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The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
ΑΝΑΒΑΣΕΙΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ
Τhe Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
by Centurio Nixalsverdrus
Χαιρετε! I'm currently one hundred years ahead in my campaign - but you should always watch history from a sufficiently big distance. Since my first report on the same subject was rather shortlived (I knew that and mentioned it right at the beginning), this one will be rather longlived - at least I hope so.
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Each king in the list of Antigonid dynasts will be mentioned here, starting with the first, Antigonos II. Gonatas. Recent excavations at the site of the palace at Pella have revealed to historians an unprecedented insight into the politics of the Makedonian Empire, starting at 272 BC, the year 46 of the Makedonian calendar. I used my deep insights to present you a short summary of the lives and deeds of the βασιλεις [1] that shaped the world to their liking - the αναβασεις [2].
Table of Content
Anabasis Antigonou (283 – 246 BC)
Introduction – The Pyrrhic Incursion
Part 1 – The Chremonidean War (272 – 269 BC)
Part 2 – The First Epeirote War (273 – 265 BC)
Part 3 – The Kalabrian War (263 – 257 BC)
Part 4 – Hegemony (256 – 246 BC)
Anabasis Alkyoneos (246 – 230 BC)
Introduction – A Momentous Treaty
Part 1 – The Ptolemaic War: The Campaigns in Mikra Asia (243 – 236 BC)
Part 2 – The Pontic and Kappadokian War (240 – 232 BC)
Part 3 – The Ptolemaic War: The Campaigns in Syria (234 – 230 BC)
Anabasis Perseos (230 – 212 BC)
Introduction – Reforms and Revolts
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Note that there will be some Greek expressions like [1] αναβασεις (the Anabaseis) or [2] βασιλεις (the kings) that will show in Greek letters. However, not every Greek word will be written in Greek, only some that would keep their Greek character albeit transscripted into English. This will mostly apply to epithets and unit names. In any case you'll find a footnote for each in the respective chapter. Also note that I will keep the Greek words in minuscules due to their appearance in the text. The contemporaries wrote exclusivly in capital letters.
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Anabasis Antigonou (283 – 246 BC)
Introduction – The Pyrrhic Incursion
In 272 BC, Makedonia was still a young power. In fact, it again had yet to become something resembling a power. For the majority of its history, it had been a poor country. It is situated at the northern edge of the Greek peninsula, basically the land that lies above the Gulf of Thermai, which extends between the northern shores of Thessalia, the Makedonian lowland and the Chalkidike peninsula. The cities on the shores of the gulf were originally free πολεις (poleis, cities) that had been subjugated by the Makedonian kings not very long ago. The lands of Upper Makedonia, regions like Elymaia and Eordaia, Orestis and Lynkestis were more loyal to their respective nobles than to their king who always had to take into consideration the interests of these men.
Pella, the Makedonian Capital had been founded only 140 years ago at the end of the fifth century by King Archelaos I. The Greeks of the poleis to the south looked down upon the Makedones and called them βαρβαροι (barbaroi, barbarians), setting them on a level with Thracians or Illyrians. Despite their Greek tongue, the Makedones were for a long time denied participation at the Olympic Games in Elis. The motor of Greek culture were the poleis, and not the poor kingdom to the north. Makedonia’s importance was limited to being a producer of timber and pitch for a long time.
When Philippos II. and Alexandros III. Μεγας (Megas, the Great) reigned over Makedonia, the country saw its greatest extent. Philipp invented the famous phalanx and subjugated the southern Greeks and Thracians alike. Alexander took the stunning work of his father and made it into a masterpiece; his kingdom reached from the Adriatic in the west to the Oxos river in the east, to a country that Greeks had not even heard of before. However, as is well known in history, the empire soon crumbled upon the Great’s death and fell into inner feuding between his former generals. Makedonia itself had to stick to a well known role: that of a minor kingdom at the edge, be it the edge of the world or the edge of the civilisation of Hellas.
The present King of Makedonia, Antigonos II. Γονατας (Gonatas, "the Knock-Kneed"), was the son of Demetrios Πολιορκητης (Poliorketes, the Besieger), who in turn was the son of Antigonos Μονοφθαλμος (Monophthalmos, the One-Eyed). He claimed the title of Βασιλευς Μακεδονιας (Basileus Makedonias, King of Makedonia) in 283 BC, but it wasn’t until 276 BC that he could really take possession of the throne of the Kingdom. He was held captive by Pyrrhos of Epeiros, Lysimachos, Seleukos and Ptolemaios Κεραυνος (Keraunos, "Lightning") who was killed during the Celtic invasion in 279 BC. Antigonos fought off the Celts and defeated them two years later at Lysimachia, which earned him enough support to be acclaimed King by the Assembly of the Army.
Due to its geographic position, Makedonia was often subject to incursions from different people: Thracians, Illyrians, Greeks, Persians, recently Celts and, at the moment, Epeirotes. The Epeirote League, consisting of the three chief tribes of the region, the Chaionians, the Thesprotians and the Molossians, was presided by the Molossian King Pyrrhos. With an eventful past as Demetrios Poliorketes' general and hostage at Ptolemaios’ court, the Aiakides had become one of the most talented, admired and feared leaders of the time. He had campaigned against the Romans in Italy, and against the Carthaginians in Sicily. Pyrrhos decided the time was ripe to once again claim the throne of Makedonia for himself and crossed the sea to Hellas with 8000 foot and 500 horse. He defeated Antigonos and took possession of central Makedonia, leaving only the coastal cities to the Makedonian. Gallic mercenaries looted the Royal Tombs of the Argeades at Aigai, leaving the bones scattered about. Such insults were it that brought the Makedones up against Pyrrhos, giving Antigonos a breath to rally fresh troops in Greece.
Antigonos was soon joined by his brother Krateros. The combined force sailed north along the coast and disembarked in Thessalonike. In the meantime, Antigonos’ son and heir to the throne Alkyoneus had to defend Pella against an Epeirote attack. In the absence of the king, Pyrrhos had thought it wise to divide his forces, dispatching a smaller contingent, counting no more than 11,000 foot and 12 elephants, to attack the Capital of the Makedones. He intended a rush to take Pella by surprise, without wasting time on the construction of siege works, as it fitted the Epeirote’s character. But Alkyoneus proved himself an able leader: with over 3,500 ψιλοι (Psiloi, skirmishers of lower rank) from the Makedonian highland, he managed to kill the elephants from behind the walls, forcing the Epeirotes to retreat.
Pleased by the good news from his son, Antigonos started to march his army westward. With him were 20,000 foot, including 9,600 φαλαγγιται (Phalangitai), and 2,000 horse. The army of Pyrrhos was outnumbered by 1:2, but Pyrrhos had another 12 elephants, a better trained phalanx, a regiment of υπασπισται (Hypaspistai), Cretan archers and Thracian πελτασται (Peltastai). The armies met on a plain near the city of Edessa in Bottia. Under heavy casualties, the Makedonian cavalry managed to bring down the elephants on the Epeirote right, whereas Pyrrhos wasted his life on the left wing. Stabbed by a σαρισα (Sarissa, an 18ft lance), the Molossian fell from his horse. Soon the morale of his troops sank and the whole army turned to flee the battle, followed and massacred by the victorious Makedones. That day Antigonos lost a third of his army, some 6,000 stayed on the field. The Epeirotes on the other hand lost their whole army, more than 10,000 men. Pyrrhos had made a strategic error which had cost him his and his soldiers’ lives. Towards the end of the year, Pyrrhos’ son Ptolemaios was caught and killed in Tymphaia. But the Aiakides were by no means defeated, and in the south another threat had already surged.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Interesting. Make it less serious, that way more ppl. will like it. Its the same reason i don't like The Book of Kings, NOT ENOUGH HUMOUR.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
I personally like it. its almost like reading a good history book. keep it up! ill be reading this one.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
I like it that way too. Nothing wrong with seriousness for me. Although I have slight doubts about the greek letters in the narrative text. Might be more of an obstacle for those who can read greek only with difficulty (like me). Anyway - good start. Keep it up.:2thumbsup:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Excellent! Finally, the greatness of Makedonia shall shine again! ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA!
Maion
P.S.: Romaioi, tremble...
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
I second that, ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA!!!! =D
And... DEATH TO THE ROMAIOI!!!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
the man with no name
Interesting. Make it less serious, that way more ppl. will like it. Its the same reason i don't like The Book of Kings, NOT ENOUGH HUMOUR.
You know that there are ppl in this world that simply aren't funny right?
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
it's called trolling, and they're -almost- as bad as being a romaioi, especially when they're trolling an AAR of Makedonia. ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA!!!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
very good start - excellent attention to the greek and a confident style that i approve of. i look forward to more maps and tales of makedonian derring-do.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Nice start, Centurio! :2thumbsup:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thank you very much for your support!! I'm really glad you like it. :yes: :yes: :yes:
There will be irony in the next update, in a few days problably, I promise. Also, wishes and constructive criticism are always welcome (praises of course too). :wink:
Big thanks to Maion, who provides me with Greek words and their exact spelling! Feel free to comment if you spot an error. :smiley:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
This looks really great!:applause::applause:(Added to my favourites:yes:)
I like your style and the screenshots. Hope you will have an epic fight and some occasional setbacks to spice things up :drama2:
I am looking forward for the next chapter:2thumbsup:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
satalexton
DEATH TO THE ROMAIOI!!!
Of course, how could I forget! Btw, all readers of this AAR as well should join our Social Group, the Romaioiktonoi. We lack the necessary manpower to make any legal (*cough*) moves against the filthy barbaroi.
EDIT: Btw, I believe we should make this our moto. And I mean it's Greek form, so: THANATOS EIS ROMAIOYS!
Maion
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Part 1 – The Chremonidean War (272 – 269 BC)
Philippos had once defeated the southern Greeks at Chaironeia and forced them into a thinly disguised subjugation which was denominated “Corinthian League” by later historians. In 335 BC, as Alexander had followed his father on the throne of Makedonia, Thebai revolted and as a consequence was razed to the ground within 12 days. Since then, Greece was dominated by the northern kingdom, but it caused discontent within its leading class that dreamed of the old days of glorious poleis. The most prominent among these men was a man called Chremonides, an experienced and ambitious politician. Observing Makedonia being invaded by the armies of Pyrrhos and barely capable of defending itself, he thought his time had arrived.
