Great! I am really looking forward to the next one.
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Great! I am really looking forward to the next one.
:'-(
Maion
Ah, the time passes...
I'll really see if I can write something this weekend.
:-D
Maion
Part 2 – The Pontic and Kappadokian War (240 – 232 BC)
The Pontic War (240 – 235 BC)
In 240 BC, after the fall of Halikarnassos, Alkyoneus abandoned the theatre and left the troops to his son and Kleronomos Basileion Perseus. It soon proved to be the case that the King’s absence had some disadvantages. In Sardis, two ambitious members of the Royal Family were plotting for their own benefit: to the east lay the city of Ipsos that was under control of the Kingdom of Pontos. The Pontikoi were centred around the polis of Amaseia farther to the northeast and had extended their power to the south, subduing the fearsome Galatians and depriving the Seleukides of their Satrapeia of Phrygia. But recently, Theodoros, the new Basileus of the Seleukides, had managed to turn the tides and conquered the Galatian capital Ankyra and the surrounding lands. Phrygia was only held by a small garrison isolated from the rest of the Pontic forces. Heragoras Thessalonikeus and Leonidos Phagreus knew the treaty between Alkyoneus and Antiochos that no land conquered by Makedonia would be ceded to the Arche Seleukeia, and so they thought it wise to mount an invasion on their own. Without a doubt, they hoped to amass wealth and gain personal recognition.
With an army of 24,000, mostly levied Phalangitai from Makedonia, they marched east unto Ipsos and conquered the city without much effort – the city was guarded by no more than three thousand led by a Pontic Satrap. Of course this ruthless act was condemned by some within the Hellenic world as barbarian and unworthy, but others didn’t view it that way. Makedonia was allied to the Seleukides, and Pontos was at war with them. Heragoras and Leonidos didn’t care anyway, they were way more concerned about the perception at home in Pella.
Indeed Alkyoneus was not very amused. But he was the Basileus, and letting his authority as Basileus be questioned by two of his underlings could turn out much more dangerous than a hastened war with Pontos. And as many people thought that Alkyoneus was the mind behind the invasion anyway – and what else could they have thought – Alkyoneus wasn’t left much to do than accepting the congratulations for his victory at Ipsos.
The Pontic reaction was odd: instead of calling up their troops and marching to retake the city, the King of Pontos, Arsames Kianos, and his brother and inheritor Mithridates moved to Bithynia, only accompanied by their personal entourage. It is not known to us what their intentions were. Some scholars believe they were on a mission for peace, having recognised Makedonia’s superior power. Others argue they would have been on a mission to stir up rebellion in Bithynia, since the inhabitants of this country didn’t feel so attached to the Makedones as they would later on. The only known fact to us is that they were catched and killed by Heragoras Thessalonikeus and his men. The reaction amongst the Hellenic world on this new incident was very harsh and it was mostly seen as dishonouring for Makedonia; the Pontic kingdom on the other hand meanwhile seems to have fallen into a stasis upon the loss of its two most important figures.
Alkyoneus though knew that this wouldn’t last forever, and ordered a second royal army to be levied. It was largely modelled after the other army operating under Perseus in Mikra Asia at the same time, but featured Αγριανικοι Πελεκουφοροι (Agrianikoi Pelekouphoroi), fierce axe-wielding warriors from the regions directly to the north of Makedonia. To command this army, a young nobleman from the royal family was sought and found: Menelas, a son of Kalos, a promising young man of fine blood, was entrusted with the honourable task.
In the last days of 236BC, it was the eleventh year in the reign of Alkyoneus, an envoy from the Euxine polis of Sinope arrived at the court at Pella. The Pontikoi had overcome their dynastic squabble and had seized the city. Although the Pontikoi were making great efforts to imitate the Hellene way of life, they were Easterners and deprived Sinope of her independence. The envoy had been sent to ask for military aid to liberate the city. For Alkyoneus it was the perfect excuse for launching a full scale invasion and promised to react. Makedonia could help a Greek polis against foreign oppression and at the same time bring a large part of Mikra Asia under its rule.
