Ionia. It was established to cover the gap between the rivers of Hermus and Sangarius, a strategic gap in the limes formed across the western Anatolia from Pontus to Halicarnassus.
The fort has seen an amount of fierce fighting in the years prior to the major eruption of the Ptolemy-Roman conflict. The Ptolemies trying to capture Nikaia had to march through that gap if they wanted to avoid attacking the river passes, and it was the shortest route from Ipsos to Ionia. Later, with the control of Ipsos lost to Romans (and later Seleukids), the Castrum Hermionis was becoming even more significant to the control of flow of troops, either way.
As the Roman initial counter-offensive of 225 BC proceeded, and the Legions slowly inched their way across Galatia, the Ptolemy high command decided to cut the Roman supply routes and surround them in the vicinity of Ancyra. To this end, the fortress of Castrum Hermionis had to fall. Luckily for the Romans, they gained important intelligence via their troops stationing in Phrygia. As the first scouts of Ptolemy army visited the fields around the fort, the Roman army, two legions strong, retreated hastily from Galatia, and a third legion marched from Byzantion, through Nikaia.
Overall, three legions, along with the garrison of Castrum, were present at the battlefield that day. The Ptolemies had with them two armies, each an equivalent of a full legion.
The Battle of Hermus was the largest battle ever fought during the Anatolian and Syrian campaigns. It was a close victory for the Romans, but a costly one. Its significance is manifold. For the Romans, it opened the Anatolian southern coast for conquest – there was no strong, concentrated enemy force to be met all the way to Antioch.
However, the losses inflicted on the legions meant that in the conquest of Galatia, and the First Battle of Mazaka they could not break through the central plains fast enough before the auxiliaries and allies on the flanks were overwhelmed. Of the three legions victorious at Hermus, two perished soon after at Mazaka (third one was sent south and marched along the coast to Syria). A swift victory in Anatolia proved impossible, and a stalemate occured.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
3.2 The Mazakan Stalemate – Analysis of the failure.
In 209 BC the city of Mazaka and the surrounding province of Sophene fell to the Eagles - after 15 years of campaign.
By this time, the whole of Egypt was under Roman control, Syria was subdued, and the eastern front bordered on the Tigris. And yet this barely significant Anatolian city still held against the whole might of the Republic. There were four major battles fought for and around Mazaka. All were lost by the Romans. Eventually, the war of attrition combined with complete surrounding of Sophene, was barely enough to conquer the city. And even this was not enough to hold it.
What went wrong?
One of the main reasons for the Mazakan Stalemate was the reliance on auxiliary troops, mercenaries and local levies. The hardened legionnaires were always needed ‘elsewhere’. It wasn’t always so – at first, the Anatolian front was the most significant theatre of war. But after the First Battle of Mazaka the Senate decided to turn their attention elsewhere.
The First Battle of Mazaka was the only battle in the campaign in which native Italian legions were defeated by Ptolemaic army. The losses were terrifying, and the perspective of any more losses of Roman life was too much for the Senate to bear.
The legions were relocated south, to follow the coast into Syria. The conquest of Anatolia was left to allies.
The quality of allied troops varied. At the top, there were Scythian warriors of Kallatis and Pontic coast. They were formidable, but they were always few in numbers, held in reserve. The first line of the Auxiliary Legions was formed of mercenaries, who were able to hold their own in battle, but once depleted, their ranks were not easily replaceable. The local levies formed the bulk of the force fighting in Asia Minor. And they were little more than cannon fodder against the Ptolemaic Anatolian army.
This army, led by some of the best of Ptolemaic generals, was a deadly force. It definitely proved its value in the First Battle of Mazaka. It was formed of elite phalangites and crack cavalry, supported by levies and mercenaries of much better quality than the Romans could raise in the area. In fact, if the Ptolemy high command did not decide to stubbornly keep that army in Anatolia, and instead retreat it to Syria or Egypt, the final outcome of the war could be very well different.