To reach his aims, Chremonides knew he had to find allies who would share his cause. Sparte was a proud city, never having bowed to the northerners. Its military tradition was old, and although the Spartan forces did not resemble their glory of Thermopylai and Plataiai, Chremonides appreciated their worth very much. Rhodos on the other hand was rich, self-confident and, most importantly, its coffers were boasting with silver. Being located in an advantageous and trade-benefiting position, supported by a strong fleet, the Rhodians wanted to extend their power alike. Last, but surely not least, Ptolemaios II. Φιλαδελφος (Philadelphos, “who takes after his brother”) of Alexandria sought to weaken the Antigonids as well, seeing the Seleukid allies as rivals to his increasing power in the Aegean. He gladly donated the funds necessary to build up the needed forces.
Watching Antigonos sailing north, Chremonides signalled his Spartan allies the moment had come to execute his plan. Eudamidas Eurypontidos of Lakedaimonia assaulted the city of Korinthos with a vastly superior force of hoplites, including the famous Spartans. More than 12,000 were brought to attack the city, which was defended by only 6,000 poorly equipped militia hoplites. Alexandros, the governor of Korinthos, made a sally and managed to kill a good deal of the more lightly equipped enemies, but at the city centre, the defenders stood no chance against the Lakonian élite. When Alexandros arrived back at the αγορα (agora, an open place in the centre), it was too late: the defenders had fallen, and the Spartans brought Alexandros down, taking the city and the Peloponnesos.
Upon hearing the news that Makedonia now had lost all its southern holdings except for the cities of Euboia, Antigonos and Krateros were frozen. Not only had they lost Korinthos, but Krateros had lost his son. For the Greeks of the poleis the war might have been an act of self-defence, but for the Makedones it was rebellion. As news reached Makedonia that an Athenian force had put Demetrias, the city of Antigonos’ father under siege, it was decided that the threat had to be confronted immediately. Having raised new levies of Phalangitai, twenty-five thousand Makedones headed south. The small Athenian force lifted the siege and retreated to Attike. Antigonos rested the winter in Demetrias, and as soon as the roads permitted marching, he continued to Korinthos, taking the city by force. The defenders were few, not more than a thousand, but fought bravely until the end. Eudamidas himself was hit by a roof tile that a pro-Makedonian citizen had thrown onto the combatants from the top of his house.
While action was taking place on the Peloponnesos, Areus, the King of Sparte, was campaigning on Kreta where he tried to hire mercenaries for his cause. His success was modest, and upon hearing the news of Eudamidas’ death, he set sail to Attike, disembarked and marched unto Korinthos. Antigonos and Krateros were not idle either and, having large numbers, not quality under their command, decided it would be best to search battle on the open field. The best option for this was a place near Aigosthena, on the isthmus between mainland Greece and the Pelopponesos.
The Makedones set up camp at the shoreline towards the Gulf of Korinthos. Areus, who was already credited with dementia due to his old age, decided it would be best to attack straight on. 12,000 Athenian troops were on their way to reinforce him, but Areus did not give in to his advisors, instead pointing out that “the glory had to belong to the Spartans,” and so his 12,000 mostly lighter troops, including Cretan archers, had to take on the Makedones on their own. The phalanx held the line as expected, but the Greek citizen militia hoplites on the right, towards the shore, were quickly brought into great danger. Seeing this, Krateros, “ο Παλαιμαχος” (o Palaimachos, “the Old Warhorse”) as he was called, lined up his εταιροι (Hetairoi) and λονχοφοροι (Lonchophoroi) on the beach and charged in thunderously, routing not only the Spartan left but the whole body of troops. The enemy inevitably ran for the hills, but very few could flee the unforgiving slashes of the Makedonian κοπεις (Kopeis, slashing swords). To Krateros’ great disappointment, Areus could not be found among the bodies. Only two days later, the Athenians arrived, but the account they gave of themselves was so poor that it suffices to say here that the battle was won, the Greek losses were overwhelming and the King of the Spartans remained missing. History would never reveal anything of him again.
The day after, the weakened state of Chremonides’ alliance became obvious. Makedonian scouts reported no Greek forces for the whole of the Peloponnesos, and only few for Attike. Krateros wanted to march south to take revenge for his son, whereas Antigonos wanted to march east to take on Chremonides himself. In a bold decision, the King ordered the army to be divided: for himself, 5,500 Phalangitai, 2,400 Greek militia and the same number of Psiloi, plus an additional 850 Celtic mercenaries. Krateros would lead 6,100 Phalangitai, 1,200 σφενδωνεται (Sphendonetai), and 950 cavalry.
Krateros immediately left for the south, and was ambushed near the small city of Lyrkaia by ten thousand lightly armed Lakonians. Krateros ordered his more heavily armed soldiers into the woods, thus avoiding the deadly bullets of the slingers, where they managed to whittle the enemy down in melee. A few weeks later, Krateros found Sparte defended only by Peltastai and a detachment of not more than 120 of the famous σπαρτιαται οπλιται (Spartiatai Hoplitai). Without any further problems, he entered the little, ill-fortified city and easily dealt with its few defenders. Driven by his thirst for revenge and his hatred of everything Spartan, Krateros ordered the population to be massacred. Nevertheless he took advantage of the Spartan society and ordered only the ομοιοι (Homoioi, Spartans by blood) to be slaughtered – a wise move that granted the overwhelming support of the Lakonian populace.
To the north, as his brother was slaughtering the Lakedaimonians, Antigonos had reached the region of Acharnai in Attike, as he was suddenly confronted by a light Greek force, numbering some 8,000 foot, of whom no more than 2,500 were hoplites. The terrain was favourable and the attack of the Hellenes easily repelled. Antigonos though gave chase to catch Chremonides, but he was protected by his bodyguards, and so the Athenian managed to save his life and flee. Antigonos laid siege to the city. After a year of war in the south, the army spent the winter in front of the famous polis.
When spring hit, the King was soon informed of a new Epeirote incursion into Makedonia. Antigonos left for the north, and the siege of Athenai was continued by the troops of Krateros under General Hesperos. Krateros himself was busy setting up Makedonian order for Lakonia. However, as soon as the King had left the theatre, a noble called Chaireias of Thasos landed with 3,200 hoplites and 3,000 light horse on the shores of Attike to relieve Chremonides. Hesperos had only 7,200 levied Makedones at his disposal against the élite of Chaireias’ and Chremonides’ hand-picked guards and decided to position his phalanx on a steep hillside near the city. His Sphendonetai took care of the enemy’s ιππακοντισται (Hippakontistai); the superior force of Makedonian and Thessalian heavy cavalry reigned the field unchallenged, slaughtering the enemy skirmishers. Under great losses, the phalanx could fight off the attack of the Greek επικλετοι οπλιται (Epikletoi Hoplitai, the “Chosen Hoplites”). Eventually their morale broke and the northerners chased them back to the city. This time neither Chremonides nor Chaireias could be protected by their bodyguards: both stayed on the field.
Although their leader had fallen, the polis resisted further and levied new troops in the Iphikratean style. The city continued under siege, but the league that Chremonides had formed had ceased to exist. Almost two years later, in the winter of 269 BC, the Athenians made their last sally. Those among the rich citizens that had supported the league and survived where sold into slavery. Euchrous of Mytilene, at the time commander of the Makedonian forces in Attike, did not dare to touch the ακροπολις (Akropolis, the hill-city) though and left the city intact. Five years later, Alkyoneus captured Rhodos and destroyed the κολοσσος (Kolossos), visible sign of Makedonian humiliation. The resistance that Chremonides had formed ended all dreams of Greek independence for fifty years to come.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Olaf Blackeyes
You know that there are ppl in this world that simply aren't funny right?
I guess your right. i'm just used to funny AAR's
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Dammit!!
Why is it that the little guys NEVER win?
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Olaf Blackeyes
Dammit!!
Why is it that the little guys NEVER win?
Exactly.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Oh how dare you kill the KH! They are the only real Greeks, Makedonian barbaroi get out of Greece
Sorry Maion, it needed to be said :help:
Anyway, nice AAR it's a good read :2thumbsup:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
*impales Potocello with a plasma sarrisa*
ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA!!!!!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Good chapter. Good to see united under strong leadership.
I was sad Alexandros died. He was important in my game/AAR.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Potocello
Oh how dare you kill the KH! They are the only real Greeks, Makedonian barbaroi get out of Greece
Sorry Maion, it needed to be said :help:
Anyway, nice AAR it's a good read :2thumbsup:
You are a filthy barbaros blasphemer! Us, Makedones, sons of the Dorieis of which the Lakedaimonioi hail from, being called barbaroi? :2thumbsup:
Btw, excellent update Centurio :wink:
Maion
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Maion Maroneios
You are a filthy barbaros blasphemer! Us, Makedones, sons of the Dorieis of which the Lakedaimonioi hail from, being called barbaroi? :2thumbsup:
Btw, excellent update Centurio :wink:
Maion
heh heh heh :whip:
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AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thanks everyone!
Quote:
Originally Posted by
MarcusAureliusAntoninus
Good chapter. Good to see united under strong leadership.
I was sad Alexandros died. He was important in my game/AAR.
I was sad too since his name was Alexandros. I fear that this won't be the last disappointment about characters that played an important role in the parallel universe of the Antigonids. :no: :laugh4:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
i agree with maion and saxalton macedon the truely greatest kingdom and nice aar
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thanks for your comments, the next chapter is underway.