As soon as the rough seas of the Pontos Euxinos permitted, Menelas set sail towards the northern shores of Paphlagonia, disembarked west of the city – which was itself undefended since the Pontikoi had not thought the enemy would come by sea – and seized it, taking the Satrap Holophernes Herakleotes prisoner. For Sinope, Menelas appointed a pro-Makedonian member of the local nobility as Tyrannos, returning her “independence” to the city. The local populace thanked him with loyalty, keeping law and order on the streets for the moment and thus allowing Menelas to continue his march to the south, towards the Pontic capital of Amaseia.
Fall had already begun when the forces of the Makedones and the Pontikoi finally met. The Makedonian scouts had reported large Pontic forces camping on a plain north-east of Amaseia. It was a moist and foggy morning when both armies confronted each other, almost seventy thousand soldiers, of whom thirty eight thousand were under the command of the enemy. Their infantry mostly consisted of lower class phalanx and Thureophoroi, but most noteworthy among their troops was doubtlessly the Pontic cavalry wing: four thousand Kappadokians, one thousand Hellenes and, last but not least, a detachment of scythed chariots. Commander of the army was Nothos Kianos, a member of the royal family of Pontos, who had sworn bitter vengeance for the murdering of king and crown prince.
The troops were arrayed in a long line, with Galatian heavy spearmen and Thureophoroi guarding the flanks, whereas Menelas kept the Peltastai Makedonikoi and the Agrianians in reserve. Even before melee ensued, the Kappadokian cavalry attempted to flank the Makedones but was countered by the Thessalians who proved superior. On the Makedonian left, the scythed chariots cut through the ranks of the Galatians and the Thureophoroi, leaving countless warriors with severed limbs and causing great chaos and devastation among the soldiers. When the chariots turned around though to continue their butchering spree, many of the lighter troops managed to jump on and kill the drivers, causing the unit to run uncontrolled over the battlefield, massacring friend and foe alike. When finally the Pontic phalanx reached the Makedonian line, the Pontikoi had almost shot their last bolt. The light infantry and the heavy cavalry circled around the flanks now uncontested and finished off the enemy with a thundering charge. Broken, the Easterners turned to flee, chased and massacred by the Hellenes all the way to Amaseia, who captured the city and brought all but the remotest Pontic possessions under their sway, including the Royal Pontic Tombs above their capital.
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The Kappadokians are countered by the Thessalians.
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The Pontic chariots deal death and mutilation to the Makedones.
Three years later, Archilochos Thessalonikeus marched against Metrodoros Kianos, last remnant of the Pontic house who had retreated to north-western Kappadokia, and defeated him near Amastris. So ended both the Pontic state and the Pontic dynasty at the hands of the Makedones.
The Kappadokian War (235 – 232 BC)
The Kappadokian War is also called the First Seleukid War by historians. At the same time as Menelas was landing at Sinope, King Alkyoneus offered the Seleukides 500 Talents [30,000 Mnai] in exchange for handing over Galatia to his control, wisely anticipating the upcoming victory over the Pontikoi and seeking to establish a solid block of territory in western Mikra Asia. As stated earlier, the Seleukid King Antiochos had passed and was succeeded by Theodoros. Alkyoneus thought that Theodoros was of the same mind as Antiochos, but was unfortunately mistaken. Instead, Theodoros had ever since belonged to the faction at Antiochos’ court that perceived the Makedonian treatment and “offers” as dishonourable. He was determined to end this.
When the Makedonian envoys reached Theodoros, who was campaigning in Galatia after having led the conquest of the country, he seemingly agreed to the treaty and took the money he was offered. Immediately, a Makedonian “garrison” was formed in Ankyra, consisting of local city dwellers paid to be pro-Makedonian. Not much later, a detachment of several militia-regiments made their way to the city. When they crossed the border to Galatia, they were suddenly attacked by Theodoros. Although they managed to retreat, war was now at hand. The Seleukid king though was unsure what to do next. Two strong Makedonian armies where in Mikra Asia, one to the north and one to the south. Finally he abandoned Galatia and retreated eastward, setting up his camp near the town of Nyssa at the Halys, where he could easily defend at the river’s crossing.
When Prince Perseus, who had just conquered Tarsos, had secured law and order in the region, he immediately took care of the new threat to his north. The occasion was good since reasonable forces of the Pharaoh were not in sight. At Nyssa, Perseus met Theodoros and the expected battle took place. Alas, the Seleukid king had sent the bulk of his army to Mazaka further east – and Perseus was a far better general than Theodoros was. The Makedonian phalanx advanced over the bridge, occupying the enemy infantry, whereas Perseus led the cavalry through a ford half a mile upstream and attacked the Seleukides from behind. Theodoros gave chase and managed to escape to his army at Mazaka.
