A Burgeoning Empire - A Pontic AAR

Okay, a few words before I start. This is an AAR that I started for myself and that I've now chosen to, after V.T. Marvin's first encouraging reaction, upload for everyone to read. If it's received well I will continue uploading it here (if not I'll take a hint and keep it to myself :sweatdrop:), though I won't promise anything in regards to how often new updates will come. This is especially true now in the beginning, since I might lose my internet connection on Tuesday and if I do, I don't know when I'll get it back.

Long story short, please tell me if you liked it. If you didn't like it, just let me know why and how I could improve on it for the future. I have no pictures at the moment - it's all text - but if popular demand is up, I may bring some to the table.

I'm playing this on M/M difficulty settings, alex.exe with force diplomacy and the city mod (as well as my own "Prosperous Gaul" mod, which probably won't impact my game).

Without further ado...

Chapter Guide
Chapter 1: Road to Freedom
Chapter 2: A Threat From The West
Chapter 3: The Greek War

A Burgeoning Empire

Chapter 1: Road to Freedom

Introduction
I am Oxyartes Herakleotes, son of Artabazanes Herakleotes, and I have long served as a diplomat under Basileus Ariobarzanes Kianos of Pontos, as I served his father, Ktistes Mithridates Kianos. I am writing this brief history of my beloved land to immortalize its rise, history and share in its rich life to whoever might be interested in having it. If everything else in my life falls to naught, I will still consider my life fulfilled so long as this tome survives.

Humble Beginnings
In the beginning, the Pontic kingdom started off as a mere satrapy of our neighbours to the south, as dependents ruled by a king subject to the will of the Seleukid throne. So it stayed until early summer in 272 BCE, when another satrapy of the Seleukids and allies to the Pontic king, the Pahlavans under Phrâpâtes ê Dahâën declared themselves independent and went to war against their former masters.

It didn’t take long before diplomats from king Phrâpâtes came knocking on the then still reigning Ktistes Mithridates Kianos’ door, enquiring about his stance on the subject. Though basileus Ktistes had never said it officially or unofficially in public, it was no secret that he, too, harboured lusting thoughts of independence. However, after a long, hard deliberation, he came to the conclusion that the state of his army was not yet ready for a task of such proportions, and the royal coffers weren’t deep enough to sustain such a costly war. So the diplomats were sent back empty handed, except for an official acknowledgement that, since they were now at war with the Seleukids, the Pontic basileus could no longer stay allied with Phrâpâtes. The relations with the Seleukid basileus Antiochos Syriakos were improved, at the cost of some sour looks from Nisa.

Basileus Ktistes instead turned his gaze south-west towards Galatia. The Galatians are an interesting people: being of Keltoi ethnicity, they had recently come from further west to settle in Mikra Asia, and were allied to the Pontic king. This alliance, however, got on shaky ground when they heard of how Ktistes handled the Pahlavan situation. They were – as always – ready for war, and they were hungry for the glory and loot. In their eyes, it was nothing but a sign of weakness not to take the opportunity when it so readily presented itself. Many called Ktistos a coward, and a small, armed uprising started, with the attempt of grabbing power in Galatia and taking it out of its alliance with Ktistos. This was, of course, completely unacceptable in Amaseia. Ktistos quickly mobilized his army and sent it packing towards Ankyra under the command of his son and heir, Ariobarzanes Kianos, to deal with these insurgents and secure the alliance. Being too old and weak for it, he couldn’t command it himself, and in fact died before the army even reached its destination.
The insurgents were quickly beaten, Ankyra garrisoned “to keep the public order and ensure the safety of the Galatian government”. In reality, though, they were there to secure the Pontic interests and keep the Galatians in line.

When a raiding party from Sinope appeared outside of Amaseias gates, Ariobarzanes returned with most of his army, leaving only a small garrison under Arsiochos Kolchikos behind, and heading north. The Sinopeans, having no chance to stand against his might, quickly retreated back to their city, and fierce diplomatic actions began. Ariobarzanes demanded smaller, territorial concessions from Sinope, as well as a rather hefty sum of money, to pay for the damage caused and to repair relations. The Sinopeans, counting on help from Hellas in the case of a siege, were confident, and soundly rejected any such talk. This gave Ariobarzanes little options: he had to attack. So, when spring came the next year, he set out and besieged Sinope. The Hellenes protested and declared war, but it was little more than words. No armies were sent. Sinope fell the same year.