Rome’s only advantage was in numbers and manoeuvrability. They could launch an offensive after an offensive against the Sophene army, watching it wane and diminish with every attack. But it could not strike a decisive blow for years. Only after the Kingdom of Pontus was defeated could the Romans start the great encircling manouver. Several tribunes perished in the mountains of Kappadokia, as their troops fled into the hills. The Allied troops were too weak to inflict heavy enough casualties on the enemy.
Over these fifteen years, there were three more battles in Sophene, and two in Kappadokia. The Kappadokian campaign was eventually successful, but only because of clever manoeuvring and diversion west of Karkathiokerta. The city fell, while the main Kappadokian army was away trying to defeat the Roman army that was just a ruse.
The victorious army, a mixed band of Scythian and mercenary troops, marched happily west, expecting to take Mazaka by surprise from the rear. But the army was divided in two because of logistical problems of marching through the mountains – and there was still a significant Ptolemy presence west of Karkathiokerta, returning from its misguided campaign, that had to be bypassed.
The Fourth Battle of Mazaka was another loss, but no longer a disaster like the previous three. The attrition was heavy against the garrison, and a few weeks later the Sophene army was destroyed in the Fifth and final battle.
Meanwhile, there was a pro-seleukid revolt in Karkathiokerta, as the Romans could no longer spare any troops to keep peace in the conquered city. Thus, a second city in Anatolia was brought under Seleukid government through rebellion.
After a short siege, exhausted and cut-off from any hope of reinforcement, Mazaka finally fell.
The Republic spent a significant amount of money and resources on the Mazaka campaign. Fifteen years of constant warfare, fifteen years of raising troops and hiring mercenaries, only to capture a city that the Senate has labelled as ‘insignificant’ after their first defeat. It was a case of sour grapes, though: with Mazaka in Ptolemaic hands, there was no safe and speedy route across Anatolia. The Scythian auxiliaries would never see any fighting in Syria and Mesopotamia because of that, and the Roman army in the south lacked good archers and horse archers that would be more than useful in the battles there. Furthermore, Rome could not gain any long-term control over Kappadokia and Phrygia, which ended in Seleukid hands throughout the whole war. This was a major strategic setback in the long run, and all because the Senate decided to leave the conquest of Anatolia to auxiliaries.
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3.3 Naval Supremacy
The early years of the war saw a lot of fighting in the Mediterranean. The Ptolemaic navy was a dominant power in the east of the basin until the Romans came. However, the Romans had one significant advantage: Rhodes.
During their wars against Hellenes, Romans saw the need for a significant naval presence of their own. Several propositions for a potential shipyard were put forward – Ravenna and Capua being the most popular – but eventually, the capture of Macedonia’s shipyards decided the place for Rome’s chief naval base.
Starting from Pella, Roman ships ravaged Aegean coasts for several years. But it took the conquest of Rhodes to truly achieve supremacy of the seas. A fleet of quadriremes built by Rhodian shipwrights struck fear into the hearts of Ptolemaic sailors. A number of naval encounters was lost, and the Ptolemies found themselves on the defensive.
In 220’s, the Roman legions twice raided Syria from the decks of that new fleet. Razing Sidon, Damascus and Hierosolyma to the ground, the invaders were eventually forced to retreat both times. No permanent conquest of Syrian ports could ever be achieved as long as the ships had to travel all the way from Rhodes, open to Ptolemaic attacks.
To secure the route for further attacks, the tribune of the retreating army of the second raid on Syria, instead of landing somewhere in Pamphylia and regroup as his predecessor, decided to capture Kypros.
The garrison at Salamis was not very strong, but it fought well. It took a year, and reinforcements from the mainland, to secure the island. Once Kypros fell however, the sea was open to the Roman fleet.
The Salamis base was crucial in securing the starting position for Syrian and Egyptian campaigns a few years later. If the Ptolemies did not neglect its importance, they may not have lost Alexandria so easily. With ports of Levant and Egypt lost over the next decade, the Ptolemaic fleet disappeared from the Mediterranean, and the legions could safely cross the turbulent seas between Italy and Antioch. It was not until the Carthage decided to launch a full-scale naval offensive in 208 BC that the Roman navy had to bother itself with the movement of any enemy ships.