Perseus crossed the Halys and followed his adversary eastward, where the main Seleukid army was stationed under the command of Theodoros’ brother and Strategos Alexandros. The enemy troops numbered thirty thousand. Most notably, albeit only few, were the 480 Persian kinsmen who presented a fearsome cavalry force. The battle itself was rather odd since the Seleukides descended upon the Makedones from a forested hill, so that neither of the contestants was able to form a proper battle line. Archers were nearly useless, instead the most gruesome of melee commenced. Two of Perseus’ taxeis of Pezhetairoi were hacked to pieces, leaving 300 alive from 2,400. But again, Perseus’ superior generalship tipped the balance. As Alexandros fell, the morale of the Seleukides was broken. Theodoros was unable to take over command and gave chase again. He ended the battle in the same way as he had already done shortly before and fled to his eastern possessions.
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The Makedones advance at Mazaka, the Tauros Mountains in the background.
After the battle was over, thirty four thousand men lay dead on the ground, among them six thousand Makedones. Nevertheless, the road to Mazaka was open and Perseus took the city, ordering the relocation of many inhabitants in order to facilitate the control over the city. Although the battle of Mazaka was a complete blunder for the Seleukides, the following two years proved healthful and benefiting for them: the next year, they managed to obtain a peace treaty with the Ptolemaioi who were already in control of Mesopotamia; and in the following year, 232 BC, peace and even the old alliance with the Makedones could be restored.
Fantastic update! Some great screenshots! :2thumbsup:
A few pictures of the tactical map would appreciated though ~;)
*explodes from overjoy*
:applause: :bow:
Maion
Great update! Your Pontic War seemed to go well. At least you didn't loose a Basileus in the Battle of Amaseia, like I did. :wall:
Now time for war with a Seleukid-Ptolemaioi Alliance? How much territory do the two hold? Is the Arche Seleukiea down to just Iran & Armenia, having lost all territory in Mesopotamia?
Thank you for commenting. The next update will feature a map again. :beam:
No, since the alliance with the Seleukides had just been restored, expect to see more vices and blackmailing from Alkyoneus regarding his allies. He's really a bastard. :smash:Quote:
Originally Posted by MarcusAureliusAntoninus
Spoiler Alert, click show to read:
I've already got 2/3 to 3/4 of the next chapter done, I got a map and tons of great screenshots, but I'm going on vacation tuesday. I really think I'll get it done till then, otherwise you would have to wait until end of july... :sweatdrop:
Take your time, as long as this doesn't die.
No problem, mein freund (hope I got that right :beam:). We'll wait even when the world get destroyed on 2012 :laugh4:Quote:
Originally Posted by Centurio Nixalsverdrus
Maion
Thanks for the confidence!
Kein Problem, mein Freund.Quote:
Originally Posted by Maion Maroneios
Hopefully you'll start to learn German one day, then you can ask me stuff like I did all the time!
Part 3 – The Ptolemaic War: The Campaigns in Syria (234 – 230 BC)
Whoever thought that the Ptolemaic War would soon come to an end in 234 BC after the Makedones had conquered southern Mikra Asia, Kypros and even the seas – he was astonishingly mistaken. The Pharaoh at Alexandreia did not think of giving in to the Makedones now that he had reached so much and had beaten back the Seleukides as far as the land between the twin rivers. The Makedones in Tarsos and Kappadokia posed a threat to Ptolemaios’ holdings that he could not tolerate. Every military move against the Seleukides by his side encompassed the danger of an attack on his own back by the Makedones. The Pharaoh was forced to react and asked for a peace treaty with the Seleukides to which these gladly agreed. Ptolemaios Ευεργετης (Euergetes, “the Benefactor”) travelled himself to Syria and took over command over his forces, determined to get rid of the Makedones.
On the other side of the Pyramos river, at Tarsos, the Makedonian prince Perseus thought the same. He had not advanced thus far just to make a halt before conquering Antiocheia, the city that his much adored Antiochos had once built, and that was since decades in the hands of the Ptolemaioi. The outbreak of the First Seleukid War must have come very unpleasant for Perseus, since it forced him to take care of the new threat and move north into Kappadokia, abandoning Tarsos and leaving command over the reserve contingents in the area to Heragoras Thessalonikeus, the man that had started the Pontic war on his own. Perseus was well aware of the insolence of his behaviour and did not trust him very much.
