Thank you to the people who have been offering proof-reading advice to others :)
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Thank you to the people who have been offering proof-reading advice to others :)
Finally found the time to work on my province. Please note that this is a VERY rough draft. I will proofread it later this week to make what I am sure will be copious corrections but I figured I would post it now so that I don't seem to be shirking the duties I had assigned to myself:rolleyes:
Spoiler Alert, click show to read:Traveler’s Log:
Heading to the north and west of the Caspian gates, the traveler finds himself in the footsteps of Alexandros himself! On the southern shores of the great inland sea, which stretches north toward the domain of Amazons, lays the land from which the sea derives its name. Hyrkania is a land of wondrous fertility, one the Persikoi claim is blessed by Ahura-Mazda himself. Verily, it is unlike any other land in the entire world! There are great forests here, a sight most uncommon in this part of the world. In fact some compare them to the forests of far off India, though these men should know that Hyrkania is famous for its oak and pine, not the firs or pitch pines of that distant land. There also abound many dangerous and exotic beasts here. The Hyrkanian tiger is known to the traveler from far off, but it is a more common and dangerous sight to see packs of wolves nearby. In fact, the Persikoi even gave this land the name Verkâna, “land of wolves.” The traveler through this land should beware, for they have no fear of men and often grow to the size of a horse! Passing eastwards the traveler finds themselves coming upon more arid regions as you move from the foothills of the Alburz. This is a land known to the horsemen from the north, fierce and cunning. It would not do well to journey alone here, as these tribes often fall upon the unwary traveler as a human wolf upon its prey.
Geography:
The ancient province of Hyrkania roughly equates to the modern regions of Gorgan, Golestan, Mazandaran, Gilan, and Ardabil in Iran. It is home to one of the more diverse ecosystems on Earth, featuring mountains, subtropical forests, and desert. The climate of the land itself is defined by the geographical features which surround it; by the Elburz Mountains, which stretch across its southern border from the Caspian Gates towards the east, and the Caspian Sea which creates a northern boundary. The mountains themselves buffer Hyrkania from the arid regions to the south and the rainfall off of these same peaks creates suitable land for farming throughout much of the territory. Some notable rivers running through the province include the Mardos, the Sarneius, the Socanaa, the Syderis, the Maxera, and the Ochus, which ancient writers noted as one of the main rivers to water the Caspian Sea. Hundreds of smaller rivers run down from the mountains towards the Caspian, though some of these are seasonal, as more rainfall is received in the spring, fall, and winter months. The subtropical regions of Hyrkania, located in the foothills and moderate elevations of the Elburz, are populated by oak, poplar, date-plum, and beech trees in great number. As the elevation slopes downwards, alluvial plains dotted with oaks and wildflowers dominate the countryside, many of which gave rise to towns and cities in the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods. The grasslands themselves were famous for their grape vines, figs, and wheat which grew in great abundance and often produced a surplus.
The eastern stretches of Hyrkania are remarkable for their transition from subtropical forests in the highlands and a descent into desert as the elevation drops. Unlike most of the district, rainfall is relatively light in the south-eastern corner of the Caspian leading to arid summers and mild winters. The vegetation here is typical of dry steppe, with forests replaced by shrub and grasslands.
Hyrkania is also a region with a wide variety of fauna. The famed Hyrkanian Tiger is now extinct, but was well known to writers such as Livy, who used it to denote fierceness in the Aenead. Panthers and Persian leopards are likewise native to Hyrkania, but perhaps the most iconic is the wolf, from which the region derived its name. Verkâna in Old Persian means “Land of Wolves” and Hyrkania is a Greek derivative of this name. Smaller denizens include bees, said to have produced sweet honey in such great quantities that it quite literally dripped from the trees, jackals, wild boar, lynx, otters, and numerous water fowl.
The People, Society and Government:
Human habitation of the area along the southern Caspian Sea dates back at least 50,000 years. The earliest communities were mainly pastoral, with permanent settlements few and far between who would eventually coalesce into tribal identities. There is substantial proof of widespread Bronze Age settlement of Hyrkania, with the archeological evidence pointing towards a uniquely Iranian culture. The archeological record leaves traces of what appears to have been a flourishing culture; tombs contain intricately crafted gold, silver and bronze artifacts along with pottery native to the region, often with long spouts. The most common figure which appears in these tombs is the humped bull, though figures of humans, stags, boars and rams are also widespread. A great number of these tombs seem to belong to warriors, due to the proliferation of weapons they were buried with. The majority of these are made of bronze though the presence of arms of iron in several tombs indicates that this civilization lasted at least into the early Iron Age.