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Part 2 – The First Epeirote War (273 – 265 BC)
When word reached Antigonos that the Epeirotes had invaded Makedonia once more, he left the siege of Athenai to his loyal officer Hesperos, again opting for the route via the Gulf of Thermai. That would have narrowly proved fatal: opposite of Pydna the fleet was attacked by pirates far superior to the Makedones, albeit only in numbers. Antigonos’ sailors were almost at the point of ignoring all order and fleeing when they saw them, but the King gave an encouraging speech and managed to turn the tide. Some vessels and soldiers were lost, but the bulk of the troops reached Thessalonike in safety. Rumours circulated that the pirates were sent by Ptolemaios of Alexandria; but, like always when the Ptolemaioi were involved, nothing could be proved.
In Makedonia, Alkyoneus had already assembled another two regiments of Phalangitai. Antigonos and the heir to the throne joined and marched westward, past Edessa into Eordaia. Near the town of Bokeria, the army met the forces of Kyniskos Kartonos, a general of the Aiakides from Taras. He had 16,000 under his command, of whom were 1,800 προδρομοι (Prodromoi), and another thousand of the feared Illyrian cavalry. The Makedones had only 150 loyal retainers on horseback, but 18,000 infantry. At first the Epeirotes were greeted by the Makedonian Sphendonetai with a hail of lead. Kartonos started a diversionary attack on the phalanx when the Illyrians attacked the weak Makedonian left. Antigonos and Alkyoneus charged them and, although outnumbered, managed to chase them off the field. The whole Epeirote army lost the faith in victory and routed. The Makedones gave chase and managed to kill Kyniskos.
In winter camp, Antigonos decided that, after two decisive victories, the time was right to offer the Epeirotes a peace treaty. Ambassadors were sent over the mountainside, but returned with a rejection. Having still forces at his disposal, Helenos Aiakides, Pyrrhos’ son and new leader of the Epeirote League, aimed to revenge his brother and father. Alkyoneus returned to Pella and sent his father new recruits to replenish his ranks.
When spring arrived, the Makedones continued their march through the wilderness when they were suddenly ambushed by an enemy force near Argos Orestikon. On a steep slope, covered with thick wood, the Makedones ran into Gallic mercenaries and Greek ιππεις (Hippeis), but mostly skirmishers, perfectly fitted for combat in rugged terrain, more than 7,000 ακοντισται (Akontistai) on foot and 2,000 mounted. Especially the phalanx, that couldn’t act cohesively, and the militia hoplites suffered horrible casualties. In the end though, the Makedones managed to slaughter the foe in the forests. Many of the Psiloi fled into the thicket and were never seen again.
Now aware of the tactics that the new king of the Molossians preferred to employ, Antigonos ordered extreme caution during the march through the Balkans. After a month in the wilderness, the Makedones rejoiced when they arrived on an open plain near the shores of the Ionian Sea. To their north lay the town of Epidamnos, from where the Epeirotes used to control the southern part of Illyria. Outside the city was Helenos with more than 6,000 levied Illyrians. Antigonos immidiately attacked and routed the small force, but Helenos managed to escape to Epidamnos. When the citizens saw Antigonos’ army, they promptly surrendered the city to him. In the modest palace, the young king was found dead. Disappointed by the cowardice of his underlings, he had ended his life with his own sword.
While King Antigonos campaigned in Illyria Hellenike to get rid of a smaller army loyal to the Molossians, Prince Alkyoneus in Makedonia managed to obtain a peace treaty with the Getic Confederacy to the north. The Getai lived north of the Istros River (the Danube), even north of the Traikians with whom they were closely related by culture and language. It was in Makedonias best interest. The Getai were a rising power, their King had only recently subjugated the tribes to the west, and within the next 15 years, the relations between Makedonia and the Getic Confederation would grow into a strong alliance. So content upon hearing the good news, Antigonos congratulated his son to his success and sent another diplomatic envoy to the Epeirote League, thinking he could take advantage of the uncertainty that reigned with regards to the leadership of the League.
As the Epeirotes did not answer, Antigonos' officers wanted the King to exert more pressure on the enemy and march south, to Ambrakia. But the King was reluctant. He was totally content with the direction the things had taken. Athenai had fallen, the Greeks were garrisoned and ruled by loyal puppets, and he had just conquered an access to the Ionian Sea for his kingdom. Why wasting more efforts on the Epeirotes? When word reached Antigonos that they were assembling an army though, he regretfully gave in and ordered the invasion of Epeiros proper.
After having been reinforced by Alkyoneus, Antigonos met his enemies in 267 BC, the 17th year of his reign. A Tarantine called Antinous Kestrideus had been appointed Στρατηγος Αυτοκρατωρ (Strategos Autokrator, Commander-in-Chief) by the representatives of the Epeirote tribes. In the summer heat, the armies met only a short distance west of Dodona, the site of the famous Oracle of Zeus. The two armies numbered both roughly 20,000. On the Makedonian side, 13,000 Phalangitai, 3,600 militia hoplites and 3,200 Psiloi. The only cavalry of the Makedones consisted of the 150 Hetairoi of Antigonos and Alkyoneus. On the Epeirote side, only a small phalanx, almost 5,000 poorly equipped hoplites, 2,000 Gallic mercenaries and 1,600 Θορακιται (Thorakitai). The cavalry was the pride of their army, 1,000 Prodromoi and even 1,000 of the élite εταιροι ασπιδοφοροι (Hetairoi Aspidophoroi), completed by numerous Psiloi, both on foot and horse.
The terrain at Dodona was uneven, a lot of wood covered the ground. Antigonos arrayed his troops in a long line on a gently rising open slope. The Makedones could not see the enemy, which terrified them greatly. Then suddenly, the Epeirote cavalry broke through. The light Hetairoi started to pelt the left flank with javelins, thus making the Makedones suffer great casualties before their own cavalry managed to drive them off the field. As Antigonos was chasing the Aspidophoroi, the heavy Epeirote Thorakitai made use of his absence and attacked the weakened left, whereas the Gallic mercenaries threw themselves against the Sarissai of the Phalanx. Soon the Epeirote commander and his own Molossian retainers entered the clearing and routed the Makedonian left, bringing the entire Phalanx into great danger. At this moment, Antigonos arrived back from his chase. Although already greatly tired, he charged the enemy in the back. Now under pressure himself, Antinous gave signal for retreat. The Makedones wanted to follow them, but their king wisely made them hold their ground instead, rightfully fearing the dangers of uncontrolled combat in the wood.
The next day, the Epeirotes would have regained their order and made a second attack. They did not change their tactics though, and the fight developed in the same manner as seen before. The Thorakitai attacked the Makedonian left flank, and the Molossian retainers charged in. The Makedonian cavalry attacked the enemy force from behind, managing to kill the Epeirote Strategos. The whole army broke, and this time Antigonos could not prevent his troops from giving chase. The bulk of the Epeirote troops were slaughtered in the wood, the rest deserted and was never seen again. The day cost 4,000 Makedones their lives, but on the enemy’s side the casualties numbered over 20,000.
One week later, Antigonos and Alkyoneus entered the city of Ambrakia without any further resistance. The remainder of the Epeirote leading class, mainly the rest of the Aiakid dynasty and their most influential generals, had hastily left Greece for Italy or had already been there, occupied with their other war against the rising city of Roma. From their stronghold in Taras, the Aiakides managed to continue the war against the Antigonids at sea. Their fleet even managed to beat the Makedonian one before it was finally beaten in 265 BC near the mouth of the Ambrakian Gulf.
This marked the final end of the First Epeirote war. It had lasted for eight years of bitter fighting. It was started by Pyrrhos when the height of his power had already passed, and its outcome decided the fate of Epeiros. It was now under Makedonian control; Antigonos installed the same type of administration in the west as he did in the south, an indirect rule via loyal local rulers, backed up by a strong Makedonian garrison. Even with the Ptolemaioi, who were occupied with their own war against the Seleukidai, a peace treaty could be achieved. All of a sudden, the Makedonian Kingdom was the hegemonial power in Greece once more, a position lost since the days of Demetrios Poliorketes.
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Excellent, as always. By the way, the little "treat" for the viewers we've discussed is underway. It took me a lot longer to finish, since RL (University, mostly) is costing me WAY too much time...
Maion
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
JOY!!! Let there be peace under Makedonian rule!!!
ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Good chapter. Good beginning for a powerful empire.
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thanks for commenting. :bow: The next chapter will cover the Kalabrian War.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Nice work, enjoying this so far. Great pictures!
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Part 3 – The Kalabrian War (263 – 257 BC)
The Second Epeirote War (263 – 259 BC)
In the same year the Epeirotes signed the final peace treaty, an alliance with the thriving power of Roma was achieved. The belligerent inhabitants of the central Italian city had had their share of problems with the Aiakid ambitions as well. Pyrrhos had campaigned against them, but failed to bring them to his knees at Asculum. The Romans had ambitions in Sicily, and therefore agreed to a peace treaty with the Aiakides. As their efforts on the island proved to be leading nowhere, the Romans shifted their attention to the Greeks in the south of their peninsula again.
In 264 BC, the Makedonian heir to the throne Alkyoneus set sail for Rhodos and captured the island, a cunning deed that brought him the title Νικησας Ροδου (Nikesas Rhodou), but deprived of the Ptolemaic allies, the island had become an easy prey for the Makedones. The treaty with the Pharaoh of Alexandria had brought the Antigonids nominal control over every island in the Aigaion, but to make it reality, Alkyoneus had to go to Kreta and subjugate the inhabitants. At the same time, roughly two years after the First Epeirote War had ended, the Aiakides sent out a fleet with an army to Aitolia. Undoubtedly, their intention was to regain a foothold on mainland Greece. The συνεδριον (Synedrion) of the Aitolians, after a long and heated debate, asked Antigonos for help. They didn’t trust the northerner very much, but feared the Epeirote forces too much to venture the stand on their own.
The Aitolians were by no means weak. Often had they taken up arms against Makedonia. Nevertheless Antigonos prepared his army once again and marched south, fearing the efforts of the last war could have been made in vain. And indeed, when he arrived in Aitolia, news reached him that the Aiakid forces had abandoned their siege of Thermon and were instead marching towards Ambrakia! Now angered, the King decided that the time had come to teach the Aiakides a lesson once more. North of Ambrakia, the two armies confronted each other. The Epeirotes brought Tarantine horse and Samnite élite infantry to the field and loudly chanted for liberation of their homeland, something Antigonos could not permit to be heard. Not much is left to us from the battle itself, but the losses were quite high, especially the phalanx and the ιππεις θεσσαλικοι (Hippeis Thessalikoi) suffered greatly, but in the end the enemy was expelled from Greek soil.