Heragoras should soon live up to his fame. With a light force of less than ten thousand he marched south-east and crossed the Orontes. Camping only few miles northeast of Antiocheia, the city and former capital of Antiochos could be seen from the distance. But Heragoras not only showed insolence, but also instinct. Inside the city was Ptolemaios Euergetes with a small force, no more than five thousand. Apparently misjudging the Makedonian strength, Ptolemaios left the city, attacked Heragoras and promptly fell. Another attack by a relative of the Pharaoh called Zoalios could be repelled. The way to Antiocheia was open, and Heragoras marched into the polis, displacing many. The deported inhabitants subsequently caused riots in Tarsos and Side.
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The battle line at Antiocheia.
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Galathraikes charge in.
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The battle is won.
Menelas’ Wilderness Campaign
In the meantime, Menelas, Strategos in Pontos and victor over the Pontikoi, had set up a proper Makedonian administration for the subdued country and marched south and then eastward into Kappadokia. He followed the Βεληνεκες Ταυρος (the Tauros Mountains) on their north side until he reached the old Οδος Βασιλικη Περσικη (Hodos Basilike Persike, the Persian Royal Road that was built by the Achaemenid dynasty that once ruled the country). At the city of Melitene, the road crosses the Ευφρατης Ποταμος (the Euphrat). Menelas though turned south and marched over the mountains until he reached Samosata, where he finally crossed the river, only a few hundred σταδια (stadia, one stadion being approx. 177,60m / 586ft in length) north of the Ptolemaic stronghold of Edessa. There, under the command of Lysimachos, another relative to the deceased Pharaoh, were campaigning forty two thousand men, among them Phalangitai mostly, both native and Makedonian, plus a notable contingent of eleven thousand lightly armed soldiers from Africa and Arabia.
From the battle itself not much is left to us. It must have been winter, and the battlefield was apparently heavily forested. The Ptolemaioi don’t seem to have been able to properly orchestrate their attack, whereas the Makedones had nothing more to do than wait and fight back until the attack was over. Seemingly losses of the Makedones did not supersede 10%, with 75% being the respective percentage for the enemy. Lysimachos himself fell, but lots of the troops made it back to Edessa, also because the increasingly deep snow would have hampered the Makedonian cavalry in their pursuit.
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The mountainous landscape near Samosata was deeply covered with snow.
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Lysimachos shows no cowardice.
As scouts reported that a strong Ptolemaic army under the command of Alexandros Thraikikos, a very influential general at Ptolemaios’ court and possible next Pharaoh, was on the march further to the south of the Euphrates in Syria, Menelas decided it would be best to confront the strongest force of the enemy directly. Instead of wasting time with laying siege to Edessa, he circumvented the city, crossed the river into Syria further downstream and headed south.
The two armies met roughly 500 stadia (ca. 90km) south of the lake that forms the knee of the great river. In a similar distance lay the city of Thapsakos on its southern bank. The only sign of human presence at the later battlefield was an old estate surrounded by wheat fields that the Ptolemaioi had destroyed in the course of their foraging actions. For that reason, the battle should later become known as the Battle of Σιτοπεδιον (Sitopedion - grain field).
Menelas commanded roughly twenty eight thousand, amongst them 3,000 cavalry, Thessalikoi and Thraikioi; 11,000 Phalangitai; 3,000 Agrianes; 3,200 Thureophoroi; 2,800 Galatikoi Kuarothoroi; 1,200 Peltastai Makedonikoi; 1,300 Thraikioi Peltastai and 3,000 Toxotai Kretikoi. Thirty three thousand were marching with Alexandros: among them 5,000 Thureophoroi and Keltohellenikoi; 6,500 Thorakitai; 2,000 Nubian Spearmen; 1,600 Peltastai; 1,200 Galatian Fanatics and finally, more than 14,000 Phalangitai, among them 4,800 belonging to the especially reliable Klerouchikon Agema. In fact, Menelas’ officers recommended to “better search for a fortified position or avoid the battle, since the gods’ goodwill cannot be at all times with the Makedones.”