The people of Hyrkania were, according to writers such as Strabo, as varied as the geography of the country. The main tribes of the country include the Gelae, the Amardi, the Vitii, the Anariacae, the Hyrkani, and most prominent of all the Cadusii. According to Strabo, the Cadusii occupy the greater portion of the lowlands surrounding the Caspian Sea for a distance of nearly five thousand stadia from Media into Hyrkania. Of the Cadusii it is said they are excellent mountaineers and javelin-throwers. Those tribes who resided in the mountainous regions of Hyrkania were renowned for being predatory and fiercely independent while those who lived along the Caspian Sea were considered more compliant. There are also traces of Hellenes living along the sea, possibly as colonists settled either by the Persians or by Alexander and his successors. Strabo mentions a city called Aeniana located within the territory of the Vitii where Greek armor and bronze amphora are to be found and that there is another town nearby with a Hellenic oracle. Another people placed in Hyrkania were the Tabyri who it appears were named as such since their land was so heavily wooded and the use of such a tool as an axe in clearing the dense forests. Tabyri men were said to practice the custom of giving away their wives in marriage to another husband after they had secured multiple children by them. Strabo makes note of another unique custom of the Hyrkanians, where revelers gather near larger rivers where the water rushes down from higher places. They will seek out recesses behind the waterfalls and in here worship their gods and recline during the warmer months in the sunlight filtering through the water.
History:
Hyrkania first enters recorded history when, according to Xenophon, they were one of the people subdued by the Assyrians. We next hear of Hyrkania from the Behistun Inscription which mentions them as one of the conquered peoples of the Achaemenids. It is likely that the region was incorporated sometime during the rule of Cyrus the Great but since the Behistun Inscription dates from the reign of Darius, it is impossible to discern if it was indeed integrated during the reign of Cyrus or of Cambyses. Hyrkania was one of the regions which saw fit to rebel against Achamenid authority after the ascension of Darius to the throne. They joined their neighboring province Parthia in siding with the Median ruler Phraortes who had set himself up as king as various parts of the Achaemenid Empire broke away. After Phraortes’ defeat it appears Hyrkania was re-integrated by Darius. Next we know that Hyrkanians made up a considerable detachment of the Persian force which invaded Hellas under Xerxes as Herodotus makes mention of them in his list of the peoples which constituted this force.
In 423 BCE a satrap of Hyrkania named Ochus, who may have been an illegitimate son of Artaxerxes I, rebelled against his brother Sogdianus who had in turn, murdered his older brother Xerxes II after he had ascended to the throne. Ochus assumed the kingship of Persia and renamed himself Darius II. After these events, Hyrkania again fades from history until the coming of Alexandros in the 4th century BCE.
Hyrkanians are mentioned again as part of the force which opposed Alexander at Gaugamela. After the final defeat and subsequent murder of Darius III by Bessus in 330 BCE, Alexander marched to Hyrkania where a large contingent of Persian nobility had fled, hoping to receive their surrender but also to continue his pursuits of Bessus as well as a group of Greek mercenaries who had fought on the side of Darius. Shortly after entering Hyrkania, Alexander was met by Nabarzanes, one of Darius’ most loyal advisors, and Phrataphernes, the satrap of Hyrkania and Parthia, where both men yielded to the invader. Phrataphernes was then reinstituted as satrap of Hyrkania and Parthia under the new Makedonian dynasty. Alexander then marched to Zadrakarta, the capital of Hyrkania although he was harassed en route by the various mountain tribes of the region. After spending some time in Zadrakarta, Alexander marched against the Mardians and subjugated them before accepting the surrender of the Hellenic mercenaries of Darius and absorbing them into his own army. It seems that while he was in Hyrkania, Alexander also placed under arrest several Lakedaemonian ambassadors who had traveled east seeking Persian assistance should they possibly seek to challenge Makedonian hegemony in Hellas.
After Alexander’s death, Phrataphernes seems to have retained his position for at least several years before he was displaced by a Macedonian named Philip in 321 BCE who was himself killed by Pithon, the satrap of Media in 318 and replaced with Eudames. During the wars of the Diadochi, Hyrkania was brought into the fold of the Seleukid Empire by Seleucus I, though when and whether with force or through diplomatic means is unknown. The next important figure associated with Hyrkania is the satrap Andragoras who was ruler of both Parthia and Hyrkania under the Seleukids. An inscription recording the manumission of a slave in a temple dedicated to Serapis reveals that Andragoras was satrap during the reign of Antiochus I and he was still in place after the death of Antiochus II in 247 BCE. The successor to Antiochus was Seleucus II who was soon embroiled in both the Third Syrian War with the Ptolemies as well as a war against the pretender Antiochus Hierax. When Antioch itself was captured by Ptolemy III, Andragoras rebelled against Seleucid authority, declaring independence for the joint satrapy of Parthia and Hyrkania. This move may have seemed opportunistic but its root cause may have been similar to that of Baktria’s. Seleucid authority was never as strong in the eastern provinces of the empire as it was in the heartlands of Syria, Babylon and Asia Minor and it seems that pressure from nomadic tribes may have provoked this declaration from the veteran satrap. Nevertheless, Andragoras began minting coins in his image for some time until a new disaster befell the region. A sub-group of the nomadic Dahae confederacy, the Parni under Arsaces I, began moving south, possibly due to pressures from other nomadic peoples. They took Andragoras by surprise and were able to kill him in battle and take control of the satrapy. This began Pahlava control of Hyrkania though it is unclear as to how strong of a grip the Arsacids were able to maintain in the region. What is known is that Seleucus II mounted an expedition eastwards after consolidating his realm and campaigned against the Parni who were beginning to identify themselves as “Parthian.” The details of the campaign are unknown with sources disagreeing on whether it was the Parni or the Seleukids who gained the upper hand but eventually the forces of Arsaces were able to reconsolidate control over Hyrkania.
