Originally Posted by
Montmorency
It is not a matter of legality, as your references point out.
This holds that each state is discrete from its co-states, and that each co-state ought to have discretion to judge the constitutional validity of specific acts of federal government, which should not be "exclusive or final judge of the extent of powers delegate to itself". This is part of the debate on what powers will remain to the states relative to each other and to the federal government, and does not claim that states have not submitted crucial aspects of their sovereignty to the Constitution and its central government following their ratification and accession.
The actual line concluding this paragraph:
The meaning is completely in line with what I have said.
Misleading. Of course the government is not the same, as the Constitution itself provides for how the government should change itself, seeing as it would be a useless document more rigid than any Codices of the Old World to prescribe an unchanging set of specific commandments. The government is constantly being delegated new powers, and other powers are revised. This is how the legislature operates and was intended to operate under the Constitution. You may argue specific aspects and decisions over time, but the system is precisely working as originally devised, with the exception of some explicit and significant Constitutional changes such as the direct election of Senators. Don't conflate, also, "powers" with specific legislations and regulations that give the government something else to do under the purview of the very powers. Powers are categories and not themselves single acts of Congress, which are indeed exercises of these powers.
The states lost little sovereignty, of what they had kept following the ratification of the Constitution, during the period of the expansion of the federal government. The federal government has indeed grown more powerful over time, precisely because of the accession of continual multitudes of states to the Union. This should be obvious, and whether or not you like it is not a matter of Constitutionality or a deprivation of sovereignty. The Constitution has done far more to deprive states of sovereignty than any acts of the federal government. This is indeed one of the very things states-rightists feared most, the accession of other states and the concomitant regulation of and by the federal government diluting their individual contributions. But, again, this is exactly what the framers of the Constitution wanted to account for in their views of the animosity between states.
As is true today. The federal government as an organization is very large and complex now, but its effect is almost entirely to supplement the internal management of the respective States, not to replace it. That individual states have less say overall in interstate affairs does not diminish their self-governance of internal affairs. You may also be confused by the fact that state and federal government work closely on many issues, but this is indeed the essence of a central government to coordinate with lower levels and not propose blind administration that would immediately become locked in standstill. It would be of little value to having a federal bureau of investigation if it studiously worked independent of state-level law enforcement. Shared responsibility of function has always been the overriding principle in state-federal relations.
And that is essentially your greatest confusion, that notion that gross-level expansion of the federal government and its offices is limited by constitution in ways that haven't exactly been respected as the federal government has grown. The federal government has grown exactly within its Constitutional limits, and of course the fact that it has grown and more states have joined will, among other things, change the nature of states' interactions between each other and the central government.
That the government is not literally what it was in 1800 is not a contravention of the Constitution. If you cannot understand this then you are simply rambling disconnectedly on a defunct fragmented thesis.
That Massachusetts resolution said that the state hoped to work in tandem with the other states of the Union to introduce judicial challenges and perhaps even a Constitutional amendment to clarify controls on commerce. The resolution was ardently pro-Union and anti-secession. Ultimately, it amounted to nothing. The embargo was constitutional in principle, but not in enforcement, and it was opposed largely on economic grounds.
The question of federal regulation of state militias was a topic of discussion during the Conventions, but beyond the 2nd Amendment it was not resolved in a way amicable to the response you quote. The 1792 Militia Act and its inadequate performance as a system oriented toward state autonomy led the government to make multiple efforts centralize command and control, as was specifically allotted in the Constitution. State intransigence and non-compliance during the 1812 war was never a matter of constitutionality but of maintaining perceived interests, insofar as specious complaints could take them. These were struck down internally, in the national discourse, in revised New England constitutions, and later in court cases (see Martin vs. Mott (1827)). Also see the example of one Vermont militia company during the war, which, when ordered to return by their governor, replied: "we are under paramount obligation to our common country, to the great confederacy of the states."
Actually, this was dealt with in United States v. Judge Peters, wherein Marshall said:
And all the rest in the same pattern. You have this awful habit of distorting verbiage that happens to contradict your position, and then leavening it with irrelevant retrospectives or quotations from partisans. Repeating old bad arguments does not make them new or good.
In no concrete way is this true.
The closest to truth that you come is here, as indeed the first years of the republic had relatively little to say on what the Supreme Court should do up. It is now however, under the bedrock principles of common law, authoritative. So the question here is far more fundamental than one of constitutionality, since the Constitution does not and cannot tell us much on the subject.