But Menelas was the wrong character for a withdrawal. The careful advice of his officers is reported to have outraged him. When the Makedonian scouts reported to their Strategos – still on the march – that Alexandros’ troops were nearby and “of best confidence,” he ordered to march at a faster pace to reach the enemy the next day with sunrise, in order to avoid the scorching heat of the Syrian summer. However, when the Makedones reached the old estate, it must have been already around 11AM, and Menelas’ men had been marching the whole night without resting.
Opposite the little hill on which the estate lay and upon establishing a line of sight with the enemy, Menelas ordered his men into battle formation and to rush forward, since the Ptolemaioi were already rushing forward themselves in order to occupy the higher ground. Although being exhausted, the Makedones partially reached the high ground before the enemy, but on the right flank came only second to their adversaries. As a consequence, the Ptolemaioi concentrated their heaviest troops, notably the Klerouchikon Agema, on the spot and forced Menelas to counter these with his Peltastai Makedonikoi.
In the meantime, Alexandros’ phalanx concentrated on the right half of Menelas’ phalanx, using the higher ground to their advantage and bringing the Makedones into great danger. The Makedonian left wing was meanwhile occupied by diversionary attacks of Thureophoroi and Peltastai. Menelas ordered the Agrianes to circumvent the right flank and attack the Ptolemaic Thorakitai from the back, whereas the Kretans were told to greet the foe with arrows on fire. Alas, neither the attack from behind nor the hail of missiles could break the morale of the enemy.
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The Ptolemaic Peltastai occupy the Makedones.
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The lines at approximately midday.
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Under arrow fire.
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The troops of Alexandros are greeted with fire.
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At the right flank.
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Agrianikoi Pelekouphoroi charge in.
While the Makedones enveloped the Ptolemaic left, the diversionary attacks on the Makedonian left continued, and Alexandros’ phalanx was winning over Menelas’ Argyraspides. At this time, Menelas was forced to stake everything on one card: he ordered the Pezhetairoi on the left to attack with their swords, backed up by the Kretans who had spent all their arrows. At the same time, he led the cavalry around the right flank and charged the Ptolemaioi into their back.
On the Makedonian left, Menelas’ order proved to work: the Peltastai and Thureophoroi were routed and cut down; but on the right, the Ptolemaioi proved to be of great spirit. The Makedonian Thureophoroi and even the Argyraspides were sent routing, and the Hippeis Thessalikoi and the Thraikioi Prodromoi had lost nearly all their stamina under the unforgiving sun. Fortunately, a Συνταγμαρχος (Syntagmarchos) of the Pezhetairoi got aware of the situation on the other side of the battlefield. He left the chase after the enemy routers to the Kretans and ordered his men to crack down on the Ptolemaioi from the last open side and thus surround them. Seeing that they were surrounded, and further that they had been abandoned by their leader, the enemy soldiers finally lost their spirit and were cut to pieces.
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The Kretans pursue lighter Ptolemaic troops on the Makedonian left.
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No quarter is given to the enemy.
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The harvest of death.
And so, Menelas had won the battle by late afternoon. Not only the enemy got cut to pieces, but great parts of his own army as well. No unit that hadn’t lost at least a third of its men. The numbers are left to us: four thousand wounded and ten thousand dead for the Makedones, and nearly thirty three thousand losses for the troops of Alexandros. With the massacre at Sitopedion, the spine of the Ptolemaioi in Syria was broken. Effective defence of the possessions in Mesopotamia was rendered impossible – the Ptolemaioi had to concentrate on regrouping forces to ensure the protection of their domains further to the south. The fate of the defeated Alexandros has also come down to us: he had taken the opposite direction and was confronted and killed at a small Syrian town called Beroea. Around the Hellenic world, the news of the battle caught the attention of everyone. So far the war between the Makedones and the Pharaoh had been like a series of skirmishes in comparison to Sitopedion – but now everyone knew that the war was much more serious and bitter than ever thought.
Menelas gathered his troops and marched north, crossing the river again, this time at Nikephorion, pushing aside a Ptolemaic contingent under Leontiskos Thraikikos, a relative of the very Alexandros whom Menelas had just defeated. He marched further north unto Edessa, and to the southeast of the polis, at a town called Karrhai, finally won over Leontiskos and the garrison of Edessa. The hardships suffered by Menelas’ men were so dire that the Makedonian Strategos could not prevent them from sacking the city and killing many of her inhabitants. After so much blood had seeped into the Syrian grain fields, torrents of blood had to run down the streets of Edessa.