Independence
In 266 BCE Ariobarzanes was put in the same position that his father was just 6 years before, but this time the Seleukids were the aggressors. Bithynia had long had friendly relations with the Pontic king and had often received help before, so when they were attacked, they came to Ariobarzanes and pleaded for help once more. The answer came almost immediately, and this time they had agreed. Ariobarzanes set out himself with his full might, force marching in hopes to get to Nikaia in time. Despite this, the Seleukid army assaulted and took the city before they could get there, and quickly took control of the surrounding villages.

However, with a lot help from the locals, Ariobarzanes quickly got the safest – and easiest – route to the city where the Seleukid army was camped, and put it on siege. However, with his army out west, the Seleukids took their opportunity to put Ankyra and Amaseia under siege. Not panicking, the Pontic king, being a veteran of many wars, stayed the course and trusted the defense of the cities to his generals. However, just in case, he decided to assault the city, as his army vastly outnumbered the enemy. Speed was valued more than a few extra soldiers’ lives.

After a relatively short, but bloody, fight, the city was taken and the army marched victoriously through the streets, cheered on by the populace as liberators and heroes. However, they couldn’t bask in the triumphant glory for long, because Amaseia and Ankyra were still under siege, and they had to move back east to defend their own cities (because, though still independent in name, the Pontic royal family still considered it “their” city). This would, however, prove unnecessary, as the victory gained in Nikaia was enough to persuade the Seleukids, who had enough problems elsewhere to deal with, to agree to not only a cease fire, but a renewed friendship – this time as two sovereign nations. The Pontic kingdom had gained its independence, and come out as a strong force in Mikra Asia.

Consolidating the Kingdom
With its newly gained freedom, the Pontic kingdom found itself in an interesting position. It controlled the northern part of Mikra Asia, with a long border against the Seleukid kingdom to the south, Pergamon and Byzantion to the west and the Tzanoi (Trapezous) and the Haikh (Ani-Kamah) to the east. All of these had, at the time, at least a somewhat positive relationship with the Pontic throne; moreover, peace and trade had been reestablished with the Ptolemaic king as well. That is why Basileus Ariobarzanes felt secure enough to stay, together with the main portion of his army, with his allies in Nikaia, at least until their government had been restored. He had come to have a very positive opinion of the locals, a feeling that the locals reciprocated in kind.

But freedom hadn’t come for free. The war had, as Ktistes Mithridates Kianos had feared, drained the Pontic coffers so as to force them to take loans and get in debt. If the kingdom were to avoid a quick failure on its own, it would have to get out of it and quick. To do this, Ariobarzanes tried to stimulate trade by making deals with people so far away as even the Carthaginians in North Africa, Sicily and Iberia. Taxes were also raised all across the empire, but despite all this, it would still take many years before the debts attained could be paid off. The thought of what would happen if the Seleukids managed to solve their problems with the Ptolemaics, Pahlavans, Baktrians, Saka Raukans and all other enemys of their empire before the Pontic debts could be paid off sent a shiver through the ruling class in Amaseia. Few doubted that the Seleukids, given the opportunity, would think twice about bringing Pontos back into submission. How could Pontos oppose such a force without money of its own to pay for its armies?

The fear and tension in Amaseia was greatly heightened in spring 264 BCE. A Seleukid army under Attalos Pergamou Mysiakes had moved right up to the borders of Nikaia. Attalos was a middle-aged man of Hellenic ethnicity, and so although his army was not able to compete with that of Ariobarzanes, it was suspected that he might be looking for revenge for Sinope’s fate. The garrison that was left in Ipsos was intimidating, and had a clear advantage over the Pontic army, not forgetting either the reinforcements coming in from the east. Little could be done about it except to take defensive positions, and hope for the best.

The hope, such as it was, was squashed rather brutally when the Attalos besieged Ankyra. Diplomats were immediately dispatched to the Seleukids only to find out that this was not an action that the Seleukid dynasty had sanctioned. Apparently, this was an act of rebellion, led by a man alone. The Seleukid diplomats assured the Pontic king that they had no intention of supporting him, or opposing the Pontic forces in any way. It was their wish to honour the alliance, and promised “full cooperation”. Upon hearing this, Ariobarzanes sent Zenon Ximeneus, a young man of Thraikian birth who he had recently adopted, in command of the Pontic army to deal with Attalos. He would stay back in his beloved Nikaia for the time being.