It was this situation which existed when Antiochus III came into power on the Syrian throne. Seeking to re-establish Seleukid authority over the upper satrapies, Antiochus began his anabasis by marching against the rebellious Parni who now controlled Hyrkania and Parthia. Antiochus captured the capital of Parthia at Hekatompylos and then moved north into Hyrkania where he was met with greater resistance at Mount Labus. Overcoming this, the Seleukids were able reach the fortified city of Syrinx (likely a Greek nickname for Zadrakata) and lay siege to it. The city would eventually fall to Antiochus and he would conclude a treaty with the Parni which allowed for Arsacid rule of Hyrkania and Parthia but as vassals kings of the Seleukids. Under Phraates I who came to power in 176 BCE the Parthians would reassert their independence and Hyrkania was never to be considered again part of the Arche Seleukia. The natural beauty of Hyrkania would attract the independent Arsacid rulers and at some point, the Shahanshah would use the region as a royal retreat. After the unsuccessful attempt to reconquer Babylonia in 140 BCE by the Seleukid Demetrius II Nicator, the captured Basileus was brought before Mithradates I at his royal residence in Hyrkania where he was treated kindly and even offered the daughter of Mithradates in marriage. Hyrkania was now considered one of the core provinces of the Arsacid Parthian Empire but its rule was not entirely uncontested. It is believed that the earliest formations of the Wall of Alexander, also known as the Great Wall of Gorgan on the eastern border of Hyrkania, had their origins in this period as waves of nomadic Saka challenged Parthian authority in their northern possessions and likely raided into Hyrkania as the Parni themselves had done several centuries earlier. Hyrkania would later shelter the deposed Parthian kings Artabanus III and Gotarzes during a long period of civil strife in the early part of the first century AD. In 59 AD Hyrkania declared outright independence from Arsacid rule and sought alliance with Rome, though it was eventually brought back into the fold as a Parthian possession.
Strategy:
Hyrkania is a rich province, one with many resources a strong ruler might desire. Besides the wealth of the region, its position on the southern shores of the Hyrkanian Sea is also strategically important for a ruler from either east or west. The road through Hyrkania is the surest and quickest path for a Seleukid army to reinforce the upper satrapies but it also a tempting target for the nomadic raiders of the Pahlava.
The situation in itself or the mice, being an "attack" from the earth, it shown the Teukroi that was the land to settle...Quote:
Originally Posted by I Am Herenow
What I meant was, who fulfilled the oracle's prophecy: the settlers, or someone else?
But really it was just to present an Hellenic view point for the area, for them such tales were widely accepted as reality...
That one time, right after the region became the stage of larger conflicts...Quote:
I meant, did Farnavaz respond once, or more than once?
Seeing also how Agesilaos had to tackle the Mysoi himself, Farnavaz probably was not even completely successful. But I picked that particular episode, to illustrate the importance of that response and how Mysian tribes alone could pose quite a threat...