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At Nikephorion ("the victory-bringing").
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At Karrhai, or Carrhae as the Romans would have called it.
Perseus’ and Euphamios’ Levantine Campaigns
The same year Menelas was celebrating his successes in Assyria, Euphamios, the son of Perseus and his mistress, landed in Seleukeia Pieria together with Neikon Sepieus. With the consent of his father, he gathered a notable army numbering well over twenty thousand men. The soldiers where from almost all corners of the Royal Possessions. There were Keltohellenikoi and Galathraikes, five thousand Greeks fighting both in the traditional Hoplite and in the new Iphikratean style, six thousand Celts and the same number of natives to Karia called Uazali. The cavalry consisted of lightly armed Greeks and Celts.
Euphamios had been assigned the task of advancing south and breaking the Ptolemaic resistance in Phoinike, where a sizeable enemy force was stationed to defend the region. East of the Phoinikian city of Byblos, Euphamios and Neikon encountered the army of Protarchos Thraikikos and his brother Dyktis, further members of the influential family that was in command of the whole Ptolemaic Levant. Their army consisted of roughly ten thousand Phalangitai, among them the Klerouchon Agema. The rest of eighteen thousand was made up of mostly Arabian levies, but also heavy Galatian infantry and the pharaonic βασιλικων αγημα (Basilikon Agema, the Royal Guard).
The armies met on a plain along the road that traversed the country from Antiocheia in the north to Sidon and further to Hierosolyma. The heavy Somatophylakes of the Thraikikos brothers charged early in, putting the Uazali on the Makedonian flanks under pressure, whereas the Phalanx was slowly advancing over the field until it eventually reached the line of the Makedones. Since the troops of Euphamios were for a great part lighter than these of Protarchos, the battle soon evolved into a mess which made it almost impossible to tell the two sides apart. The Ptolemaic phalanx dealt heavy casualties to the mercenaries on the Antigonid side.
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Greek mercenaries in Makedonian service at Byblos.
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The Karioi counter the attack of the Ptolemaic cavalry.
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Galathraikes fight against the Basilikon Agema of the Pharaohs.
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The battle in an aereal view.
Euphamios intended to envelop the enemy, but that could only be partly achieved. Over the time, the heavy cavalry of the Thraikikos brothers was exhausted though, and Protarchos eventually fell. Euphamios and Neikon gathered their Somatophylakes, circled around the flanks and delivered a charge into the back of the enemy phalanx. Seeing this, Dyktis decided the battle was lost and turned around to flee, taking with him the rest of his army. The lighter armed mercenaries could run faster than the heavy troops of the Ptolemaioi and thus slaughtered a lot of them on their flight to the south. Casualties of the day might have numbered almost thirty five thousand, among them seven thousand on Makedonian side.
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Euphamios charges into the back of the enemy.
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The Makedones pursue the routing soldiers.
After the dead and wounded were taken care of, Euphamios continued his march but did not came far, only to the town of Berytos were his path was blocked by eight thousand Arabian levy skirmishers. Dyktis Thraikikos joined these troops in a futile intent to halt the Makedonian advance. This time he could not save his life. Only 2,500 made their way back to Sidon, and Euphamios could easily capture the city after a brief siege.
At the time Euphamios was making his way from Seleukeia Pieria towards Sidon, his father and heir to the trone Perseus was advancing on a parallel route southward. The natives were shown the new power in the region, and potential Ptolemaic rest troops could be mopped up. End point of Perseus march was Damaskos, a city so ancient as the Egyptian civilisation. The city was protected by Themistagoras Thraikikos and no more than six thousand men who were easily overcome by professional killers like Perseus’ Thraikioi Rhomphaiaphoroi.
This way, the areas of Kappadokia and Greater Syria had come under Makedonian influence in less than five years. Hundreds of thousands had died in this process. Pontos did not exist any more, but the Ptolemaioi were still strong. Palmyra was under the Ptolemaic yoke, and strong forces were already making their way from the Neilos to the north.The natives of Phoinike and Syria reeked their chance to make use of the political and military upheaval and turn it to their favour. In this situation of utmost tension, a herald reached Perseus in Damaskos and brought news from Makedonia: King Alkyoneus, already widely appended with the epithet Ασιοκρατωρ (Asiokrator, ruler over Asia), was dead.