The King was content with this achievement and didn’t want to engage in a war in Italia, especially since the Aiakid dynasts were again at war with the Senate of Roma. Contrary to Pyrrhos, Antigonos was a careful diplomat and knew that interference in the Roman sphere of influence could only be detrimental to the new alliance. Furthermore, his loyal Strategos Euchrous of Mytilene was campaigning in Thraikia to bring the lands of the Dardanoi under control, a region directly bordering the Makedonian homeland. As Alkyoneus had just starved out Kydonia, the chief city of the Kretans, word came that the Epeirotes had taken Arpoi, a rural town on the Italian peninsula, and control of Apulia now lay in their hands as well.
Alkyoneus decided to take the war to the Aiakides. Not caring for his father’s policies, he sought further glory and wanted to add a new outpost to the Makedonian Kingdom. With 12,000 Phalangitai, 3,200 well equipped Hoplitai, 4,200 Psiloi and 700 Hippakontistai, he sailed to Kalabria and disembarked at Brentesion at the very edge of the Peninsula. When the Molossian king Alexandros in Taras heard of the invasion, he called for his trusted General Antikras Tiaios and the troops under his command. The Epeirote had 1,000 Hippeis, 4,600 Hoplitai, 3,000 Phalangitai, 1,600 each of Θουρεοφοροι (Thureophoroi) and Peltastai, 2,000 Ligurians and almost 5,000 Bruttian infantry under his command.
When the day of battle had arrived, the armies met each other on a plain a day’s journey east of Taras. Alkyoneus deployed his troops on a slightly rising slope and the Epeirotes attacked: the phalanx at the centre, the Bruttians at the Makedonian right and the Hoplites at the left. The Greek cavalry made a charge but was beaten by the Prince’s own guard. In the meantime, Alexandros and his Strategos circumvented around the right flank and threatened the Makedones from behind. The Hippakontistai countered the attack but were inferior to the heavy Molossian guard, who dealt them heavy casualties. Just in time, Alkyoneus managed to reach the fight, decide it and kill Alexandros. The Epeirotes were broken and turned to flee to Taras, but were cut down mercilessly by the Makedones. More than 22,000 Epeirote casualties stood against only 2,000 Makedonian dead. The victory was so overwhelming that even Antigonos could not deny his son the deserved praise.
The next day, Alkyoneus reached Taras. Kalabria was now firmly under Makedonian control, but the populace was unhappy with their new overlords. The city was prosperous despite the ongoing wars, and so the Prince decided to relocate over 70,000 Italiotai to Makedonia to colonise her scorched earth. The final end of the Epeirote state had come. It was said there was still an Aiakid prince in Arpoi, but his loyal retainers kept his existence secret for the moment. The Senate of Roma shifted his attention again to Sicily for a short time, where small skirmishes between Romans and Carthaginians took place. The Italiotai made a proposal: If Roma would grant them protection instead of fighting them, they would obey loyally to Roma, govern themselves in the Roman way, pay tribute and provide troops for the war against the Carthaginians. Since the Senatores thought the Aiakid dynasty to be extinct and the foe defeated, they agreed and made the Italiotai their protectorate, similar to the other socii of Italia.
The First Roman War (259 – 257 BC)
Alkyoneus knew very well that his hands were tied. Any further pursue of power on the peninsula would lead to a war with Roma, and that was something that neither he nor his father wanted. Antigonos had agreed to the alliance to grant the Kingdom a stable and prosperous future instead of being torn apart by rivalling powers. Nevertheless, Alkyoneus wanted to secure his Italian foothold. The diplomat Quintus Caecilius Metellus was not only a leading figure within Roman nobility, but also at the negotiations with the Italiotai. His premature death would be a severe ordeal for the relations between the Romans and the Italian Greeks.
Excerpt from Quintus Fabius Pictor: Historia Romana, liber XVII:
“Q. Caecilius Metellus was guest in the house of Antikras Tiaeus, Legatus Legionis Apuliae and former Strategus of the King from Epirus, who had fallen in the great battle of Tarentum. They had just laid down for dinner, when suddenly a servant came into the hall and warned Caecilius not to drink from the Falernian wine that his host had just served him. Outraged, Antikras asked how he would dare to insult him in such a way, but the servant explained that it was the Macedonian Prince Alkyoneus that tried to poison his guest. Having heard that, Antikras demanded the servant to prove his claims. In worry for the future of his people, the servant drank Caecilius’ cup of wine and died immediately. Now convinced by the selfless deed, Caecilius headed for the city and convinced his fellow Senatores of a war against the Macedonians.”
And so came it that in 258 BC, the Romans attacked Taras with a weak force, but failed in their attempt to drive the Makedones into the sea. Antigonos, who was outraged at his son’s imprudence, ordered Alkyoneus back to Greece. The Aitolians had broken the alliance with Makedonia, and the Prince’s army was needed to take care of them. However, Alkyoneus ordered four regiments of militia hoplites to be levied, 6,400 men who were ordered to shield the Makedonian retreat. The next year, the Legatus Legionis Titus Cornelius Scipio attacked Taras with a legion and a large number of allied light troops. The defenders were all but slaughtered, and Taras fell. Immediately afterwards, the Romans sent an envoy to Pella and sued for peace, a proposal that Antigonos gladly agreed to. In 256 BC, the alliance with Roma was finally re-established, albeit against the strong resistance of the gens Caecilii Metelli.
So ended the Kalabrian War, which was actually comprised of two. A clash with the powerful Romans was largely avoided, but to the price that western expansion was halted. In the following six decades, no Makedonian soldier would set his foot on Italian soil. From now on, the Basileis of Makedonia would shift their attention towards the north and, first of all, the east.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Nice chapter.
I see you tore down the Colossus. I thought of doing that in my campaign, but figured what the gods had done was enough (the earthquake). Besides I don't like tearing down buildings I can't rebuild. :sweatdrop:
I was wondering. This is an old campaign, right? How do you remember what you did and when for something you played so long ago? I have trouble remembering the details of some battles in my AAR that I played a month passed.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Excellent chapter, I actually felt my hair stand on their end when I read about the fate of the Makedonian-controlled polis of Taras (Tarentum, ha!).
Maion
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Glad to hear you like it! :smiley:
Quote:
Originally Posted by Maion Maroneios
Excellent chapter, I actually felt my hair stand on their end when I read about the fate of the Makedonian-controlled polis of Taras (Tarentum, ha!).
There will be revenge, my friend. This consciousness surely helps you to bear the unbearable. The Italiotai are the real scum. :no: Becoming Romans for the sole laughable purpose of surviving, ha! Good that true Makedones rule Hellas now.
Quote:
Originally Posted by MarcusAureliusAntoninus
I see you tore down the Colossus. I thought of doing that in my campaign, but figured what the gods had done was enough (the earthquake). Besides I don't like tearing down buildings I can't rebuild. :sweatdrop:
I don't like either, but what had to be done, had to be done.
Quote:
Originally Posted by MarcusAureliusAntoninus
I was wondering. This is an old campaign, right? How do you remember what you did and when for something you played so long ago? I have trouble remembering the details of some battles in my AAR that I played a month passed.
Well, at first I make a note for every battle and what I did with the town in case of a conquest (population displaced or enslaved / massacred, usually followed by the reason, for example was Lilybaion reacently sacked because the inhabitants threw stones on the Makedones (Apeleutheroi from the walls)). Then I take screenshots pre-battle and post-battle and mostly midst-battle :grin: as well, and also of important buildings and events. Then, when I'm really clueless what to do, I go through the notes and screenshots and write down what happened in that particular year. Much much later, I print this and write my chapter. I like the historical overview I get this way. I can decide which battle is important or not and what leads to which.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thanks.
I have added a Table of Content to my post #1, so that you can click there on the respective chapters and directly jump in medias res.
The next chapter will cover the late period of Antigonos Gonatas' rule and the campaigns in Thraikia.
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Part 4 – Hegemony (256 – 246 BC)
In 257 BC, Alkyoneus had sailed to Aitolia and put the city of Thermon under siege. His army’s morale was low. The soldiers felt that the retreat from Italia was dishonouring. They didn’t understand why Alkyoneus, who had won such a tremendous victory with them, now simply withdrew from Italia. If they were able to crash the army of the mighty King of the Aiakides, why should they run away from those barbarian Romaioi? To make it worse, the Aitolians blocked the mountain passes in Alkyoneus’ back, all supply had to be shipped from Epidamnos. When autumn hit, another bad news reached the army: the Makedonian fleet was sunk by pirates! Mutiny was in the air. The Prince had to react, and so he ordered to storm the city. The walls were easily torn down, and immediately the Makedones flooded into the city. Massacre ensued, and out of the eleven thousand Aitolians who defended the polis, not a single one survived. Although the Makedones had lost almost three thousand, the victory tasted sweet and gave the soldiers back their self-confidence – and the belief in their leader.
The Thraikian Conquests
Already some years earlier, when the Prince campaigned in Megale Hellas, the King’s loyal Strategos Euchrous of Mytilene had led a campaign against the Dardanoi that inhabited the north of Makedonia. Often had they committed raids into the Kingdom, and frequently alongside other Thraikian people. But now the tides of war had changed: Makedonia was now at peace with the mighty Confederacy of the Getai, and both sides had an interest to grow it into an alliance. The Thraikians on the southern side of the great river had fallen between two stools.
