Yes, looks like "punzen" and "to punch" have the same root word. The word is used in German only in context with stamping metal or porcelainQuote:
Originally Posted by cmacq
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Yes, looks like "punzen" and "to punch" have the same root word. The word is used in German only in context with stamping metal or porcelainQuote:
Originally Posted by cmacq
For me German technical writing is more difficult. But I can pull myself through because of my anthropological background.
Konny, I have a question that you may be able to answer, please? I specialize in architecture, so I see 'Rasensodenmauer' as grass-sod-wall, does this mean 'turf wall?' If so, I think the ditches were not used for drainage and actually had no functional use as, after all, the wall was an expedient feature designed only for the end-game of the Varusschlacht event. Rather, it may only have been dug too to provide construction material for building the wall. For example turf for the facing and compacted fill for the body of the wall. This reinforced somehow with timber all cut from in front of the wall to present a perfect tactical kill zone.
May be I can help, even though my technical English is not at its best.Quote:
Originally Posted by cmacq
Yes, I think so. I am not sure if the term "sod" does refer to the same process in English but it is the same processes which with you dig out turf or surface ore, by digging out quadrangular pieces. That should lead to a trench in the result or a couple of smaller holes in the ground like wolfes' traps.Quote:
Konny, I have a question that you may be able to answer, please? I specialize in architecture, so I see 'Rasensodenmauer' as grass-sod-wall, does this mean 'turf wall?' If so, I think the ditches were not used for drainage and actually had no functional use as, after all, the wall was an expedient feature designed only for the end-game of the Varusschlacht event. Rather, it may only have been dug too to provide construction material for the wall. For example turf for the facing and compacted fill for the body of the wall.
I had done this in the army, but it did not result in a real trench. On the other hand the structure was not designed to stand behind it, while the Ancient one certainly was, what would have required larger pieces and deeper digging.
If so, one could imagine the exhausted Roman column, following a narrow tract while being harried and herded between the bog and the Kalkriese by German skirmishers. As the column emerged from the heavy forest the bunching Romans would naturally have been attracted to the open area immediately in front of the wall. If so what an absolutely hideous surprise?
Then again, the Latin reports did claim it was raining throughout the battle? Still, maybe they had to quickly dig the ditches, just prior to the fight, as sheet-wash from the hill had started to build up behind the wall segments?
I think, but might be wrong with it, that these makeshift fortifications were also mentioned in Germanicus' campaings. If so, the Germanic military organization was on a higher level than one might think, because at least they had to carry tools with them all the time - much like the Romans themselves.
Weren't some of the Germani Cherusci Roman Auxiliary troops that mutinied with Arminius? Wasn't Arminius an equestrian and commander of the Cherusci Auxiliary?
At some point I need to look at Tacitus again. The translation I've seen makes it sound as if Germanicus rebuilt Roman earthworks at the burial site? In light of these discoveries that can't be the case. I need to read the Latin script for myself. Regardless, it seems as if Arminius had it all planned out to even the smallest detail. In a way the whole thing reminds me a little bit of the end of the first Anglo-Afghan War.
Well, according to Clunn, it appeared that the turf wall was certainly built by the Germans, not the Romans. And furthermore, the Germans didn't carry tools with them if what he says in his book (having attended the initial digs that uncovered the proofs of the battle) is right, because that would have been a prepared position made on Arminius' instructions, just lying in wait for the day he completed his campaign strategy and brought/forced the Romans hither.
and "Punze" in German has the additional derogatory Medieval meaning of "*unt" i.e. the common English slang term for vaginaQuote:
Originally Posted by konny
:laugh4:
I thought that was "Funz".Quote:
Originally Posted by delablake
May be you are confusing it with the "Fut", but that's on the other side. On the other hand, given all the local slangs in Germany, I am sure you'll find places where "Funz" is said.Quote:
Originally Posted by Centurio Nixalsverdrus
But enough of that, there are foreigners listining who might think that this can be used as "legal" vocabulary on their next Germany trip....
In Scots, also called Lallan, the word is 'Fud.' But, Lallan's a lot like OE.
I call a lot of people macFud.
The following is a summary of the Germanicus campaign in year AD 15 found at the beginning of Tacitus' Annals, Book 2 for year AD 16.