Sorry for the double post, but here's Ionia ^^
Spoiler Alert, click show to read:Province: Ionia
Traveller's Log
Following the Maiandros River, the traveller encounters Magnesia. This town is famous for its fertile land, which produces a three-leaved fig. Recently Magnesia has been claimed by Ptolemaic forces, but war still rages on. While by the Southern bank of the Maiandros, lays the polis of Tralleis. This is naturally fortified by the trapezoid height it was built on and its surroundings are protected by Mount Messogis as well. Near this mountain lays also the polis of Nysa, peculiarly split in halves by a torrent. In the vicinity is a cave, called Charoneion, with a wonderful sacred precinct. Here the diseased are treated by priests, who on their behalf sleep in the cave and through dreams discover the cures prescribed by the gods. They often bring the sick into the cave and leave them there, without food for many days. To all others the place is forbidden and deadly. A festival is celebrated every year, where the boys and young men take up a bull and with haste carry him up into the Charoneion. Let loose, the bull goes forward a short distance, falls and breathes out his life. Continuing westwards lays the Ionian seaboard, once inhabited only by Kares and Leleges. Androklos, a son of Basileus Kodros of Athenai, led the Iones to colonise these shores. He established his royal seat at Ephesos and, still today, his descendants are called Basileis, wear purple robes, carry a staff, superintend the Eleusinian sacrifices and have the privilege of front seats at the games. Right to the South, on Mount Mykale, stands the Panionion. Dedicated to Poseidon Helikonios, it holds games for all the Iones and it is their sacred seat for the Koinon Ionon. Continuing southwards lays Miletos, serving as the main port for Ionia. The Milesioi claim to be the best born of the Iones, saying that they started from the Prytaneion of Athenai (the seat of government). And that it was Neileos, another son of Kodros, who led the colonisation. Miletos is the greatest metropolis of colonies: its citizens colonised everywhere in the Pontos Euxeinos and also in the Propontis and Aigaion Pelagos. Off to sea is the island of Samos a very rich place, whose Tyrannoi once claimed supremacy of the waters. Little further inland, following the Hiera Hodos (Sacred Way), there is Didyma, with the most eminent oracle to Apollon in Asia. Its temple was set on fire during the Persian invasion, but Seleukos Nikator sponsored the reconstruction. The Iones outdid themselves, expanding the temple to become the largest in the world, and on account of its size it remained without a roof. Back North past Ephesos, whose emporion grows daily and soon could become the largest West of the Tauros, stands the polis of Kolophon. Its citizens once possessed a notable naval and cavalry forces, so superior that whichever side, in a war, allied with Kolophon won. This is why the proverb "He put Kolophon to it" is quoted when a sure end is brought to any affair. Another version has it describe a deciding vote, because Kolophon took possession of Smyrna and thus held two votes at the Panionion. To the North-West is Erythrai, a polis guarding its namesake isthmus. Here is a sacred precinct to Alexandros Megas, where the Iones celebrate the Alexandreia games. To the West is the island of Chios. A very fertile land producing one of the best Ionian wines, with a deep harbour, a marble quarry and a grove of palm trees. All these bases have allowed the Ptolemaioi to take control of the southern Aigaion. To this end that Patroklos, the Ptolemaic Nauarchos has been setting up garrisons and capturing islands. Aeolian Lesbos was one of such conquests, only the Macedonian held Akropolis of Mytilene is resisting. This last island has several hot springs and is famous for its olives.
Geography
Ionia is a mountainous land, characterized by formidable ridges, extending into the sea. These rock formations separated communities, but at the same time sheltered bays and trade routes. Another feature are the extensive drainage basins, such as the Büyük Menderes River's (ancient Maiandros). Copious amounts of silt are deposited, forming new alluvial land on the coasts. This phenomenon created very fertile land, renewing the soil annually. Unfortunately the absence of proper drainage, lets most areas become too swampy. Thankfully the rivers also carry freshwater fish, an addittion to the already plentiful marine fish. Wild boars, deers and goats were hunted, while Milesian wool was exported around the eastern Mediterranean. The various islands appeared to be a continuation of the mainland and indeed they were an integral part of Ionia. But the islanders always had to content with possible shortage of water. Nevertheless communities were able to sustain themselves, exploiting the available fertile flat spaces. Ionia is particular, because its waters of the Aegean Sea (ancient Aigaion) could be considered an integral part of the province. Natural harbours and safe shelters were rare, but local knowledge managed to cope with it. So that advanced naval technology was not necessary to hop from one island to another. Storms were one genuine threat, for they rose up quickly; the other was piracy. Traders and pilgrims were often intercepted, like it happened to Caivs Ivlivs Caesar. Although the climate is dry in the summer, the Iones cleverly interplanted crops between olives and other trees, to take advantage of the shade. While winter is still hot, bad weather often blocked both seas and mountain passes.