Gah! That took me two hours to post!
I'm going on vacations, all comments will be answered in two weeks!
:applause: :bow:
Once again, astonishing work. Love some of the pictures as well. Also, I hope you enjoy your vacations!
Maion
P.S.: Alkyoneus died while conquering Asia in your campaign as well? What a coincidence :beam:
Just read it. Another good chapter.
I like the picture of the Ptolemaic standard bearer running away through the fallen.
Time for the era of a new Basileus. :2thumbsup:
Excellent chapter!
Thank you everybody. Your comments keep me doing this work. :yes:
Thank you Maion, I did enjoy my vacations very much indeed. Ιβεριαι γυναι καλλωτεραι... You get what I mean. ;)Quote:
Originally Posted by Maion Maroneios
I thought I'll do the battle of Sitopedion a bit more detailed than else because of its importance. Also I remember it better than other battles. :beam: Alkyoneus died at home in Pella, but yes, his main feat was the conquest of Asia.
Thank you and I'm glad you're still following my campaign. :yes: Perseus will be an... ah I won't tell what kind of Basileus he will be...Quote:
Originally Posted by MAA
Thank you very much. :bow:Quote:
Originally Posted by Horatius Flaccus
It's not dead! :egypt:
Anabasis Perseos (230 – 212 BC)
Introduction – Reforms and Revolts
The news of his newly acquired kingship reached Perseus in Damaskos, the Syrian city even ancient to the natives of Aigyptos. The new Basileus is reported to have received the message calmly. He knew the day would come, and a bit different to his father’s ascension to the throne, there was no need for a pithy sign of power. His abilities as a leader were the best within the royal house, and most likely even in the whole Hellenic world, since Pyrrhos the Epeirote had passed already 42 years ago. In fact, Perseus had awaited this moment since the news of Prince Demetrios’ death reached him at the Akademia of Athenai, in 252 BC. And his officers and soldiers were content because the lord they were serving had made a great step upwards, which meant a step upwards for them as well.
Nevertheless, Perseus was well aware of the nobles and their ambitions at home in Makedonia and knew that he had to abandon his campaign for the time being. The decision was necessary but not easy, since things were far from settled out in the Levant. The Phoinikes and the Syrians were not on very good terms with their Hellenic overlords, and the Ptolemaioi were still nowhere near defeated. Alas, Perseus knew that the key to a successful reign lay with these whom he wanted to follow him – the nobles in Makedonia proper – and made his journey back to Pella.
Before he left, Perseus did three things concerning the future of the region: first, he purchased the region of Sophene from the Seleukides for 500 Talents of silver; second, he signed a treaty of non-aggression with the Arabian Sabeans; and third, he handed over the command of his army to Archilochos Thessalonikeus, who immediately marched to Palmyra, confronted the Ptolemaic forces under Sesmas Thraikikos and took the city with average effort. The Palmyrenes though felt no affection towards the Hellenes and instead inclined heavily towards the distant kingdom of the Sabeans.
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Archilochos Thessalonikeus deploys his troops in the desert west of Palmyra.
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Unknown soldier wearing the Thureophoros-gear.
As soon as Perseus had left, things destabilised quickly. The troops that had garrisoned Koile Syria guarded the land called Tadmor, and the ones in Phoinike were not strong enough to prevent the natives from revolting. In a surprise coup, the Phoinikes threw the Makedones out and declared themselves allied to the Pharaoh. In Sophene, Koile Syria and Palmyra riots reigned the streets, turning law and public order into a farce. When little time later the tyrant of Krete exhaled his last breath, even the remote island was not safe from upheaval, and many thousand inhabitants found their death until Leon, last son of Antigonos II. Epanidrytes, landed on their shores and installed a satrapy. Finally, the city of Damaskos too got rid of her garrison and allied with Theodoros of the Seleukides.
So Perseus good start quickly turned into a nightmare. When he arrived in Pella, he was greeted by discontent peasants. The nobles of upper Makedonia had taken the opportunity that the vacuum provided to seize the peasants’ possessions and turn their fertile land into Κληροι (Kleroi), large domains that served no other purpose than to earn the aristocrats a luxurious living. The King was in a dilemma: The land-owning peasants made up the bulk of his Pezhetairoi, but on the other hand he needed the nobles’ support in the Κοινον Μακεδονων (the Koinon Makedonon, the General Assembly of the Makedones). Perseus needed the formal acclamation at home as much as that of the army, so he saw himself unable to do anything against the land robbery.