P CORNELI TACITI ANNALIVM
LIBER SECVNDVS
Publius Cornelius Tacitus, The Annals
Book 2
[Chapter 5]
fundi Germanos acie et iustis locis, iuvari silvis, paludibus, brevi aestate et praematura hieme; suum militem haud perinde vulneribus quam spatiis itinerum, damno armorum adfici; fessas Gallias ministrandis equis; longum impedimentorum agmen opportunum ad insidias, defensantibus iniquum. at si mare intretur, promptam ipsis possessionem et hostibus ignotam, simul bellum maturius incipi legionesque et commeatus pariter vehi; integrum equitem equosque per ora et alveos fluminum media in Germania fore.
my rendering
The foundation of the German’s battle-plan was [the selection] of the right position; assisted by forests, swamps, brief summers, and premature winters. By no means did their troops likewise [suffer] wounds from distant marches that rendered damaged arms. Nor had they weary Gallics attending endless horse-drawn baggage trains, defenseless and exposed to ambush. Where as, if entered by sea, the actual location of this elusive enemy would be ascertained, assuring a sudden start for a campaign. Thus, legions and supplies together with fresh cavalry and packhorses, by way of the coast and river channels, could be delivered straight through Germania's main gate.
Alfred John Church and William Jackson 1942
The Germans, he knew, were beaten in the field and on fair ground; they were helped by woods, swamps, short summers, and early winters. His own troops were affected not so much by wounds as by long marches and damage to their arms. Gaul had been exhausted by supplying horses; a long baggage-train presented facilities for ambuscades, and was embarrassing to its defenders. But by embarking on the sea, invasion would be easy for them, and a surprise to the enemy, while a campaign too would be more quickly begun, the legions and supplies would be brought up simultaneously, and the cavalry with their horses would arrive, in good condition, by the rivermouths and channels, at the heart of Germany.
Chapter 7
Sed Caesar, dum adiguntur naves, Silium legatum cum expedita manu inruptionem in Chattos facere iubet: ipse audito castellum Lupiae flumini adpositum obsideri, sex legiones eo duxit. neque Silio ob subitos imbris aliud actum quam ut modicam praedam et Arpi principis Chattorum coniagem filiamque raperet, neque Caesari copiam pugnae opsessores fecere, ad famam adventus eius dilapsi: tumulum tamen nuper Varianis legionibus structum et veterem aram Druso sitam disiecerant. restituit aram honorique patris princeps ipse cum legionibus decucurrit; tumulum iterare haud visum. et cuncta inter castellum Alisonem ac Rhenum novis limitibus aggeribusque permunita.
my rendering
Yet, before the ships arrived, Caesar (Germanicus) heard that a fort near the Lippe River was beset. Thus, he ordered Silius to march with a light battle-group towards the Chatti to create a distraction. Meanwhile, in command of [the relief] he advanced with six legions. Consequently, due to a sudden storm, Silius sensibly diverted from his planned route in order to plunder and thereby captured the wife and daughter of Arpus, leader of the Chatti. Then, as Caesar's troops prepared to attack, the besiegers melted away upon rumors of his approach. Notwithstanding, the more recent tumulus for the collected remains? of Varus’ Legions and the older site of Drusus’ altar had been desecrated. In person with military hast, he restored both the altar and honor to the First Elder (the emperor), however by no means was the tumulus rebuilt. Moreover, all together between the fort at Aliso and the Rhine a new line was established and thoroughly fortified.
Alfred John Church and William Jackson 1942
Caesar, however, while the vessels were coming up, ordered Silius, his lieutenant-general, to make an inroad on the Chatti with a flying column. He himself, on hearing that a fort on the river Luppia was being besieged, led six legions to the spot. Silius owing to sudden rains did nothing but carry off a small booty, and the wife and daughter of Arpus, the chief of the Chatti. And Caesar had no opportunity of fighting given him by the besiegers, who dispersed on the rumor of his advance. They had, however, destroyed the barrow lately raised in memory of Varus's legions, and the old altar of Drusus. The prince restored the altar, and himself with his legions celebrated funeral games in his father's honour. To raise a new barrow was not thought necessary. All the country between the fort Aliso and the Rhine was thoroughly secured by new barriers and earthworks.
There is a more detailed account of the above in book 1.