The People, Society and Government
The Iones (Ionians) are said to have been the first who introduced the use of perfumes, garlands, sweetmeats and desserts to the Hellenic world. They loved lascivious dances and thus mainland Hellenes considered them unfit for any military service and effeminate. In truth the Iones were a very advanced society, which embraced very early many aspects: philosophy, art, diplomacy, warfare, religion, politics and pleasure. This multifaceted expression transpires even in their language, for Herodotos speaks of four different dialects. One common for Miletos, Myous and Priene; another for Ephesos, Kolophon, Lebedos, Teos, Klazomenai and Phokaia; also one for Erythrai and Chios; and a last speech specific of Samos. Many other communities also took part in the Ionian Migration or joined at a later time and became part of them. These were Abantes from Euboia; Minyes from Orchomenos; renegades from Kadmeia, Dryopis and Phokis; Molossoi, Pelasgoi, Epidaurioi and many other tribes. While those from Athenai, thought to be the best born of the Iones, for they led the expedition and were born in royalty. But they did not bring wives with them and married Karian women, whose families they had slaughtered. So these women took an oath, transmitted to their daughters, not to sit at a table with their husbands or call them by name. The Iones also celebrate an initiation feast called Apatouria, except men of Ephesos and Kolophon, in which grown-up youths were welcomed officially to each phratria (clan). This heterogeneity becomes apparent from the various inscriptions, found around the Eastern Mediterranean, of Ionian mercenaries/raiders, who identified themselves with their own polis. Nevertheless their common origins and tongue were recognized as Ionian. Tradition held that Kodros' offspring set up monarchies, but soon disputes and violent feuds developed. These brought much chaos and aristocrats, to restore order, decided to appoint elective rulers. Successively in the 8th century BCE the rise of a mercantile class, not possessing any land, sought political power and this stasis favoured tyrants. Another consequence was the start of colonial efforts. During the same century the Ionian poleis organised themselves into an Amphiktyonia (league of neighbours) against Melia, a Ionian polis at Mount Mykale, because of its "arrogance". Victorious the Iones built the Panionion and their loose federation continued to meet there, discussing ad hoc proposals at times of crisis. Later contacts with diverse cultures and a growth in prosperity laid the foundations for receptivity of new ideas. The Iones experience an impulse towards an investigation of nature, creating theories to explain the observations. This brought about an intellectual revolution for rational thought and scientific enquiry, making Ionia the leading figure of the Hellenic world during the 6th century BCE. The Iones had a defensive approach to land warfare, faced with vast armies from the East, opting for fortifications with glacis manned by archers. Arrowheads are in fact the most common votive offering in Ionia, panoplia was more of a status symbol and luxury. Iones appreciated Karian weapons and commissioned hilts made of ivory and gold. They still offered services as mercenaries or bodyguards as far as Aigyptos and Phoinike. These soldiers were however appreciated for their technical experties, advising builders about the construction of timber and mudbrick walls. While at the same time securing prestige and power to their foreign employers. But what they were actually doing was limiting Hellenic military power, because piracy and naval warfare was what the Iones clung to. Assyrian documents record their activity as early as the 8th century BCE. Still the Iones never fostered a common resistance to something external, their foes were both opponents and role models. The greatest animosity and rivalry was between other Ionian polities. They developed an elitist culture interested in gorgeous trailing garments, elegant hairstyles, exquisite scents and all sorts of decorations. Theirs was an internationalism, deeply influenced by Lydia, to express a refined way of life about martial conduct and enjoyment of pleasures. This, in time of defeats, was seen as the cause for failures. In reality their undoing would be the inability to unite.
History
Mycenaean tablets, dated between the 15th and 13th centuries BCE, list detachments of warriors and one ethnonym is Ijawone. This is thought to be the earliest mention for the Iones, by their archaizing form Iaones. They were under the authority of Mukānai (Mycenae). The latter's Wanaka (king), during the 14th century BCE, became increasingly involved with western Anatolian polities, encouraging disloyalty towards Hittite rule by offering assistance and asylum. This forced Muwatalli around 1275 BCE to recognise Mycenaean soverignty over Milawata (Miletos), which had suffered an Hittite punitive campaign and subsequently was taken over by Mukānai. This was done in exchange of an alliance and the following year at Qadeš, four captains in the Hittite army were recorded as coming from the land of Inas (Ionia). Nevertheless Milawata continued to support disgruntled Hittite vassals like Piyamaradu. Hard pressed he sought refuge in Mycenaean territory, but the Wanaka eventually handed him over to avoid a direct conflict. However Tudhaliya IV of Hattuša could not let such interference to go on and around 1235 BCE sent an army against Milawata, setting up a pro-Hittite ruler. Mukānai was not able to retaliate due to the Bronze Age Collapse. Archaeology has identified Mycenaean refuges in Attike and Euboia, dated to the period of destruction at Pylos. This could corroborate the legends about Nestor's family moving to Attike, where his descendants would become the Athenian royalty. Wherever they might have come from, during the 12th century BCE, communities adopted isolationism to survive. This was likely led by the figure of the Qasireu, the Mycenaean town official, which would develop into the Classical Basileus. What occured was a gradual regionalism, shaping dialects and different cultural identities.
Few eastern luxuries reached the Kyklades Islands and perhaps inspired piracy, making communities of the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean Sea) take part in the "Sea Peoples" phenomenon. This system however could not sustain large populations, political strife could also have played some part, and a substantial number of Iones gradually left Attike to join their fellow communities in the islands of the Aigaion. Around 1130-1070 BCE the marauding activites destroyed settlements like Milawata and Apaša (Ephesos). It is possible that oral tradition, preserving the knowledge of activities in western Anatolia, fomented a migratory movement to those places. By around 1050 BCE Protogeometric foundations were established in the coasts of Mikra Asia. This of course was not an official enterprise, sponsored by a state, but independent groups led by their own elite in a long drawn out process. For the course of 10th century BCE these communities would have dealt with pressing matters, related to basic survival, while integrating local populace. The recovery by the 9th century BCE must have been substantial, because circular granaries make their appearance. This is when the Iones captured Smyrna. It is also around this time that a sense of shared ethnic and religious culture was felt by the Iones, assembling at the Panionion in the mid of the 8th century BCE. Raids in Phoinike followed and from the early 7th century BCE Ionia started to experience an orientalisation of its material culture, influenced by Phrygia and Bianili.