Prior to the battle, Zenon was reinforced from the east with slingers who had taken part in the battle for Sinope. Zenon could thus be confident in having superior forces in all categories. Together with the reinforcements from the garrison of Ankyra, the battle was over before it began. That was a fact that even Attalos had to admit, who, when he saw the great number of enemies he was up against, retreated immediately. He was forced to admit defeat in his (rather short-lived) campaign and had to pay a hefty fine before being let back into Seleukid employ.

With that threat taken care of, the Pontic royal family went back to paying off its debts. Slowly but surely this was being achieved, but still it took 3 years to get completely out of debt. In the summer of 261 BCE, they were finally free in monetary senses as well.

A Seleukid attack was still seen as a threat, though, and the army had to be reequipped and retrained to have any semblance of a chance against the Seleukid phalanx. For this purpose Ariobarzanes reclaimed control over the army, and marched together with it and Zenon back to Amaseia.

As time went by, not much worth noting happened in, or around, Pontic lands. The population was growing and the investments were for the most part put into the economic sector rather than the military. Things were very quiet and peaceful in Mikra Asia at this point. Besides some on-and-off struggles between the free, Greek state of Pergamon and the Seleukids, there were very little fighting being done, everyone wishing for peace or not wanting more trouble than they already had. Not even the Ptolemaic presence caused any disturbance to this, which could probably be explained by the fact that all knew that whosoever broke the status quo might win, but that such a victory might wound them enough so a third party could step in and take over.

very nice!
all it needs now are pictures.

excellent, Pontus is propably the most fun-to-play faction. I take a diffrent approach (preemptive strikes against the grey behemoth is my motto!), but nonetheless Ankyra-Nikaia-Sinope is a great start!

Cheers, guys! I agree that blitzing is probably the strategically most sound option for Pontos, but the game gets a little less political that way, and I opted out for that reason. If you liked this AAR then obviously that was a good choice; I didn't exactly pack it full of action and shiny objects, did I? ~;)

yeah, I really liked the political-rp background in your story, I don't mind if you don't use pictures, but a description of your armies or perhaps a battle narration (switching to present tense from time to time) would be definetely welcome.

Well, if I post pictures I'd prefer to make them look like paintings, so if anyone who could tell me how to do that it would really help me out.

I appreciate your suggestions, ertai, and I'll consider them. Most likely I'll do the first two, but I think I'll keep the AAR in past tense. It's supposed to be written from the memory of an old man who was through this, after all, so I don't see how present tense would work for it.

With photoshop, you just need to apply some filters and you'll get that 'painted' look.

Thank you, Poulp'. The text for the next part is finally (after 2 months! :laugh4:) done, and will be posted as soon as I can get the pictures (yes, there are pictures coming!) to a satisfactory level. Or when I give up trying - whatever comes first.

Chapter 2: A Threat From The West

Rising Tensions
It took until around 255 BCE before tensions started rising again. Reports came from Pahlavan lands that their invasion had been beaten back for the most part by a determined Seleucid defense. Only Marakanda had been taken, while the rest lay firmly in Seleucid hands, that had since the break of the war been strengthened further with new recruits and conscripts. The delaying tactics had been successful, and now they could feel reasonably secure in their positions.

That is why when troops started gathering at the borders of Amaseia, the city started into full attention. The army was expanded and a large amount of men levied primarily into phalanxes, spearmen and skirmishers. These were bolstered with numbers of Galatians, and the Nikaians honoured their alliance by sending light infantry and archers. The cavalry came exclusively from Amaseia. All over the Pontic kingdom men were conscripted into service, with the only exception being the Sinopeans. They were still not considered trustworthy enough to be given weapons to wield. To support this army, taxes were raised for everyone.

There is no number high enough to count the many times I travelled between Amaseia and Mazaka during this very turbulent time. It seemed that in the time that it took me to deliver a message and get back, there would always have come five new ones waiting for me. All other Pontic diplomats and emissaries, who I had the time and opportunity to talk to, told of similar situations for themselves. Much confusion was about, and there were times that new orders were sent even before old ones had been received. This undoubtedly complicated the situation and delayed the mobilization beyond belief, which only created a vicious circle as it caused even more stress and panic amongst the nobles, and made them send out even more orders and corrections. Cynical jokes were made about how they planned to find men for the armies, when everyone had been hired as messengers.