Having taken Serdike, the chief city of the Dardanoi, Euchrous led a campaign against the Keltoi, who called themselves Odrysai and lived to the east of the Dardanoi, and laid siege to their capital Tylis. When winter approached, the army was beginning to run low on supplies. The sparsely populated country didn’t reward the foraging parties of the Makedones much food, and a supply train could not be maintained through the wilderness. Euchrous decided that Tylis had to be taken before the first snow would fall and let the settlement be stormed. The Odrysai, themselves for the greater part foreigners in their country, fought bravely, but in the end could not hinder the Makedones on their way to victory. Unlike the country of the Dardanoi, which was incorporated into the Makedonian homeland, the Odrysai were allowed to continue their existence as a state. Euchrous appointed a particularly willing man of the local aristocracy King of the Odrysai – a decision right after King Antigonos’ own taste. In the future, the Odrysai would send their most fearsome and capable warriors to the kings of Makedonia and fight decisive battles in all parts of the known world.
When Alkyoneus left Thermon, he also appointed a local noble to preside over the Aitolian League. But unlike the Odrysai, the Aitolians were forced into the Συμμαχια Ελληνων (Symmachia Hellenon, the Hellenic League), an alliance created by Antigonos. The King believed that it was best to leave the government of subjugated peoples – especially if they were civilised like the Greeks – to these. Furthermore, it brought the advantage of not having to establish a Makedonian administration. On the other hand, the garrison that was left in Thermon was prone to create an anti-Makedonian atmosphere among the populace. Nevertheless, the Hellenic League seemed like the perfect way to force the Greeks under Makedonian sway without having to invest too much in the country, especially since the Kingdom’s coffers were empty. Veterans of Alkyoneus’ recent campaigns found a new home in κατοικιαι (Katoikiai), ready to draw their sword any time when needed and cut down everybody who would dare to call for Aitolia’s liberty.
The next logical steps in Antigonos’ policy of expansion lay on opposite sides of the Balkan peninsula: to the west, the farther Illyria, and to the east, Lower Thraikia and the city that controlled the Thraikian Bosphoros: Byzantion. Euchrous marched west with his 26,000 men, among these almost 6,000 Illyrians and 3,000 τοξοται κρητικοι (Toxotai Kretikoi), the archers of great renown from the island of Krete. Alkyoneus marched east and, after replenishing his troops in Makedonia, laid siege to the famous polis of Byzantion. Both Strategoi completed their tasks in 252 BC after having starved out the respective populations. Byzantion was too important to allow it self governance, since Makedonia and Greece as a whole depended greatly on the grain that used to be shipped through the narrows that were controlled by the city. Illyria, on the other hand, was poor and primitive. The locals could not be trusted to set up the extensive mining business that the King planned to run. For these reasons Satraps were appointed for Lower Thraikia and Illyria, trusted members of the Royal Family.
Aitolian Problems, the Death of a Prince and the Rise of Another
Alkyoneus had a younger brother called Demetrios, and Antigonos loved him dearly, especially since Alkyoneus disappointed the father in Italia. Demetrios was the first prince of the Royal House of the Argeades who underwent the famous αγωγη (Agoge, the Upbringing) of Sparte. Krateros, Antigonos brother who had already passed in 259 BC, had not slaughtered all of the Spartans. There were still men of the original population left that had sworn loyalty to the Argeades and promised to teach and instruct every Makedonian prince who wished so in the Spartan way of life and combat. It is easy to imagine that no prince at all wished to do so, but over the time it became a tradition to send the young princes to Sparte. The Agoge later became enriched with studies at an Akademia, and famous scholars from all over the Greek world came to Lakonia for teaching. Less and less harsh became the instructions, and more and more emphasis was put on the more academic virtues, but until then it was still a long way by 256 BC. That year, Demetrios was the first Makedonian prince to complete the traditional Spartan Agoge.
After staying some years in Athenai for further studies at the famous Akademia, the young prince was entrusted with the difficult task of commanding the garrison of Thermon. To be the garrison commander in a garrisoned state meant to be the unofficial ruler of the state, since the local, official ruler had to carefully ask the garrison commander, as the official representative of the King of Makedonia, what wishes the King in Pella might have. The garrison in Thermon only consisted of a regiment (roughly 1,600 men) of militia hoplites. Demetrios had just begun to grow into his new task when a man called Thalysios of Ithaka assembled a force of brigands and attacked the city. To his men, criminals mostly, he talked of loot and riches, but to the populace he talked of liberation from Makedonian yoke. He had 5,800 men under his command, a thousand Greek riders amongst them. When he attacked, Demetrios ordered his Hoplitai to block the road to the agora of the city. They killed almost 4,000, but in the end they were overwhelmed by the great odds. Demetrios fell as the last of his men on the agora, and Thalysios proclaimed himself King of Aitolia.
Upon hearing the news, Antigonos fell into an unprecedented rage. Usually known for his calm character, his family and underlings feared for the King’s health. Demetrios had to be avenged, and the King wanted his grandson Perseus to venture the honourable deed. Perseus had underwent the same Agoge as Demetrios had, and Perseus too studied at the Akademia at Athenai, a good deal of time alongside Demetrios who was only a few years older. When news reached him of his uncle’s death, he was not only sad but at the same time felt that the fate of being the Κλερονομος Βασιλειου (Kleronomos Basileiou, the inheritor to kingship) was now inevitable. After a brief period of shock, Perseus was eager to recommend himself as a great leader, and headed for Thermon. With 5,000 men under his banner, the odds were now in favour of the Makedones. After a brief siege, Perseus entered the city and slaughtered the brigands. Thalysios was killed. His head was cut off and first skewered onto a δορυ (Dory, an infantry spear) and showed publicly in Thermon, then sent to Pella.
Encouraged by Thalysios’ venture, a man called Philisstes had gathered men himself and controlled the Pindos Range between Aitolia and Epeiros. With 4,000 militia hoplites, 1,200 Sphendonetai and 1,000 Illyrian Riders, Perseus marched up the mountain range. Philisstes awaited him, together with almost ten thousand brigands who wore the simple, but sturdy gear of militia hoplites. Instinctively, Perseus lined up his soldiers on an open slope. Philisstes, who had many experiences as a robber, but none as a general, ordered his men to charge the Makedonian line. Perseus’ slingers started their hail of lead, and a great deal of Philisstes’ men lay dead on the ground before they even reached the Makedonian line. Though having numerical superiority on their side, the brigands had to fight uphill and were already tired and lost morale quickly. Perseus and the Illyrians circled around the flanks of his line and charged in at the back of the robbers. That was the moment the battle was won. Perseus shouted the order to slaughter anybody moving, and his soldiers obeyed their lord. Soon the bodies of 9,500 men lay scattered about the hillside. All at once, Perseus had made himself a name as a great general, to the extent that some made fun of him, calling him Αλεξανδρος Βεληνεκους Πινδου – “Alexandros of the Pindos Range”.
Perseus now had tasted the sweetness of victory and fame. In 249 BC, Euchrous of Mytilene died in Dalminion, having only half completed the works on the new Makedonian administration. Perseus rode north and, with Antigonos’ consent, took over the command of Euchrous’ forces. With over thirty thousand, among them 1,700 horse, the largest Makedonian army in the reign of Antigonos, Perseus marched northward and put Singidunum under siege, the chief city of the Celtic Skordiskoi, situated at the confluence of Istros and Savus. When scouts reported that the defenders were already weakened by frequent attacks by forces of the Getai, Perseus ordered the oppidum to be stormed. The Skordiskoi fought bravely, and each thousand Phalangitai and Illyrian Thureophoroi fell, but at the end, the Prince obtained another great victory. The Skordiskoi were granted to keep their state institutions, and an influential nobleman was chosen to start a new Skordiskian dynasty in a strong alliance with Makedonia. Lesser tribes of the Skordiskoi even had their home turf on the northern shores of the great river, and Perseus was the first Makedon ever to set foot on these lands.
But there was still a Thraikian region left that was neither part of the dominion of the Getai nor of that of the Makedones: Upper Thraikia, the land that extended between the Haimos Mountains and the Istros, inhabited by the fearsome Triballoi. With that region under control, Perseus would set up the great river as a border between the world of the Greeks and that of the Getai, with the exception of the region around the mouth of the river that was already subject to the Getic king. Two years after the conquest of Singidunum, Perseus marched his army east and took Naissos, the capital of the Triballoi by force and repeated what had already proved to be an effective strategy. The Triballoi and the other tribes became a kingdom allied to Makedonia.
Mikra Asia: New Horizons
Around 250 BC, Antigonos had reached the age of 70 and was by every means an old man. The death of his son had struck him severely, and although one of his mistresses gave birth to another son, Leon, he would never recover from the loss of Demetrios. The country though had recovered much, although great parts of Makedonia were still depopulated. As soon as Byzantion was taken, a royal road was ordered to be build, from the city straight along the coast to Pella, and even further to Ambrakia were a naval harbour was to be built, almost as great as the giant shipyards in Rhodos, necessary to construct the vessels needed to guarantee θαλασσοκρατια (Thalassokratia, the reign over the seas), at least for the Aigaion.
Around the same time, the problems of the Seleukid allies in the region increased. Having been at war with the Ptolemaioi for a long time, the Seleukids had problems to hold all their possessions in the far west of their empire. The Bithynioi had been forced under the Basileus’ yoke again recently, but the troops needed to keep the inhabitants obeying were needed to ward off the troops of the Pharaoh. Ennomos of Pergamon was a persistent threat to the Seleukides’ western holdings around Sardis. Realising this, King Antigonos sent an envoy to King Antiochos. His treasury was bursting, and so he gave Antiochos 500 Talents of silver [30,000 Mnai] and further promised to release the Seleukides from the burden to keep Bithynia and the Kingdom of Pergamon in check: the territories would be administered from Pella, not from Seleukeia any more. Antiochos was not totally content with this proposal since it meant he had to give up claims on those two satrapies for the time being. But after all, the decision was a fairly easy one. The war against Ptolemaios was not going to his pleasure. Syria was in Ptolemaic hands since more than a decade and a half. In fact, Antiochos thought the proposal a good opportunity to tie Antigonos stronger to him and even to lure him back into the war with the Ptolemaioi. For the moment, he accepted the treaty.