The fact that Damaskos searched the protection of the Seleukides had two consequences: first, a war with the Seleukides; and second, the break-up of the alliances with the Sabeans and the Romans who had been both allied to King Theodoros. Perseus immediately sent envoys to address the first and most important consequence. At first to the Armenians, whom he paid 2,000 Talents of silver [120,000 Mnai or 54 tons] to wage war against the Seleukides; and second to Theodoros, who happily agreed to give back Damaskos, since he was not interested in getting involved in Syrian affairs when he had to repel an Armenian invasion at the same time!
In Tadmor, the natives finally managed to throw Archilochos and his army out and declared themselves part of the “Sabean League of Arabia”. The Palmyrenes could summon 24,000 men that were armed with clubs, stones and all kind of household interior they could steel from their previous owners. Archilochos could regroup his army within a day, surrounded the unwalled city and let his soldiers loose. What followed was the bloodiest day in the history of Palmyra so far: the Makedones killed every man able to hold a stick, looted, raped and pillaged everyone and everything.
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The Thraikians take revenge.
To appease the populace, Perseus issued some changes in government: the Epeirotes, who had never sought liberty or unrest, were tied closer to the Makedonian state. As a reward for their loyalty, he declared the petty kingdoms of the Epeirote and Illyrian tribes part of the Makedonian fatherland. The Epeirotes were content, for they were granted full citizen rights, but the Makedonian nobles were not, for they feared the competition. Palmyra was allowed to exist as a client kingdom, and Koile Syria was granted the same government as it was within the Seleukid Empire. To the elders of Damaskos it was not important if they lived in a Σατραπεια Ημιαυτονομος (a semi-autonomous Satrapy) within the empire of Pella or that of Sousa. When it turned out that the Sabeans weren’t interested in Palmyra at all but happy to revert to peaceful terms with Makedonia, Perseus was able to breathe freely for the first time since more than a year.
Nice chapter. Time to solidify power and pass reforms. Seems to be the beginning of a very interesting period in your alternate history.
Great AAR, Centurio! :2thumbsup:
Just read the whole thing from start to finish.
Do you think you can post another one of those blown-up maps that shows the state of the Makedonian kingdom and its protectorates with the next update?
Nice work, Just read the last couple of chapters. Im really enjoying the maps of troop movements. Its really entertaining. I also liked all the turmoil in the Levant that you've had. Looking forward to more. :book:
Brilliant, Strength and Truth to Father Makedonia!!!
ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA!!!
Thank you very much for following. Your comments are very much appreciated. :bow:
I wanted to include a map, but I decided to delay it for the next chapter, since it will show the state of the kingdom in one or two years. I think the next update will probably have to feature two maps then. :sweatdrop:Quote:
Originally Posted by Chaotix
Don't let this die, Centurio, I enjoyed it.
Thank you for you interest (and patience), atm it's the amount of maps I'd have to draw and not so much the text. In any case, you can't expect more than one map per update. :sweatdrop: :shame:
Waiting for the domination to spread:p
Centurio,
Where do you get those fabulous campaign relief maps, if you don't mind sharing?? I'd really
like to have the basic relief maps for my project.
Michael
I feel so humbled that ppl still think about the Anabaseis. Thank you and I really want to add a few more chapters, but it's a lot of work and I have like ten things on my agenda atm.
The relief maps are from http://www.maps-for-free.com/. I brighten them up a bit and often combine several maps for the optimum result.
Thanks Centurio,
Those maps are exactly what I have been looking for and finally found.
And this is one amazing and idea-inspiring thread..
Michael C
It would be great to see another chapter, but RL always goes first!
Any chance you will continue this? This was the first AAR I actually found myself getting into.
Thank you for your interest in my story. I don't know if I will continue, since it's a hell lot of work to do. But personally I feel still attached to my campaign, despite having abandoned it for some time now. And also I'm writing a book atm...
Hey, just read through some of your last posts. I like the style and it looks like Sitopedion was one heck of a battle!
Great AAR, I love those maps.
thanks for the link, I'll be sure to use them.
Thank you.
Yes, Sitiopedion was extremely tense.