It was a sunny day in July, the year was 253 BCE and I had been on an unusually long RNR (those days they were generally short, few and far between – as explained above). The army was finally getting close to full mobilization and I was walking down a street in Amaseia when a man came running up to me. He quickly informed me that I was wanted by the king, but he could not specify the reason. “Need to know basis”, he explained. I naturally rushed up the hill – for the palace was built on the highest spot in the town – curious to know what was so secretive and urgent, but also with great disappointment that my RNR was over.

When I finally entered the palace, I was shown into a dark room. There was only one, tiny window in the far wall from which a small stream of light entered the room. At first I thought it was empty, but when my eyes finally adjusted to the decreased lighting, I saw that there was actually a score of men sitting by a table, all with their eyes fixed on me. I quickly recognized the king sitting in the place of honour, and closest to him the highest ranking nobles, and so on. I was a little confused when the king finally spoke.

I will not retell exactly what was said, partly because I can’t remember it in detail and partly because it would mean my death, but I have been cleared to reveal the gist of it: there was no Seleukid army gathering at our doorstep. The whole “chaos” of orders was, apparently, but a charade for the Pergamene king to think the Pontic army weak. The plan had, naturally, in the king’s greatness and divine strategic genius, been a complete success, and Pergamon had been gathering an army marching towards Ankyra at the moment, while an Athenian army under command of a captain Amythaon was besieging Byzantion. King Ariobarzanes wanted to control Pergamon for himself, and he wanted me to chronicle his campaign. Being sure that any other answer would likely be rewarded with the lead role in a beheading, I immediately accepted, and so the journey began west. During the long and uneventful march, he had me write down his biography for him.

Basileus Ariobarzanes Kianos stood out from other men. He was taller, and broader than most, strong as an ox and with the cunning of a fox. Whenever he talks, he shows extraordinary intelligence, with a very advanced problem-solving capacity. He was very selfish, though; ruthless, even. There was a rumor, one that men only whispered when they knew He couldn’t hear, that as a boy, he had had 8 brothers at first, and the lead prince was someone else than Ariobarzanes. However, when He came into the world, he quickly took over control and killed all but two others. Whether the rumor is true or not, when he looks at you, you can tell he’s working things out. You know that he has a plan for you, and you’d better not disagree.

If it had not been for those eyes of his, one would however easily dismiss the rumor as pure fantasy. He was an extremely good speaker, seemingly able to make any proposition seem true. You didn’t just want to agree for your own safety; you’d agree, because how could he be wrong? It was truly amazing how he could bend the wills of others with such ease; with a few words, he could convince a bear to be afraid of the fish. With him in charge, there was only victory, and he knew it. He, of course, was well aware of all his good sides, and he was immensely proud of them.

However, he was getting old. At 58 years of age as of 252 BCE, he had seen many days turn into night. His hair and his beard were long grey, and it was thought that he was in his last few years.

The Siege of Pergamon
So when the spring came 251 BCE, we hastened to Pergamon and laid siege to the city. We always knew we could expect a large force summoned to the state’s protection, but we never knew what to expect beyond that. The Pergamenes had managed to hide this information very effectively from Ariobarzanes’ spies, scouts and informants, and an inspection from the siege fronts didn’t reveal anything more. We knew they had hoplites; that was all.

This made the risky business of an assault into nigh impossible madness, and it would take two years to starve out the garrison. Nevertheless, Ariobarzanes had his men construct 6 rams to be ready just in case.

We spent many months outside that wretched city. Always hungry, always thirsty, always waiting even more.

Meanwhile the Seleukid wars had all grinded to a halt. The Pahlava invasion had been beaten back, but they could not push into Pahlavan lands, and a new wave was coming. The Baktrians had joined the war too, and was an ever present problem too, as were the Saka Rauka nomads. More worrisome to Ariobarzanes was the peace they had signed with the Ptolemaioi. The threat of a Seleukid king wanting to regain an old satrapy was big.