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3.4 Pontic War – a costly success
Kingdom of Pontus was never in an official alliance with the Ptolemies. They have formed, however, part of their Anatolian network of defence. Because of cultural and historical ties, the kings of Pontus saw the Romans as a threat rather than opportunity to exploit, and thus, in 218 BC, they decided to attack the weak Roman northern flank.
The Roman high command was never really prepared for this betrayal. Previous diplomatic attempts to secure the friendship of Pontus seemed to bring positive outcome. The assault of Nikaia came as a complete surprise, and a hastily scrambled defense barely managed to hold the city.
There were no legions to spare – a new army was being trained back in Italy, and Rome did not yet have a naval supremacy (see above) to ensure its safe passage. Existing legions were tied up in the south and around Mazaka. The only major force in the area was one of the Scythian-mercenary mixtures that Rome was so keen to rely on at this stage of war, guarding the river passes.
Once again Castrum Hermionis played a pivotal role in defending Roman possessions. The Pontic army was numerous and well-trained, and the war was a defensive one for the first year.
Neither side could make any progress, and although it was certain the small kingdom would finally succumb to the Eagles might, it was the Rome who was running out of time. With situation in Mazaka far from being resolved, a major operation in the rears like that could well spell doom for the entire offensive.
Another army of mercenaries has been raised in Thrace and Scythia, and by 217 it was ready to land on the northern coast of Pontus. Sinope fell shortly after, but the main fighting force of Pontos was still strong. It has already soundly defeated one army, and was dangerously close to Nikaia again. The legions had to be recalled from Mazaka.
A decisive battle was fought on the Pontic plains in late 217. The weather was harsh, and Roman armies were exhausted by a long march to meet the enemy. The battle was a victory, and the Pontus surrendered to the Roman might – but the cost of this victory proved fatal. In the next year, the year of the Second Battle of Mazaka, the Roman army was too exhausted to put up a decent fight, and was all but annihilated.
In the disaster, however, there was a light of hope: the defeat of Pontus opened an opportunity to flank the heavily fortified Sophene province, and launch an enveloping manouver towards Karkathiokerta; also, it gave the Rome a new port into which the auxiliaries and mercenaries from Thrace and Scythia could be transported. It would take Roman generals 8 more years to fully exploit this opportunity, but without the conquest of Pontus, the war in Anatolia would certainly last even longer.
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3.4 The Egyptian Campaign
The Ptolemaic Kingdom started in Egypt. This was the heartland of the Empire, the pride of the nation. Why and how then did it fall to the Romans so fast and so easily?
When a legion-strong force landed in Alexandria in 217 BC, it was to the complete surprise of the local garrison. They surrendered almost without a fight.
The outcome of war at this point was not yet decided. True, the north Syrian coast was in the risk of being overrun, the ports of Levant have already been raided twice, but the Ptolemies still waged a successful defensive war in Anatolia (see Mazakan Stalemate), managed to hold Antioch and the ports were still in their hands, though severely damaged.
The destruction of shipyard facilities in the raids on Phoenician coast meant that the Ptolemies could no longer control the Roman naval movements. This was an advantage the tribunes were only too eager to use.
Initially, the landing in Alexandria was supposed to be just another raid, like those in Syria. But the weak resistance offered by the local garrison, combined with results of intelligence reports suggesting further weak garrisons in the southern cities, convinced the tribune to solidify his position in the Delta and launch a probe attack against Memphis. At the same time, he sent a report to Rome, requesting assistance in the campaign.
The bulk of Ptolemaic forces at the time was still concentrated in Anatolia, where Roman army waged what seemed a hopeless war of attrition against them and Pontus.
Heavily outmanoeuvred, the elite armies of Mazaka and Karkathiokerta would prove useless in the long run. Another major force was concentrated in northern Syria, around Antioch. This army may have saved the Egypt, had it been ordered so. The Ptolemies had to quickly decide where to move their forces. They have decided that the Alexandria raid is just a ruse, and committed themselves to defence of Syria.
It was a fatal mistake. Soon, Memphis fell.