However Kimmerioi disrupted the political cohesion in Anatolia and the upstart Lydian power started to expand in Ionia. Kolophon was overran and an army attacked Miletos and Smyrna. The Kolophonioi now served Gyges of Lydia and campaigned in Aigyptos against Assyrian forces. The successes inspired more Iones to become mercenaries and they would eventually found Naukratis, the chief port of Aigyptos prior to Alexandreia. Campaigns were halted in the 650s BCE when Kimmerian raiders came back, laying siege and pillaging as far as Priene, Miletos and Ephesos. The poet Kallinos exorted his fellow Ephesioi with martial elegies and successful they went on attacking Magnesia by the Maiandros, which had suffered Kimmerian attacks as well. During these turbulent times, the Iones initiated colonial enterprises around the Propontis (Sea of Marmara). Phokaia also engaged in long voyages as far as Tartessos, beyond the Herakleioi Stelai (Pillars of Hercules). Founding Alalia, Massalia and Emporiton on the way. Thanks to the Lydian takeover of Kolophon, the erstwhile rival of Miletos, the latter came to be the Thalassokraton of the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) and eastern Aigaion. Alyattes of Lydia resumed war with Ionia, rasing Smyrna around 600 BCE and ravaging the Milesian countryside during harvest time for twelve years. Still Miletos could not be compelled to surrender and its tyrant Thrasyboulos concluded a non-aggression pact with Lydia. This was possible because Alyattes had to fight the Mādai (Medians) and both sides were eager to end the stalemate. From this time Miletos adopted Lydian coinage, but would see more internal strife and the enforcement of an oligarchy. In the meantime the Ephesian tyrant Pythagoras was dealing with a plague, brought by the devastation of the previous years. His successor Melas, looking for stability, allied with Alyattes of Lydia thanks to a double marriage. From these unions were born Pindaros in Ephesos and Pantaleon in Sardis, the former brother in law and the latter half brother to Kroisos of Lydia. In 562 BCE Kroisos inherited the Lydian throne and Pantaleon started a civil war, backed by Pindaros, which failed. As a consequence Ephesos came under siege, but this time Lydia had adopted undermining techniques from Assyria and quickly conquered the place. Kroisos followed this victory by systematically capturing all mainland poleis of the Iones. Futile was Thales' appeal for a unified federal state of Ionia, instead Lydia was free to fight againt each polis in succession. However the installed tributary tyrants and the overlordship of Kroisos allowed much prosperity. Lydia financed reconstructions and offered many dedications to the Ionian temples.
In 547 BCE preparations for the war against Pârsa were undergoing and Kroisos dispatched Eurybatos of Ephesos to recruit mercenaries in the Peloponnesos. But this man went straight to Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) and revealed the Lydian mobilization. Probably the Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) sent the Ephesian back, to advice the Iones to revolt against Kroisos and side with Pârsa, but only Miletos accepted. Eurybatos' name became a byword for knavery in the Hellenic world and it is no wonder that most Iones refused to follow his example. In 546 BCE Kūruš of Pârsa was victorious and the rest of the Iones flocked to offer their surrender, but it was too late and they now had to face Persian retribution. Phokaia's citizens abandoned their polis and fled by sea to Chios. There they offered to buy some land to settle, but were refused. At that point some decided to accept Persian suzerainty and get back to Phokaia, while most refugees kept on going towards Megale Hellas. Founding Hyele in Campania and joining their compatriots in Alalia. There they engaged in piracy, causing Rašna (Etruscan) and Qarthadastim fleets to join against them. Facing twice their number the Phokaieis won, but suffered casualties so high to compel them to leave Alalia. The majority of the citizens of Teos fled as well, to Thraikia settling in the Ionian colony of Abdera. However the rest of the mainland Iones were defeated and accepted Persian suzerainty by 540 BCE. Exploiting the turmoil Polykrates of Samos took power and as Tyrannos attempted a bid for Thalassokratia. He had an aqueduct excavated in a tunnel over one kilometre long, a large temple to Hera erected and a mole to protect the port built, later Aristoteles compared them to the pyramids of Aigyptos prasing their engineering. Then Polykrates offered mercenary service to Ahmose of Aigyptos (Amasis II), helping him to conquer Kypros. The relation grew into a military alliance against Persian expansion and mastery of the eastern Mediterranean. With the funds acquired Polykrates supported a fleet of 100 Pentekonteroi and attacked the Asiatic Hellenes, defeating Mytilene and Miletos. He's recorded as commenting the success with these words: "Once, long ago, the Milesioi were powerful.", a phrase that became proverbial for fading glory. In 530 BCE Samos was the Thalassokraton and held the command to protect Aigyptos from the sea, but Kambūĵiya of Pârsa (Cambyses II) bribed Samos and other naval allies to support his invasion. Polykrates sent 40 Triereis, possibly the first ever