The west wasn’t empty of threats either, which was one of the reasons why Ariobarzanes wanted to take out Pergamon. In Greece, the Koinon Hellenon had grown strong and expanded north at the expense of Makedonia, reaching as far as to Pella, the former Makedonian capital. Basileus Ariobarzanes had feared what would happen if Pergamon was to join that league; it would be a direct threat to the Pontic west flank, and with the Seleukids as neighbours on a long front, this was not in the least desirable. Something had to be done, and taking and occupying Pergamon before it joined was the most realistic option.

It was a warm spring morning in May when the Pergamon king, Ennomos, sallied forth, and we could finally see his soldiers for the first time. Most of his infantry consisted of hoplites of varying quality, but he also had a number of sarissa-armed phalanxes, skirmishers as well as Thraikian and Galatian mercenaries on his side. Most of them were experienced soldiers, veterans from wars past, standing in contrast to Ariobarzanes’ raw recruits. However, they had suffered greatly from attrition, and Ariobarzanes’ army outnumbered them almost 3 to 1: a ratio that was slightly exceeded in cavalry. With this knowledge, Ariobarzanes felt secure in his position, and guided the defense with his usual confidence.

The Battle
The ground was almost flat with only a slight advantage in height for the Pergamese soldiers. The sky was clear, the weather bright and, for the birds and the trees, this was just a regular spring morning.

Ariobarzanes placed as per usual his sarissa-phalanx in the middle eight rows deep, with their flanks covered by levy hoplites of equal depth. Right in front of them, in an open order, he put the skirmishers, and behind to the left the archers. Both being ragged levies, they were not expected to do much damage, but rather to annoy and disrupt formations. To the right of the archers were light infantry armed with wicker shields and spears ready to fill any gap that might present itself in the phalanx, and on both flanks of these and the archers were the Galatian spearmen. On his right wing, slightly behind his main force, he posted his light cavalry, while Ariobarzanes himself led the heavy cavalry on the left flank. Thus his army was positioned to meet the enemy.

The first to come out were the Thraikian mercenaries, and with their rhomphaias they quickly engaged Ariobarzanes’ skirmishers in front, in an effort to delay and confuse the Pontic army, giving the remaining Pergamese army enough time to come through the gate without interference. On a mission that seemed suicidal, the Thraikians performed outstanding, beating the five times more numerous Pontic skirmishers, and then looking for more.

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Skirmisher Melee

The first wave came at the wings. On Ariobarzanes’ right flank, his Galatians and hoplites had both been engaged by a force of hoplites, and his Galatians on his left charged by Peltastai. Since the Pergamese on Ariobarzanes’ left lacked cavalry support, they were easily pushed back, but the right flank proved tougher. The light cavalry failed to do much of an impact despite repeated charges, and when Ennomos threatened with his heavy cavalry together with infantry support, the Pontic light cavalry had to withdraw. The light infantry reserves were pulled up as well to guard against flanking.

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Galatians on the right flank.

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Galatians on the left flank.

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Levy Hoplites on the left flank

It was at this crucial point that Ennomos steered to his own right and met Ariobarzanes. He with his Hellenistic heavy cavalry against Ariobarzanes with his royal kinsmen in a one-on-one clash, Ariobarzanes had an advantage in armour but a disadvantage in speed and agility. Ennomos tried to overcome this by charging, disengaging and then recharging, and turning to disrupt Ariobarzanes’ formation, but no matter what he did, Ariobarzanes was one step ahead, and the fight turned more and more in his favour.

With Ennomos finally dead, Ariobarzanes could turn around and see what had happened elsewhere. On his right wing, being freed from Ennomos’ presence, his light cavalry had been able to go to work again, this time more effectively. The would-be flanking force had been beaten back, and now the Pergamese line was truly open for flanking. Some in their center had seen this and turned their backs already.

He quickly sent orders that non-engaged phalanxes should drop their sarissas and flank with their axes, and thus the mopping up had begun. It was a clear victory, but an estimate of 1223 men had been lost, for the killing of 986.

Pergamon was occupied with little further resistance, and set up as a philhellenic satrapy. Artists drew the pictures of the battle that I have included above, and in memory of this victory, Ariobarzanes had his portrait taken in the palace of Pergamon itself.