There was an army standing in Diospolis Megale, the Nile Army. It was a defensive force, little more than a garrison, but the Roman general decided nevertheless to bypass it and capture Hibis instead, and then turn west, to Ammonion. This move was determined by two factors. One, the morale of his men would be greatly increased by the conquest of this famous location. Two, the reinforcements he requested from Rome were coming – and they were to land in Kyrene.
Senate has seen the chance for a swift victory and instead of reinforcing the Alexandrian garrison, they have sent a force of levies and mercenaries – all they could spare with the battles elsewhere so fierce - to land in the westernmost tip of the Ptolemaic empire. The plan was to quickly capture the desert provinces in a two-pronged attack from north-west and south-east, regroup and consolidate, and march the combined army East, to reinforce the forces fighting in Syria.
The plan back-fired, however. The Kyrene fell, and so have Paraitonion and Augila, but the battles for these cities were fierce and bloody; the usual strategy of recruiting mercenaries and levies failed in these barren lands, and the reinforcement army dwindled to an insignificant force, barely holding on to the territories captured against the rebels.
Unbeknownst to the Roman tribunes, the Nile Army marched out of Diospolis Megale in pursuit of the legion across the desert. Along the way, they recruited Nubian levies and mercenaries. In Ammonion, the two forces met, and a terrible battle ensued.
The both antagonists were equally matched. The Nile Army had advantage in numbers, but there were some very decent, battle-hardened legionnaires in the Roman army, who were able to withstand wave after wave of the ebony warriors. Eventually, the Eagles prevailed, but with great casualties. It took another year to finish the conquest of Ammonion citadel. And by the time of 209 crisis, when all the provinces of Egypt finally fell, there was barely a significant Roman force left to continue fighting. There were no reinforcements to be sent to Mesopotamia, and the Sab’yn threat was growing strong in the South.
Overall, the African campaign was a significant success for the Romans. With comparably small effort and resources, they have managed to subdue a number of rich provinces, strike a blow against the heartland of Ptolemy kingdom, and secure the Mediterranean coastline as base for any future wars. However, the success was not complete: many good soldiers perished in the desert, and there were not enough of them remaining to reinforce the push towards Tigris. Eventually, what remained of the expedition to Egypt, had to be used to defend the African possessions against the Sab’yn and Carthage.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Very different, and a good read to boot. It's interesting
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
3.5 Race to Tigris – a logistical nightmare
With the loss of Antioch and Damascus, the Ptolemy seat of government retreated eastwards – eventually ending in Susa. A combination of factors – prolonged supply routes, lack of legion-level reinforcements, and fierce fighting continuing in Anatolia and Sahara desert, changed the chase across the Syrian desert into a logistical nightmare.
There were significant Ptolemaic garrisons still stationing in Bostra and Petra, and the Roman generals decided to clean their southern flank first. A rag-tag force has been scrambled and sent in pursuit of retreating Ptolemies. In numbers, it was a legion-strong, but in actual fighting strength it was far from it.
Syria was at the time utterly ravaged by war and could not produce any reinforcements. Scythian and Thracian troops could not move from the Mazaka salient, and so the nearest place new reliable troops could arrive from was Italy and Greece. Training a full legion and transporting it over the sea took painfully long (the first new legion arrived in Syria in 207 BC!) The high command had to make do with what it had.
Nevertheless, Romans managed to capture Babylon and Seleukia before having to stop. Any further progress risked annihilation if a stronger force would be encountered. The port of Charax was captured because its garrison fled east, but that was the furthest point the Romans were not afraid to hold on to. By the time Roman scouts reached the outskirts of Susa, the city was heavily fortified and well defended, and the Romans simply had no more troops to spare.
In the north, the Third Legion was a bit more successful. Moving north-east from Antioch, the cities of south Anatolia and Armenia fell one by one. The conquest halted at Ecbatana, again, due to exhaustion and out of fear of counter-attack. The cities along the way had to be held with strong garrisons against rebellions. Furthermore, the Mazaka campaign was still far from over, and the supply lines running from the Syrian coast were stretched beyond all reason.