And so, the first possession in Asia came into the hands of the Makedones. Alkyoneus crossed the Bosphoros and started to set up Makedonian administration for Bithynia. Antigonos in Pella ordered twelve thousand πεζεταιροι (Pezhetairoi) to be levied. The first time since anybody could remember, the Makedonian phalanx should be made up of more than humble φαλαγγιται δευτεροι (Phalangitai Deuteroi), equipped with a strong Thraikian cap and a bronze shield. The deepened mining operations in Makedonia easily provided the funds for the new army. Alkyoneus, with more than 24,000 foot and 4,000 horse, headed for Pergamon and put Ennomos’ residence under siege.
But at home in Pella, dark clouds were gathering. Antigonos’ health state worsened every day. His mental functions were suffering. The King’s increasing religiosity was beginning to have an influence on his decisions. He ordered a temple to Zeus to be built in Pella, claiming to have witnessed a sign from the god in his sleep. In winter, the old King suffered from pneumonia. One day in 246 BC, the 38th year of his reign, he did not wake up again. Antigonos Επανιδρυτης [1] was dead.
[1] Epanidrytes, the Re-founder.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
What a great chapter! I love the way you work the greek in with the rest. It's not too much but just enough to give it that something extra. I love the way that Greek font looks as well. It makes me want to learn to read and write it. You really have the names of everything down as well. I try but it is difficult for me to use the proper words for everything. I usually end up saying king instead of Basileu, Aegean instead of Aigeoi (or whatever it is).
I can't believe Demetrios died in such an inglorious way, killed in battle yes, but by a pitiful band of rebel scum. Excellent chapter Centurio!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
NOOOOO!!! Demetrios!!!
At least your Antigonos II lived longer than mine.
A good read. Time to head eastward!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Excellent read, a little sad to see Demetrios die. The pic showing the moment before his death has a certain element that makes it looks very dramatic, and at the same time epic as hell. So a balloon for that: :balloon2:
Maion
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AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Africanvs
What a great chapter! I love the way you work the greek in with the rest. It's not too much but just enough to give it that something extra. I love the way that Greek font looks as well. It makes me want to learn to read and write it. You really have the names of everything down as well. I try but it is difficult for me to use the proper words for everything. I usually end up saying king instead of Basileu, Aegean instead of Aigeoi (or whatever it is).
I can't believe Demetrios died in such an inglorious way, killed in battle yes, but by a pitiful band of rebel scum. Excellent chapter Centurio!
:bow: Thank you very much. Yes, I think I have found a good way of adding a little flavour to it, but not inundating or disrupting the text too much. But Maion is the one who provides me with the correct words!
Quote:
Originally Posted by MarcusAureliusAntoninus
NOOOOO!!! Demetrios!!!
At least your Antigonos II lived longer than mine.
A good read. Time to head eastward!
Thank you too. No Megas Demetrios... no Demetreia... no Demetrids... :shrug:
Back in 0.81 I had Alkyoneus killed in Naissos. So Demetrios became King. I didn't like him very much, he had some pretty dark traits. Perseus was a complete moron that could not be trusted to do anything more than administering Thermon... But in the current campaign, I have been incredibly lucky (besides Demetrios and Alexandros, of course). Perseus is a pretty good general, and he will have a son called Antiochos which will be an even better general...
Quote:
Originally Posted by Maion Maroneios
Excellent read, a little sad to see Demetrios die. The pic showing the moment before his death has a certain element that makes it looks very dramatic, and at the same time epic as hell. So a balloon for that: :balloon2:
Maion
Thank you too. :smiley:
Have a balloon for your translations: :balloon3:
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Re: AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Centurio Nixalsverdrus
Thank you too. No Megas Demetrios... no Demetreia... no Demetrids... :shrug:
Back in 0.81 I had Alkyoneus killed in Naissos. So Demetrios became King. I didn't like him very much, he had some pretty dark traits. Perseus was a complete moron that could not be trusted to do anything more than administering Thermon... But in the current campaign, I have been incredibly lucky (besides Demetrios and Alexandros, of course). Perseus is a pretty good general, and he will have a son called Antiochos which will be an even better general...
In my AAR campaign Megas Demetrios II surpassed even Megas Alexandros III because his empire stood. I grew so attached to him that it is a shame to see him die even if it is completely different character (different starting traits). Too bad after he died, his line was filled with failures.
Since Alexandros died off in your campaign too, there will be no family line that leads to my Pyrrhic Dynasty that replace the Demetriids. :embarassed:
In my AAR campaign Perseus was average but did a couple important acts. His first act was to push the border up to the Istros (Danube), so I found it interesting that you did the same with him in your AAR. Perseus was also the one who took away southern Hellas' autonomy (Type4s -> Type2s). Neither he nor his brother had any sons so the line of Alkyoneus ended early. It will be interesting to see where the line of Alyoneus takes Makedonia in your AAR! :2thumbsup:
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AW: Re: AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
MarcusAureliusAntoninus
In my AAR campaign Megas Demetrios II surpassed even Megas Alexandros III because his empire stood.
That's Antiochos in my campaign.
Quote:
Originally Posted by
MarcusAureliusAntoninus
Perseus was also the one who took away southern Hellas' autonomy (Type4s -> Type2s).
Exactly the same! 219 - 217 there was a rebellion, and Perseus ordered Satrapies to be installed there (though he didn't put down the rebellion personally).
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Re: AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Centurio Nixalsverdrus
Thank you too. :smiley:
Have a balloon for your translations: :balloon3:
Thanks dude! I HAS BALLOOON! :tongue:
Maion
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Re: AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Brilliant read. Poor Demetrios, he was a good guy.
This is really, really good stuff, I hope to see more of it. Let's compare our Anabaseis!
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AW: Re: AW: Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Hax
Brilliant read. Poor Demetrios, he was a good guy.
This is really, really good stuff, I hope to see more of it. Let's compare our Anabaseis!
Haha, thank you very much!
Expect the next chapter for the weekend. It will cover Alkyoneus' initial time as Basileus and will feature the most elaborate map ever made by man (at least for an AAR).
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Anabasis Alkyoneos (246 – 230 BC)
Introduction – A Momentous Treaty
In the winter of 246 BC, Alkyoneus was campaigning in Mysia. He had set up camp within sight of the palace of Pergamon, the residence of the thriving Attalid rulers of the old and beautiful polis, when one day a messenger arrived. The following passage gives a good account on how it most likely happened, although the author might have exaggerated a bit.
Excerpt from Phylarchos of Athenai: Historiai, Book 12:
(16) The brave but unhappy Alkyoneus was in a melancholic mood when he laid siege to Pergamon. He felt this not to be his war. After all wasn’t it Antiochos who wanted to see the polis fall? On behalf of his old father, whom he hoped to follow soon on the throne in Pella, he fought this war instead of fighting his own. Against the polis of the twin wolves he wanted to march, that was his urge and that was what burnt in his heart. (17) Then one cold day a messenger arrived: “What dost thou want, herald?” the Prince asked. “Ο Βασιλευ,” responded he. “It is your father that hath died. I bow before you, Basileus Makedonias, and present you the compliments of the noble Synedrioi of Lower and Upper Makedonia.” (18) Upon hearing the news, Alkyoneus’ officers gathered at the King’s tent. “All hail to the Basileus! All hail Makedonia!” shouted they, and upon hearing the shouting, the Pezhetairoi and all the other soldiers gathered at the camp’s agora. Alkyoneus left his tent and mounted a wooden stand to address his troops: “Φιλοι! Εταιροι! Πολεμισται! [1] I stand before you as your Basileus. My father Antigonos hath died, and a greater Herakles hath yet to follow. But I shall continue my father’s work. Tomorrow, with daylight’s advent, we will storm the city of the Attalides!” And the soldiers greeted their king’s bravery with cheering and chanting, not knowing how many lives the day would cost.
[1] Friends! Companions! Warriors!
In traditional Makedonia, the question of royal succession was often solved with violence, and not seldom with civil war. The Diadochoi serve as a prime example. Alkyoneus knew this too, and his decision to storm Pergamon is best understood bearing this in mind. From a pure military point of view, his decision is bravado at best, but politically, it makes perfect sense. Underlining his newly gained kingship with a victory, and coming home ahead of twenty thousand loyal soldiers would leave no room for questions about Antigonos’ succession. However, the King’s decision would cost 5,000 Greeks and Makedones their lives, among them 3,000 Pezhetairoi at the least.
Alkyoneus’ plan was it to attack the city from two sides. One half of the Pezhetairoi, assisted by Thureophoroi, would attack the northern gate, whereas the other half would attack the western gate above the sea, within line of sight to the Makedonian island-stronghold of Lesbos. They were supported by ιππεις ταραντινοι (Hippeis Tarantinoi) with their javelins and Hoplitai. The Makedones at the northern gate were confronted by militia hoplites and εκδρομοι οπλιται (Ekdromoi Hoplitai). The ones at the western gate also had to fight these light hoplites, but additionally Thraikioi Peltastai that Ennomos had hired. The Thraikioi, as mercenaries in general, did not have to expect any mercy from the victors and fought determined. So many Pezhetairoi, who could only use their swords against the falxes, were killed, that Alkyoneus sent the Greek Hoplites in. Only through overwhelming odds did they manage to win against the Thraikioi.
However, it should get even worse when the Makedones had once overcome the initial resistance at the gates and advanced into the streets. Mercenary Phalangitai and Ennomos’ experienced personal cavalry managed to attack the phalanx at their vulnerable flanks and kill many. Eventually Ennomos’ horse was stabbed. The τυραννος (tyrannos, the tyrant) fell to the ground, where a Makedon took care of him and cut off his head. By midday, the battle was over. Seven thousand Makedones and Greeks were laying in the streets of Pergamon, and five thousand would not recover from their wounds. Alkyoneus had his triumph.