Hellenic fleet of such vessels. In 525 BCE the Samian faction opposing the Tyrannos managed to find assistance in Sparta and Korinthos, these joined fleets were successful in defeating Polykrates' navy and invading Samos. However they could not storm the polis, which had been fortified at the start of Polykrates' reign. This was the first ever campaign outside of Hellas by the Lakedaimonioi, however the prolongation of the siege caused them to leave and the other Peloponnesioi followed them. But Polykrates' troubles were not over. His coffers were running dry and Pârsa in civil war could not support him, but the Khšaçapāvan (Satrap) of Sparda (Sardis) offered him financial assistance. Unfortunately this was a ploy to eliminate the dangerous Tyrannos and once in Lydia Polykrates was murdered, later in 519 BCE Samos was annexed by Pârsa. Over the decades between 540 and 520 BCE the Iones were employed to help building and manning the Persian navy, Triereis now composed the bulk of fleets, something Polykrates definitely influenced. In 514 BCE Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius I) assembled an invasion force and put the Asiatic Hellenes in charge of the fleet. They had to bridge the Istros River (Danube) and protect the crossing. Histiaios of Miletos proved so loyal that was rewarded mines in Thraikia. These were put to good use and Miletos started to recover enlarging its temples and raising new public buildings. So much so that Dārayavahuš was advised to keep a close eye on Histiaios and "awarded" him the position of table-companion, effectively forcing him to live at Susa.
During the past decades isonomic tendencies spread in the Aigaion: Chios untouched by Lydian authority formed a popular assembly and elected magistrates around 575-550 BCE. Athenai also introduced isonomia (equality of law) in 508 BCE and a similar revolution took place at Naxos. Overall the Hellenic Tyrannoi were having much trouble in keeping general consensus. Thus in 500 BCE Aristagoras of Miletos welcomed the Naxian oligarchai, who offered to finance their reinstallation. However Miletos was not capable of manning such an action alone and proposed the operation to the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, presenting Naxos as the "key to the Kyklades". Contradictory agendas from the start hindered the campaign in 499 BCE and mistrust arose between the commanders. The situation worsened when the funds, likely exaggerated by Aristagoras, proved insufficient. The Persian fleet had been given the nominal provisions by Dārayavahuš and soon it was forced to retreat. Aristagoras' attempt to increase his prestige in Persian eyes and contain unrest had failed. This left only one course of action available: open rebellion. Aristagoras decided to seize the assembled Persian fleet at Myous, capturing all the Tyrannoi serving as captains of the ships. These men were set free or delivered to their poleis in exchange of cooperation, Aristagoras relinquished his power and declared Miletos a Demokratia to incite the population against Pârsa. However not all Asiatic Hellenes joined straight away, some poleis had to be coerced into revolting. Also it was soon realised how their numbers were going to be insufficient and Aristagoras quickly sailed for Sparta to seek military assistance. He was rejected, but Athenai and Eretria answered the call. The forces united at Ephesos, which refused to directly help the revolt, but instead would provide guides for the marches inland. In 498 BCE Aristagoras then nominated two generals and sent them with the army against Sardis. There they caught the satrapal garrison off guard and sacked the lower city, for they could not storm the Akropolis. However the Khšaçapāvan managed to restore order in his soldiers and launched a successful counter attack, forcing the Hellenic army, more or less intact, to fall back to Ephesos. Artafarnah, the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, quickly pursued them and defeated the Hellenes near Ephesos. But he was in no position to start a siege and shut himself in Sardis to regroup. This managed to convince other communities that Persian authority was weaker and that it could be possible to regain independence. However Hellenic unity fell short: Athenai and Eretria had had enough and sailed back to Attike, the Asiatic Hellenes also dispersed to their own poleis. At this time heralds from Kypros came asking for help and the Iones dispatched a large force. In 497 BCE off the coast of Salamis they defeated the Ponnim (Phoenicians), who manned the newly built Persian fleet. Nonetheless the Kyprioi were overwhelmed in a land battle and so the Iones sailed back home. During the same year Persian generals were subduing the rebelling poleis and Klazomenai was captured. Aristagoras, seeing how the Iones had no hopes in the Asian mainland, put forward to fall back to Myrkinos in Thraikia. For that was the fortification Histiaios of Miletos built to secure the mines gifted by Dārayavahuš and with those revenues the Iones could finance a fleet and soldiers. The Milesioi were divided and only some opted to follow Aristagoras there, but they were all killed by Thraikioi. In 496 BCE Histiaios had returned, on Persian order to reassume power in Miletos, however he was planning to revolt as