There were reinforcements coming – two legions, in fact, recruited in Italy and Greece – but the sail was long, and the road to Ecbatana and Seleukia was even longer. The Roman armies in the East had to prepare for an imminent counter-attack, and the progress of troops was halted.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Great work, very interesting to read. Hope it plays out well, though a defeat or two always helps the story on.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Quote:
Originally Posted by General Appo
Great work, very interesting to read. Hope it plays out well, though a defeat or two always helps the story on.
I don't doubt I will steamroll over the remainder of Ptolemies once I settle the situation with Seleukid rebels in the rear... but as of 206 BC, the Carthage launched a full-scale offensive against Kyrene, and I simply have nothing to hold them with there, so there may well be some interesting developments yet.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Yeah, they are always so eager to take Kyrene...
Good read, I like that style. Keep it up! :2thumbsup:
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
4. The Crisis, 209 – 204 BC
4.1 Situation overview, 209 BC
Let us first overview the global situation in the year 209 BC. By far the largest and most vital Empire is the Roman Republic. The treasury is full, the cities flourish, and the legions sail across the seas in all directions.
The Ptolemies, all their possessions west of Tigris lost, are in disarray and retreat. Only in Susa do they have enough armies to halt the Roman advance.
To the east of them, the Seleukids, thought to be almost extinct, are the unexpected beneficiaries of the Roman conquest. With rich cities of Anatolia again under their control, and Ptolemies busy saving their own skins, they manage to catch a breath and hold themselves against encroaching Baktrians.
To the south, the Sab’yn, safe behind the vast expanse of the desert, are able to launch surprising raids on the Syrian cities.
And to the west, the only nation that can rival Rome with its power – Carthage – is getting slowly fed up of its neighbours growing appetites.
4.2 Mesopotamia
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Situation in 208 BC - the crisis worsens
The situation in Mesopotamia did not look all that well for Rome in the beginning of the last decade of 200s. Ptolemies had shortened supply lines, which meant that the remaining provinces could churn out and transport to the frontline fresh recruits in no time. The Romans had to transport them over seas and over desert. In case of any crisis in the rears, this reinforcement route would break easily; and the Senate, wary of hostile neighbours, was not prepared to spare ALL of Rome’s fighting power to an increasingly costly and decreasingly beneficial campaign in the East.
Between 209 and 206 BC, Roman armies were involved in a war of manoeuvres, trying to find a gap in Ptolemies defences through which their numerically inferior army could break and exploit. Even before the reinforcements arrived to the theatre in 206, a gain was finally made: Gabiene fell to a surprise attack; the first major territorial gain against Ptolemies since the capture of Charax in 212! This meant two things: that the Ptolemaic capital of Susa was in danger of envelopment, if the breakthrough was properly exploited; and that the mainland of Seleukid broken empire came within campaign range of Roman armies.
4.3 Seleukid Problem
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Situation in 207 BC, the fullness of Seleukid crisis
As has been said before, the Seleukids emerged as the least expected beneficiaries of the Roman-Ptolemaic War. With Roman forces stretched thin, control of cities fell to natives, overthrowing local garrisons and establishing their own rulers. Inevitably, in most areas these rulers were sympathetic to the Seleukids.
In 209 and 208, a series of successful rebellions meant that ALL of Central Anatolia fell to these pro-Seleukid factions, as well as former capital of the Basileis, Seleukeia. It was a powerful blow to Roman projects in the East.
Rome suspected foul-play on the side of Seleukids; this could not be a coincidence. There were pro-seleukid rebellions before – notably, the city of Ipsos held its autonomy since 226 BC, that is, throughout the whole war – but they have never endangered Roman interests that strongly. Moreover, as the spies and diplomats reported, Anatolian governors began pumping cash to the Seleukid treasury, and the kingdom itself was arming itself surprisingly fast for a nation supposedly beaten and battered. The Senate has decided: it was time for War.
This was just one of few conflicts that came at the expense of the Ptolemaic campaign. What this basically meant, was that there would be no new troops coming to the Tigris until situation in Anatolia could be settled.