As soon as the favourable winds of spring blew, Alkyoneus set sail for Thessalonike, accompanied by a good deal of his army. Cheered by the masses, they marched into the Makedonian capital Pella. All members of the Argeades and all the nobles from all parts of the country gathered and honoured Alkyoneus. The last respects were paid to Antigonos, whose cremated remains rested in a golden λαρναξ (larnax, a small sarcophagus) proudly bearing the Vergina Sun. Then he was brought to Aigai, the old capital of Makedonia, most holy site and spiritual centre of the country, where he was finally buried in a traditional Makedonian tumulus, just beside Philippos’ one. Back in Pella, the Κοινον Μακεδονων (Koinon Makedonon, the general assembly) was held and Alkyoneus formally acclaimed as Basileus Makedonias.
Though Phylarchos states that Alkyoneus heart longed for revenge against the Romans, the historical evidence can neither support nor deny this. The assembly had not yet parted again when an envoy of Antiochos reached Pella. They too honoured the new King, but now urged for more direct support against Ptolemaios. Alkyoneus lamely responded that he would need a land border with the holdings of the Pharaoh in Asia to act effectively. The Seleukides instead offered free access to Lydia. Phrygia was unfortunately under the control of the Kingdom of Pontos that had increased his might at the expense of Antiochos and the Galatians. Their standing army threatened the lands of the Seleukides from the north. Alkyoneus knew this well and offered his allies a deal: he would go to war against Ptolemaios and against the Pontikoi and relieve Antiochos from the pressure of two fronts. Additionally, he would support him with more than 800 Talents of silver [50,000 Mnai or 21 tons]. In return, the Seleukides would cede Lydia and its capital Sardis to the Antigonids. Further, every territory acquired by the Makedones would stay in their hands – nothing would be returned to Antiochos.
It is not known to us what the King in Seleukeia actually thought of that proposal, whether he really accepted it, or whether he planned to strike back once the tides of war would have turned in his favour once more. One could well see Alkyoneus’ proposal as blackmailing, but in the end Antiochos accepted the proposal. His coffers were empty. His troops were fighting Parthoi, Pontikoi and Ptolemaioi alike, whereas the satrapies on the far banks of the Oxos river were either separating or being overrun by steppe peoples. After a brief year in Makedonia, Alkyoneus returned to Mikra Asia with fresh troops and set up administration for Lydia as a Makedonian satrapy.
In the end of 244 BC, Alkyoneus had already recruited two ταξεις (taxeis, regiments) of militia hoplites in the city. Additionally, twelve thousand former slaves and other urban rabble were at his disposal. They were useful in keeping the population in check and should soon be replaced by real soldiers. The King’s son and inheritor Perseus was only a week’s journey north with fresh forces, among them γαλαθραικες (Galathraikes) and κελτοελληνικοι οπλιται (Keltohellenikoi Hoplitai), recruited amongst the recently subdued peoples of eastern Thraikia. The allied general Alexandros Syriakos, the former Seleukid governor of Sardis, had set up camp just a few miles south of the city – with 6,600 Gallic and Hellenic mercenaries under his command – when he was attacked by a 25,000 strong army of the Ptolemaioi.
The enemy had recognised the good opportunity. His troops consisted of more than 17,000 Phalangitai, κληρουχοι (Klerouchoi) mostly, but also Pezhetairoi and the élite κληρουχικων αγημα (Klerouchikon Agema). They were supplemented by Galatian mercenaries, Toxotai and troops native to Karia which were called Uazali. Alkyoneus was first reluctant to enter the fight, since his troops were so humble, but he surely couldn’t afford not to. The urban rabble occupied the Egyptian élite for a while, whereas Alkyoneus and his σωματοφυλακες (Somatophylakes, the bodyguards) proved their bravery and managed to kill many of the lower ranked enemies. He brought more than 15,000 to the field, but only 4,000 returned to Sardis. From Alexandros’ 6,500, few more than 500 survived. But although the Ptolemaioi could hold the field and win the battle, in truth they were the losers. Only 13,000 troops were left, and laying siege to Sardis was rendered impossible. So began the Ptolemaic War, and it should last for 29 years.
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Beautiful chapter! I really liked the map too :wink:
Maion
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
one glimpse at the map...ALL HAIL MAKEDONIAAAAAAAAAAAAAA!!!!!!!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Nice chapter. That's an amazing map.
A new king but how long will he rule? He doesn't seem to be THE main character...
:egypt:
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thank you for commenting, my most thruthful followers! :bow:
I worked myself into GIMP specifically to be able to create maps like that.
Phylarchos of Athenai and also Q. Fabius Pictor are both historical persons. I just hope they don't bother me "abusing" them for my AAR.
Yes, Alkyoneus is not really standing out. How did you know?
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Great update! What a beautiful map.
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Ever seen this? I didn't know even that it existed!
Warning, you can see the world in 168 BC below.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Very cool aar. Your mans are very interesting. Its like reading a history book with pictures. (my favorite type of books). Oh, and no I have never seen that. Very cool find. :2thumbsup:
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
You really ought to check out wt i posted here:
https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/group...4#gmessage9384
The Perfect Anthem for Gloious Makedonia!!!
ALL HAIL MAKEDONIA!!!!!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
satalexton
Dude, you're crazy :dizzy2::smash::clown:
EDIT: Don't get me wrong, that's a good thing :yes:
Maion
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Really cool satalexton!
I'm glad you like it, Vasiliyi. I was really surprised about the Doru Achilleos, though others don't seem to be.
The next chapter will cover the campaign in Lydia against the Ptolemies. It will arrive ca. week-mid to week-end.
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Centurio Nixalsverdrus
Really cool satalexton!
I'm glad you like it, Vasiliyi. I was really surprised about the Doru Achilleos, though others don't seem to be.
The next chapter will cover the campaign in Lydia against the Ptolemies. It will arrive ca. week-mid to week-end.
Oh yes, the dory! Completely forgot about it :juggle2: How did you get it, anyway?
Maion
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Immortal beacon shows the way
Step forth, seek glory!
Hoist your swords high into the clouds
Hail MAKEDONIA!!!!
http://img.auctiva.com/imgdata/7/3/4...35343167_o.jpg
Perhaps a MV should be made with that music :clown:
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AW: Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Maion Maroneios
Oh yes, the dory! Completely forgot about it :juggle2: How did you get it, anyway?
Maion
I just discovered it when I looked at my Basileus. I think it was triggered by conquering Side. Though another Basileus had conquered it before, and I didn't notice anything. I think it makes for a great roleplay opportunity and I should remember to pass it over before he dies...
I felt a bit insulted though about the comment. My men are comparable to those of Alexandros, oh yes they are...
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Re: AW: Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Centurio Nixalsverdrus
I just discovered it when I looked at my Basileus. I think it was triggered by conquering Side. Though another Basileus had conquered it before, and I didn't notice anything. I think it makes for a great roleplay opportunity and I should remember to pass it over before he dies...
I felt a bit insulted though about the comment. My men are comparable to those of Alexandros, oh yes they are...
Side, eh? That's awesome, I've never actually been that far in my Makedonian campaigns :sweatdrop: Always somehting popping up, like a new version of EB, or some new modding idea of mine that I wanted to be implemented, thus forcing me to start a new campaign :beam:
Maion
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AW: Re: AW: Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Maion Maroneios
Side, eh? That's awesome, I've never actually been that far in my Makedonian campaigns :sweatdrop: Always somehting popping up, like a new version of EB, or some new modding idea of mine that I wanted to be implemented, thus forcing me to start a new campaign :beam:
Maion
That's funny! I play this campaign since summer 2008 and I gave a f*** about EB 1.2 coming out. And I'll certainly give a f*** on the outcome of EB II as well.
Whoa, that reads as if I would give a f*** on EB, which is quite ridiculous given the amount of time I invest into it... :grin:
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Part 1 – The Ptolemaic War: The Campaigns in Mikra Asia (243 – 236 BC)
The Campaign of King Alkyoneus
The war that should play such an important role in the process of transforming the kingdom of the Antigonids into an empire had begun with the attack of the forces of Ptolemaios on Seleukid mercenaries near Sardis. After the first battle, which could be denominated both a tactical defeat and a strategic victory, the Makedonian King Alkyoneus was confident. He had the supreme military power, enough money and could concentrate his resources solely on a single front. His younger cousin Neikarchos had arrived with additional levy Phalangitai that were keeping the enemy from attacking Sardis. Alkyoneus took his army and marched eastward towards the Ptolemaic holdings along the southern coast of Mikra Asia.
Near the town of Eumenia in eastern Lydia, Alkyoneus met the army of General Epigenes that remained after his Pyrrhic victory of the previous year. He had still 12,000 Phalangitai under his command, but this time they stood absolutely no chance against the 31,000 Makedones. The King’s Galathraikes and Keltohellenikoi Hoplitai did a good job at cutting down the enemy in the dense forest that surrounded the ruins of an old estate. After this victory the road to Side was open, and Alkyoneus was unchallenged when he took possession of the chief city of Pamphylia.
However, Side was a populous city and difficult to control. Furthermore, the King’s supply lines were unsafe because of another Ptolemaic army controlling the area between Sardis and Side. It was the best decision to hire some mercenaries and leave the control of the city to these. Alkyoneus was warned by his advisors though: the mercenaries were enough in number to challenge the Makedonian rule for the region, but at the same time not numerous enough to keep the population in check, let alone the Ptolemaioi. But the King’s decision stood, and a better one was not at hand.
Alkyoneus decided it was best to march back west on the road along the coast – and not on the one through the mountainside – because he planned to finish off the Karian power in Halikarnassos. The marching was difficult and slow, because neither the Ptolemaioi nor the Karioi had taken care of the roads, spending their money elsewhere. When the army finally reached Karia, word came from Lydia that the enemy army was intending to lay siege to Sardis; and furthermore had the inhabitants of Side overthrown and killed the mercenary garrison and committed themselves under the yoke of the Ptolemaioi again. These were two bad news at the same time, and Alkyoneus’ men were hungry. The King decided to confront the enemy immediately.
The battle of Sardis took place on a rugged plain, partly covered in wood. Alkyoneus’ 29,000 reached from the east, whereas Neikarchos’ 19,000 entered the field from the direction of the city. The 17,000 troops of Kallikles Philopator were trapped in the middle. Although especially Neikarchos sustained heavy casualties due to his unorganised advance through the woods, the battle was easily won by the Makedones, and Kallikles forced to retreat eastward.