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Ariobarzanes Kianos

Very enjoyable, and I've always liked the text in an AAR more than the pictures. I dunno about suggestions. There are a few minor errors (Seleucid once instead of Pontic, west instead of east in the first section) [edit-I was wrong about east-west], but far less than when I write. In my AAR I tried to introduce deliberate timing/knowledge errors. For instance, the general in charge of my army campaigning near Carthage not knowing Siga, a city far west, had fallen yet. Or a difference in assumptions by various characters. But that doesn't make as much sense in your AAR, given the smaller geographic distances and the connection to the Hellenistic world and rumor via Sinope/Bithynia/Seleucid contacts.

Anyway, I encourage you to continue. If you go very slowly and just write it for yourself, there's no reason not to post it - I know there are some who will be happy to read your writing, even if they don't find it for another year.

Regarding the Seleucid and west "errors", are you sure about those? I'm 99% sure you've misunderstood the situation that I've described (which is completely my fault as the writer; I'll try to be more clear in the future). I only say that twice in my latest chapter, and both are in the segment covering the Pahlavan-Seleukid war, which Pontos isn't involved in.

I can't say I find any west-east error, either.

Quote:

---

Originally Posted by MisterFred

In my AAR I tried to introduce deliberate timing/knowledge errors. For instance, the general in charge of my army campaigning near Carthage not knowing Siga, a city far west, had fallen yet. Or a difference in assumptions by various characters. But that doesn't make as much sense in your AAR, given the smaller geographic distances and the connection to the Hellenistic world and rumor via Sinope/Bithynia/Seleucid contacts.

---

I think I will just take this idea now that you offer it. I've kind of been doing it already, but not to the extent you suggest and I think I will start doing it more. Thanks. This is still written by a seasoned diplomat, however, and he has a lot of contacts, so while his information may not be up to IM-speed, he should have a good check on Greece and Anatolia. It should mostly be noticeable in the reports from the Pahlavan/Baktrian-Seleucid border.

Cheers! :bow:

Chapter 3: The Greek War
With the great mines of Pergamon secured and new riches flowing into the Pontic coffers, Ariobarzanes was in a much improved situation. He could now afford not only to reinforce his own army in the west, but also raise another army for the defense of the east. Ochos Gordianos, the Galatian, was appointed as its general.

Ochos Gordianos had been born and raised in Galatia before joining the Pontic army at the age of 16. There he quickly proved his valour and rose to the rank of general at the age of 23. While his ethnicity and background did him some disservice in the Pontic royal chamber, it gave the impression to the Galatians that they really were respected and equal allies of Pontos, and this motivated many young Celts to sign up. In fact, almost 50% of this new army was composed of Galatians alone.

However, there were some who questioned his ability to command and commented that this choice was entirely political. Gordianos was pessimistic, gloomy and lacked any experience leading an army. Other generals, such as Ariarathes Herakleotes, the Hellene, or Arsiochos Kolchikos, the Kappadokian, were both more experienced and regarded as good leaders and generals. But Gordianos it was, and that was that. Ariobarzanes had used his right as king to appoint whomsoever he chose to lead his armies, and would have no discussion about it. He had the favour of the gods, and thus also the favour of Ariobarzanes.

His first test of faith came in the spring of 244 BCE. A large Ptolemaic force under captain Potamon had slipped in on Pontic lands and were far superior in number than anything Gordianos could put up to resist them with. However, their path went through the river Halys, and by setting up defensive positions at the intended crossing, Gordianos was able to dissuade the Ptolemaic army from moving further into Pontic lands, and through good diplomacy had it turn back without a fight. This quieted some of the objections to his appointment.

This show of strength was enough to re-secure the alliance with Makedonia so that once again the trade out west could continue through their lands. This was preferable to both, for both sides were at war against the alliance of the Greek city-states, Athenai, Sparta and Rhodos; this alliance allowed both to focus on their common enemy instead of each other. For the Makedonians, this meant re-taking Pella.

For king Ariobarzanes Kianos, however, this meant that Pontos needed a fleet to be raised, and one that could at least get an army safely to the shores of Rhodos, for that was their target. The island was in a prime position for trade, as well as a key to controlling south-western Anatolia. It was strategically a very important island to say the least. The problem was that the Rhodians had a very strong military presence on the island, and a navy to back it up – taking it would not under any circumstances be easy.

