:bow:
I think the two situations are completely different. The rebellion in Libya was in many ways a very unique case within the greater Arab Spring movement in that it was highly orchestrated and militarized from the outset. To quote another report:Quote:
What do you think about the situation in Syria? Is there a real humanitarian crisis going on there or is it just propaganda like what happened with Libya?
The Libyan affair resembled a regional civil war far more than a genuine protest movement similar to others in the Arab Spring. Within the first few days of the protests, security forces were attacked, government buildings were razed, and arsenals were targeted, all in the absense of a true government crackdown. Small protests started on Febuary 15 and 16, with the more violent ones dealt with with water cannons, rubber bullets, and live fire into the air. On the 17th, a 'Day of Rage' was planned similar to that of other Arab Spring protests. These protests proved even more violent, and a small number of both 'protestors' and security forces were killed. The 'protestors' claim the government opened fire indiscriminantly on the protests, while the government claims armed groups deliberately targeted security and military installations. Contrary to media reports at the time that relied exclusively on rebel accounts, there is no evidence to support which side fired the first shots. The facts that strategic military installations and aresenals were immediately taken in carefully planned operations and Benghazi had completely fallen to armed groups just three days later suggests a level of organization that tends to support government assertions. CF2R found similar 'violent elements' in the protest movement from the outset as I quoted earlier:Quote:
At the same time, much Western media coverage has from
the outset presented a very one-sided view of the logic of
events, portraying the protest movement as entirely peaceful
and repeatedly suggesting that the regime’s security
forces were unaccountably massacring unarmed demonstrators
who presented no real security challenge.21 This
version would appear to ignore evidence that the protest
movement exhibited a violent aspect from very early on.
While there is no doubt that many and quite probably a
large majority of the people mobilised in the early demonstrations
were indeed intent on demonstrating peacefully,
there is also evidence that, as the regime claimed,
the demonstrations were infiltrated by violent elements.22
Likewise, there are grounds for questioning the more sensational
reports that the regime was using its air force to slaughter demonstrators, let alone engaging in anything
remotely warranting use of the term “genocide”.23
Further, the fortuitous emergence and unique make up of the NTC suggests that the rebellion was anything but a people's movement. Constituted in large part by former regime members, their media savvy propaganda campaign and business dealings betrayed a level of sophistication not seen in other Arab Spring movements. These guys were setting up a central bank and oil companies within weeks of the 'liberation' of Benghazi. They had delegations in the capitals of Europe not long after. These were hardly the 'people's councils' of Egypt and Syria.Quote:
In Benghazi, on February 12th, the people’s uprising was led and directed by a lawyer. After his arrest by Libyan police, the populace, egged on by three to four hundred activists, emerged again on the 15th February -#‐two days before the demonstrations named by social media -#‐ and started to attack the police stations, the barracks and the public buildings.
Two professors of the University of Benghazi,-#‐ met fortuitously in Djerba -#‐ told us that they saw surge out of the University ‘students’ whom they had never before seen and who led the demonstration. These ‘students’ threatened and assaulted the professors who would not take part in their actions and did not approve of their slogans.
These professors, deeply concerned for their safety, did not want to give us to publish their names.
From the start of the demonstrations, Islamists and criminals took advantage of the situation by attacking the high security prisons on the outskirts of Benghazi where their friends were locked up. After the freeing of these men, the mob attacked the police stations and the official buildings, and the inhabitants of the town woke to see the bodies of police officers hanging by the neck from bridges.
Many abuses and assaults also took place on black Africans who were all accused of being ‘mercenaries’, evictions, murders, imprisonment, and torture. These terrible actions and the fact that Gaddafi had helped their countries in the past were the reasons why many African countries strongly supported him.
During the first few days the efforts to regain control were carried out without using excess force, subsequently the forces of law and order fired over the heads of the mob and on the next day shot at them. There were some deaths and a number of wounded, as the French doctors working in the hospital there were able to confirm.
In short, powerful elements within Eastern Libya co-opted the organic protests of February 15 and 16 to take advantage of media sympathy for the greater Arab Spring movement in order to quickly and violently attack the apparatus of the state under the facade of peaceful demonstrations while at the same time feeding the media a steady stream of manufactured propaganda to engender Western sympathy and support. The entire narrative of peaceful protestors being slaughtered by a ruthless regime using mercenaries, anti-aircraft guns, planes and helicopters, was a carefully crafted and brilliant fabrication. It is ironic and slightly suspicious that Libya is the place the West chose to actively support the Arab Spring.
Contrast that to Iran, Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, where the disparate protest movements were far more organic and disorganized and far less violent than those in Libya. Each of those nascent movements, barring Tunisia iirc, endured prolonged periods of government repression while remaining largely peaceful. I am sure there is propaganda coming out of Syria, but simply by virtue of the length of the protests there is a far more substantial case for a real and carefully orchestrated government crackdown as opposed to Libya where genuine protests, if they ever existed, lasted nary a day before they militarized.
That being said, I think the recent move to embrace violence in Syria, while understandable, was a serious mistake. The unique power of peaceful protests is that they deny repressive governments their traditional means of asserting control. Violence against such protests creates negative externalities that far exceed any temporary gains. Engaging in armed revolt legitimizes the regime's use of force and puts the movement in a position it cannot win without outside intervention. In Syria, though, it can at least be said that they gave peaceful protest an earnest try.