One of the two legions that landed in Syria in 207, instead of speeding East to Mesopotamia, was ordered north, to join the quelling of rebellion. Another went south, to deal with another threat there, as we shall tell later. Only a handful of legionnaires, accompanied by a few levied Syrian cohorts, was spared to aid the struggling army of Tigris.
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206 BC, after conquest of Gabiene
The three Anatolian provinces were all attacked simultaneously; the ambitious plan was not to allow them to reinforce each other, while at the same time capture one after another in succession, starting with the easiest and ending with the toughest.
The first city to fall was the one that rebelled last: Mazaka; the local troops did not manage to fully organize in time, and the fortress finally came into Roman possession in 206 BC – the year of conquest of Gabiene. Karkathiokerta fell soon after, but the city of Ipsos, enjoying its near twenty years of prosperous freedom, was a tough nut to crack. The Romans could not even besiege it for long, as the local garrison dispersed one besieging army after another. Eventually, after the other two cities were subdued, and entire Roman force came up to its walls, Ipsos fell after a long and bloody siege in 205 BC.
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205 BC, the Anatolian crisis resolved
In the East, the army of Tigris was ordered recapture of Seleukia as part of the same operation. The conquest came not without costs, but finally the rebellious city fell in 205. Around the same time an uprising was quelled in Judaea. By 204, the Romans were seemingly coming out of the crisis; the army of Anatolia, three legions strong, was finally ready to march East. By this time, however, it was almost too late.
Southern wing of the Tigris Army managed yet to capture the province of Persis, south of Gabiene; but in the same year, one of its legions had to fight its first encounter against the Seleukid war machine, now in full swing. The battle was badly lost, and the remnants of the defeated force had to retreat within the walls of the fort. It was a taste of things to come.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
this is quite interesting ...
hope to read what comes out of all of this :2thumbsup:
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
5. Neighbours become Enemies, 206-202
5.1 Sab’yn
In 209, the Year of Crisis, the Roman Provinces fell not only to rebellions. City of Bostra was raided by the Sab’yn.
The Sab’yn were a difficult enemy to deal with. They were aided by geography: they would sneak across the desert unspotted, find a suitably weak spot in frontier defences, and raid through there; when defeated, they would simply retreat into the unknown.
They have proven their worth against Ptolemies. As the Empire crumbled under Roman blows, the Sab’yn even managed to gain a foothold across the Red Sea. They would capture two Nubian provices, that would form the so-called ‘Black Saba’, as opposed to ‘White Saba’, their homelands.
Bostra was recaptured the same year, and as an act of revenge, the Romans captured Axum, the capital of ‘Black Saba’. However, the Sab’yn were not particularly moved by the loss. In fact, the remainder of the garrisons in the overseas provinces simply packed-up and left the territory to local Nubian tribes. They were trying to sneak through Egypt into Arabia. It’s a testament to their cunning and perseverance that they were only intercepted and annihilated as they passed by Memphis into Sinai.
With the Sab’yn losing their possessions in Nubia there was a lull on the southern front; it seemed the Arabs were content with their control of spice and incense trade. But in 205, exploiting another gap in stretched Roman limes they have raided Bostra again, and even captured it briefly. The Senate has decided it was time to clean their southern flank, if any further operations were to be secured.
Of the two fresh legions that landed in Syria in 207, one was sent north to Anatolia, as was told before; the other was at first sent East, but after Bostra disaster it was recalled, and, accompanied by few cohorts of auxiliaries, sent south to deal with the Sab’yn threat.
It would take them more than five years before they'd reach their target.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
5.2 Carthage – Second African Campaign
Carthage in the year 207 BC was the second largest Empire in Europe; after the fall of Seleukids and Ptolemies, only the Punic nation was large enough to truly be called by this name. They were mostly interested in expansion into Iberia, where they had considerable success; but they were always wary of what went on around their eastern borders, and when Rome cleaned up all that remained of Ptolemies in Egypt, the Safot realized they may have missed the birth of a superpower that would put their most vital interests in danger.