The dead were barely cremated when news reached the King of a great victory at sea: near the shores of Krete, the new Makedonian fleet of πεντερεις (Pentereis, vessels with five rows of oars) had defeated a Ptolemaic fleet. Alkyoneus knew all too well how important the seas were. His march along the coast of Pamphylia and Karia would have been endlessly easier had he been supported by a fleet. The Makedonian ship-building program had just begun, and at the shipyards of Rhodos were laid down the keels of more than hundred and fifty vessels, τετρερεις (Tetrereis, with four rows of oars) mostly. The next year, another two great victories were achieved near Rhodos itself and in some distance off the Lykian coast. The Pharaoh of Alexandria must have been shocked, since he was used to θαλασσοκρατια (Thalassokratia, the rule over the seas) for decades. Since the fall of Antiocheia more than twenty years ago, this was the first time that his might at sea was contested.
Encouraged by these successes, Alkyoneus marched south unto the polis of Halikarnassos. At home in Makedonia, veteran Pezhetairoi had been re-enlisted as αργυρασπιδες (Argyraspides), and πελτασται μακεδονικοι (Peltastai Makedonikoi) had been recruited among the most able of young noblemen of the country, and now 2,400 of each joined the King on his campaign. After a brief siege, Alkyoneus did as he had done at Pergamon, and ordered to storm the city. This time, however, the resistance was less and the Makedonian troops were better fitted for an assault on a polis. The Keltohellenikoi, the Galathraikes and, most of all, the Peltastai Makedonikoi excelled at slaughtering the light Karian troops.
After the fall of Halikarnassos, Alkyoneus must have had enough of the bloodshed. He decided to spend his energy in the future on directing the war and administering his kingdom from Pella. His son Perseus had already proved to be an able commander and was eager to lead the troops against the Ptolemaioi. As a strategic making safe against the Romaioi, an alliance was formed with the Lusitanioi, a warlike people that inhabited the lands to the far west of the Μεσογειος (Mesogaios, the Mediterranean Sea). For the same reason, an envoy was sent to the far off people of the Kingdom of Saba in southern Arabia. For the obscene sum of 3700 Talents [221.000 Mnai or 100 tons of silver], the Sabaioi were willing to aid Alkyoneus against the Ptolemaioi. However, it should take two years until some action was really taking place, and there were more than a few voices that doubted the King’s mental abilities.
At Pella and Korinthos, schools were founded, and in the following year, a mining business was set up in Bithynia. In the parts of western Greece that belonged to the Symmachia Hellenon, the Hellenic League, Makedonian veterans settled down to further strengthen Makedonia’s grip on the region. In the Makedonian πατρις (Patris, the homeland; at this time consisting of Thessalia, Makedonia proper and the Dardanoia), land allotments were given to the poor. In Rhodos, a giant stone wall was built to protect the polis so important for Makedonia’s majesty, and both in Athenai and Sparte a great garrison fortress. Ambrakia was equipped with shipyards that could host even the mightiest of warships, and on Euboia, an expensive mercantile harbour was carved out of the rock. The last wounds of the dark years of civil war and foreign invasion were slowly healing, and prosperity reigned in the country.
The Campaign of Prince Perseus
Perseus was ambitious and immediately ordered the newly built fleet to anchor near Halikarnassos. The troops were loaded into the ships, and the Kleronomos Basileiou and Στρατηγος Αυτοκρατωρ Ασιας (Strategos Autokrator Asias, the commander-in-chief for Asia) sailed along the shoreline of Karia, Lykia and Pamphylia and disembarked east of Side, whereas the fleet blockaded the port of Attalia, which lay only a few miles west. He had just commenced the siege of Side, when Leonnatos of Gaza, an experienced commander that had fought with Kallikles at Sardis, came to relieve the city. The troops of the city itself, mostly unorganised bands of criminals, were commanded by Nikon, a distant relative of the Pharaoh. Together the Ptolemaic troops numbered 39,000, against ten thousand less Makedones. Perseus had to fight uphill partly, a circumstance that resulted in heavy casualties for the Antigonid phalanx – more than five thousand stayed on the field. Nevertheless, Perseus proved his abilities once more, and at the end of the day, only 1,500 Ptolemaic soldiers were still alive to flee into the mountainous hinterland. Both Leonnatos and Nikon fell, and so did the city of Side.
The next spring, Perseus took advantage of the good weather and sailed to the island of Kypros. The Ptolemaioi had been so confident in their naval strength that they had thought it completely unnecessary to organise any kind of defence for the island. Instead, they delivered the Makedonian fleet a battle at sea within sight of the island’s capital Salamis and lost. Perseus took the governor Eudamios Oxyrhynchios prisoner and set up the island’s administration as a σατραπεια μακεδονικη (Satrapeia Makedonike). At the same time the Pharaoh was losing ground in Mikra Asia, he was nearly unstoppable in the east. Ptolemaic troops meanwhile held control over the fertile lands of Mesopotamia, reducing the Seleukides only to the mutual mouth of the great rivers, Iran and a small strip inland of Mikra Asia, reaching from Sophene in the east over Kappadokia to Galatia.
The next year, after order seemed to be sufficiently stable on Kypros, Perseus returned to Asia. As soon as he had left, riots broke out in Salamis, but the Makedonian garrison was able to suppress the uprising. The Prince disembarked on the Kilikian coast a short distance west of Seleukeia on the Kalykadnos River. From the east, Isigonos Soknopaiou Nesou approached with 17,000 heavy infantry, of whom 5,000 consisted of the feared Klerouchikon Agema. Perseus’ army had been recently replenished with 2,400 ρομφαιαφοροι (Rhomphaiaphoroi) from Thraikia. Unlike at Side, the Makedones could fight downhill this time, and so it’s no great surprise that the battle was won by Perseus without much effort.
From a dynastic point of view, the year 237 BC was also significant: Perseus’ wife gave birth to her only son, and in reverence to Antiochos of Seleukeia, who had already passed and whom the Prince greatly adored, the child would bear the same name. Perseus’ other son, Euphamios, was not fully of royal blood, but instead the offspring of the Prince and one of his countless mistresses. Nevertheless Perseus was proud of 19-year-old Euphamios who was doing well at Sparte where he underwent the traditional Agoge. At the same time, Karenos, the Tyrannos of Lesbos, made his last breath, and riots broke out on the island. Heliodoros, a son of Kalos and cousin of Alkyoneus, marched into Mytilene and brought the rebellious elements to justice. The uprising was a perfect excuse for the King to transform the island from a close ally into a Satrapeia, and Lesbos would not remain the only case – Rhodos and Krete would soon follow.
Perseus continued his advance along the coastline of Kilikia until he reached the famous polis of Tarsos on the Kydnos River, that was occupied by Ptolemaios’ trusted Strategos Kallikles Philopator, whom the Makedones had already fought five years prior at Sardis. Kallikles had 34,000 troops under his command, including 8,500 Arabian light infantry and even 3,000 ιουδαιοι ταξεις (Ioudaioi Taxeis) from the lands around the ancient city of Hierosolyma. However, when Perseus’ 27,000 Makedones reached the gently falling slope to the west of Tarsos that comprised the field of battle, Kallikles had no more than 24,000 at his disposal. The rest of his troops was stuck east of the Saros River and could not reach the battle in time. It is questionable though if the additional ten thousand could have made any difference. Kallikles found his end in this battle, along with 20,000 of his soldiers, and the city fell. Perseus lost two thousand that day and another thousand a short time later, when he fought the rest of the Ptolemaic troops that had decided to defend the crossing over the Saros. After that battle, the enemy was expelled from Mikra Asia. So ended Perseus’ first campaign against the Ptolemaioi, and there was only one logical next step on the Prince’s agenda: Antiocheia. But fate had other things in mind with the Prince of the Argeades.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Awesome! Great pics and a very nice story line.
AARs like these are a great advertisement for EB!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
HOIST YOUR XIPHOS INTO THE CLOUDS!
HAIL MAKEDONIA!!!
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
I bow to your excellency :bow:
Maion
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Good chapter. I love it when someone of the royal line gets a famous name.
It definately feels like your transforming from a kingdom to an empire. I will often quit a campaign when I get to that point, only roleplaying can perserve a campaign at that point.
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Thank you for following and commenting, my most noble followers. :bow:
Don't worry, making up all kind of roleplaying things is where I'm best at. I hope the next chapter won't take that long. In the meantime, you can guess what was my next victim (the first of only three cases where I opened the hostilities).
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Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Great stuff!
I just read the whole thread, and I must say that your AAR has really impressed me. It is one of the best out there, only topped by MAA's. I was sad that Demetrios died, but this Antiochus you talk about, it seems he can maybe become a 'Megas'...
Anyhow, keep it up! I guess Pontus is up next on your list?
Oh and responding to your 168 BC map:
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AW: Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Horatius Flaccus
Great stuff!
I just read the whole thread, and I must say that your AAR has really impressed me. It is one of the best out there, only topped by MAA's. I was sad that Demetrios died, but this Antiochus you talk about, it seems he can maybe become a 'Megas'...
Anyhow, keep it up! I guess Pontus is up next on your list?
Oh and responding to your 168 BC map:
:sweatdrop: :sweatdrop: :bow: :bow:
Thank you very much, posts like this one are it that keeps me making the efforts for this AAR!
The Spoilers contain the answers to the above questions. Don't read it when you don't want to know the future!
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Re: AW: Re: AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Is there going to be an update in the future? Sure hope so :yes:
Maion
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AW: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
I think this is just too good to let it die. I already know what will be in the next chapter, and in the following one. Then the Anabasis of Alkyoneus will come to an end, followed by the Anabasis of ... which will *finally!* contain the first self made changes.
Thanks for the interest mate.
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
I agree Centurio, this is too good to be left for dead
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Re: The Anabaseis of the Kings of Makedonia
Yes! Glorious news indeed!
Maion