Nevertheless, this is what the Pontic king set out to do. The problem was only that Pontos lacked the capability to build even the simplest of ships able to carry the necessary men and supplies for such a voyage! This needed to be rectified, and fast. That is why Ochos Gordianos was now ordered to march east towards Trapezous, where informants reported the existence of a naval bay where such ships could be assembled. So it was that in the spring of 241 BCE he invaded Pontos Paralios. His army consisted mostly of Galatians, a few Anatolian Greeks and Persians in supporting roles. With this army he reached the wooden walls of Trapezous four months later in September.

Weeks later a diplomat came from the Hellenes asking for peace. Not yet willing to give up his intentions to get control over Rhodos, Ariobarzanes decided to negotiate the island for peace, trade rights and 5000 mnai. This proposal was naturally vetoed by Rhodos, and thus the negotiations stopped.

In the spring of 240 BCE, Trapezous was stormed and taken for a death toll of around 1100 soldiers. The naval bay was secured and brought into use again as soon as possible.

A month later another diplomat came from the Hellenes, once again urging for peace. The same conditions and offers were given, except that the amount of mnai offered had now been raised by 3000, to the total of 8000 mnai. Once again, Rhodos vetoed the offer and the second negotiations failed like the first.

In 239 BCE, Byzantion, having suffered many sieges and battles for its independence against, amongst others, Makedonia, and had come very close to forced surrender. Since Byzantion was under Pontos’ protection, the city called for Ariobarzanes’ support, and received such immediately. Byzantion was peacefully incorporated into the Pontic kingdom with a lot of freedoms and to a large degree practical independence, and got soldiers from Nikaia and the garrison in Pergamon sent as reinforcements. The Makedonians sent messages of protest, informing the Pontic leadership that they were disappointed and offended by the Pontic intervention, but they kept the alliance and did not make any further sanctions.

That same winter the fleet that would bring Ariobarzanes – then at the respectable age of 71 – to Rhodos had been completed, consisting of both Lembois and Pentekonterois. All that was left was to wait for spring to arrive so they could finally take off. When it did, king Ariobarzanes Kianos set sail together with 1000 phalangites, 300 hoplites, 600 Galatians, 600 various Anatolians, 200 archers, 100 slingers, 300 cavalry and 40 scythed chariots. This totaled 3140 soldiers.

The sailing to Rhodos went without much challenge, as the Rhodian navy was strangely enough nowhere to be found. However, after embarking on the shore, king Ariobarzanes quickly learned that he had underestimated the defense that had been gathered on the island. Soon after landing, an army of 4900 strong attacked him. While most of these were levies, about 1/4 were heavily armoured soldiers to be reckoned with. These men had armour only matched by Ariobarzanes and his own bodyguards in the Pontic army.

So on the shores of Rhodos a long and hard battle was fought, in which Ariobarzanes’ scythed chariots played a major role in his eventual victory. However, 850 of the Rhodians managed to flee back to their city to hide behind their large stone walls. Without an assault, the city had provisions to hold out for two whole years of siege.

That turned out to be too much for Ariobarzanes. He died just a month before the garrison surrendered, in April, 234 BCE. His only son, Mithridates Kianos, succeeded him. By that time, the Rhodian navy finally showed up with reinforcements from the Hellenic mainland, but when the two fleets lined up, it was clear that the Rhodians had only been able to summon a part of its navy, or had lost many ships in battle against the Makedonians. Whatever the case might have been, Admiral Megabazos, in command of the Pontic fleet, found himself outnumbering the enemy, and set the Rhodian fleet to flight.

Peace was settled in 232 BCE.

I meant to ask this before, but you've had a chance to "sample" both writing styles: the one closer to the action, so to say, with battle summaries and pictures; and the other, more distanced, observing viewpoint with a bigger focus on the strategy and the tactics. From what you have read, which one do you prefer?

Also, regardless of your answer (if any is coming at all :sweatdrop:), there will be pictures from the strategical map coming up, giving a better overview on how the empire looks, and possibly a "Who is who the Pontic court" presentation of the Pontic royal family and the ancillary generals (i.e. those not of the Basileios Pontikos ethnicity). I understand it might be difficult to get a proper overview of the kingdom without it, and it might actually be worth sacrificing a few thousand words for this. ~;)