Campaign in Egypt up until then was essentially a one-man show. Publius Sergius Catilina, commander of the Expeditionary Force that landed in Alexandria in 217, earned a nickname “Desert Fox” due to his cunning and grasp of strategy. Always struggling with lack of resources at his disposal – the Egyptian campaign not having the importance of Syrian or Anatolian ones in the eyes of Senate – he nevertheless not only managed to conquer the entire province, homeland of Ptolemies, but he also destroyed the Sab’yn presence west of the Red Sea and even managed to spare some troops to quell the uprising in Jerusalem. By far, he was the best commander Rome had at the time.
In early 207 spies reported that Carthage amassed a frighteningly powerful army on the border of Kyrene. In response to the plea for reinforcements, Publius Catilina received the now famous, one-word order from the Senate: “DURATE!” – “Withstand”. At the time, Rome simply had no more troops to send across the sea, and a new naval battle had to be won first before the Mediterranean opened again to safe passage.
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Battle of Kyrene, armies positions
In winter 206, the first of five elite Carthaginian armies besieged Kyrene, where Catilina decided to stand ground with his best troops. They were badly outnumbered: 3 to 1, with Carthage having elephants and field artillery among their ranks. When news of the siege arrived in Rome, The Senate made preparations for the mourning ceremony in memory of the brave commander.
But no sooner did the mourners start their wailing, than a messenger arrived in Rome: Kyrene withstood! In a terrible battle, Catilina’s troops routed the Carthaginian army and defended the city. Elephants perished, artillery destroyed, remnants of the enemy fled into the desert.
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Result of the Battle of Kyrene
But that was just the first wave, and Publius Sergius knew that he couldn’t hold the city any longer. But by now the situation was not as dire anymore. The recruitment centers of Egypt began to churn out levies, which, while not of the quality of Roman arms, could still man the defensive positions and at least slow down the enemy advance. More importantly, after regaining naval supremacy in battles of Rhodes and Ithaca, Rome was able to send the first batch of new recruits to Africa.
The Roman high command had an ambitious plan for dealing with Carthage should the need arise, and they have put the plan into action. What they needed was more time until the Carthaginian war machine steamrolled through the Egyptian deserts into Syria; this was the reasoning behind the one-word order sent to Catilina.
The Desert Fox had lost most of his good, Roman troops in the defence of Kyrene. What he was left with were auxiliaries and weak levies. Thus, he decided to fall back towards the Nile, building a massive network of fortifications across the desert. Each wall was manned by a Nubian or local Hellenic troop; Catilina knew the soldiers would not die gladly for the Romans, and so he ordered them to simply hold the fort until the Carthaginians break through the walls, and then surrender. Nevertheless, some of them fought bravely and still managed to cause some headache to Carthaginian commanders.
Publius left the remnants of his Roman army in Kyrene, to fight one last battle against the invaders. Decimated, they fell, but not before inflicting heavy casualties on the enemy, including more of his precious elephants.
The strategy proved successful. Carthage fielded altogether four armies in Lybia, each of them more than capable of destroying the feeble force under Catilina’s command. If the two forces met in set battle, the outcome would be unavoidable annihilation of Roman army, and swift conquest of the remaining cities, with the gates of Syria open within, as Romans themselves calculated, no more than three years.
Instead, within these three years, Carthaginian armies didn’t even manage to cross the desert. In 202 BC, Augila and Ammonion finally fell to them, and the four armies proceeded to gnaw at the second line of desert defences set up by Catilina. But by that time, first of the three newly prepared legions sailed from Capua, landed in Utica, and razed the city to the ground. Reinforcements finally arrived in Kyrene and recaptured the coastal town. Carthaginians now had to face a brutal choice: retreat and defend their homeland, or continue to batter against the Wall of Sand, as they nicknamed Catilina’s fortified border.
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Publius Sergius Catilina, commanding his defense line in 201 BC
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Great AAR! Glad we are finally meeting the commanders and characters...just need a few more pics and it'll be even better!
Keep up the goodwork!
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
cool setup, i enjoy reading it.
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Re: The Fall of the Pharaohs
Really enjoying this AAR, very interesting read. Feels almost as if it's from a textbook in an alternate timeline! Great job. There are a few grammatical errors here and there, but I'm just OCD when it comes to that. :) Keep up the good work!