well with the help of Persian nobles in Sardis. First he went to Chios asking for ships, since Miletos had installed a Demokratia soon as Aristagoras left and was not going to accept again a Tyrannos. He attempted a night attack by sea, but was wounded and repulsed. Artafarnah had also learnt of his scheme and executed the Persian conspirators, so without any ally Histiaios was rejected by the Chioi. He fled to Mytilene and persuaded the polis to supply him with eight Triereis. This force sailed to Byzantion and set up a base, blockading vessels coming from the Pontos Euxeinos. In 494 BCE, recovering from setbacks, the Persian offensive resumed and this time all forces were gathered against Miletos. Alarmed the Iones consulted at the Panionion and decided to let the Milesioi defend their fortifications on land, while every polis would muster its warships at Lades. This was a tiny island off the Milesian coast, even Aioleis from Lesbos came to help. Overall command was granted to Dionysios of Phokaia, whose sailors although only few were considered the best. He set forth training the Hellenes daily, but most were not as professional as the Phokaieis and could not bear it. Discipline collapsed, exacerbated as well by the former Tyrannoi who sought refuge in Pârsa and were inciting the Iones to surrender. When battle ensued the Samioi simply turned back, causing the Aioleis to give up as well and the remaining Iones were overwhelmed. Dionysios and his men, with just three captured Triereis, would continue raiding as far as Phoinike. Miletos, now besieged from both land and sea, was captured and part of its population was relocated. The temples were plundered and burned, this was the Hakhāmanišiya practice of punishing both insurgents and the gods, who were invoked in support of rebellions. Such punishment was carried out for the other poleis too, as a consequence celebrations at the Panionion ceased and Ephesos took over as religious centre. In the meantime Histiaios had descended on Chios with his mercenaries from Lesbos and coerced the survivors of Lades to join his raids. His target was the island of Thasos and its mines, but while besieging it news that the Persian fleet was on its way forced him to flee. He would later be captured in Mysia and executed. In 493 BCE Artafarnah, having pacified Ionia, imposed an end to the infighting between Asiatic Hellenes, which would be settled by Persian arbitration henceforth. By the following year Iones were already enlisted in Persian expedition and in 490 BCE they also fought at Marathon. With Khšayaršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I)'s ascension to the throne in 485 BCE Ionia retained a degree of autonomy, thanks to Tyrannoi appointed by the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda. They duly supplied men and warships for the invasion of Hellas in 480 BCE. However the Iones still would not fight in unison at Salamis. Some commanders informed the Hellenes in advance of the Persian battle plans, but only few decided to fight poorly in order to help the Greek cause. In fact the Iones excelled at Salamis in the number of kills to their credit.
In 479 BCE ambassadors from Samos urged the Spartan Archagetes Leotychidas and the Athenian Eponymos Archon Xanthippos to attack the Persian fleet as soon as possible, encouraging the Iones to revolt once again. The same year at Mount Mykale battle was joined on land and the Milesioi, fighting for the Persian army, were ordered to hold position overlooking the army. This was done first to avoid any betrayal the battle, but also to have the Milesioi serve as guides should there be need for a fast retreat. However, seeing as the Hellenes were gaining the upper hand and men started to flee, the Milesioi aptly made sure they would retreat right into their pursuers. In the aftermath the Lakedaimonioi advised the Asiatic Hellenes to abandon Mikra Asia, but the Athenaioi rebuked and brought Samos, Chios and Lesbos into the Hellenic symmachia. This was supposed to be merely a continuation of the league formed at Korinthos, but it would quickly become the Koinon Delion. However this symmachia held undertones of "Ionianism", for it held Athenai as the Ionian Metropolis and Delos was were Iones (both from Asia and Hellas) venerated Apollon. Miletos was still nominally under Persian authority and it saw the greater part of its cultivable land taken over by Persian nobles. This diminishing of Milesian resources allowed Athenai to take over the Aigaion and gradually colonize Thraikia and the Propontis. In 478 BCE cracks in the alliance between Athenai and Sparta were revealed, when Pausanias the Spartan commander for the joined Hellenes was removed formally removed from his position. His successor nominated by Sparta was refused by the Iones and preferred the Athenian Kimon to take charge. Samos, Chios and Lesbos proved to be the staunchest supporters of Athenai during the following decades, assisting any campaign even against revolting Naxos and Thasos. This allowed the three islands to become independent members. In the 460s BCE Kimon defeated the Persian fleet and army near the Eurymedon River and exploiting the Hakhāmanišiya succession crisis, following Khšayaršā's assassination, convinced coastal Mikra Asia to side with Athenai. In 454 BCE the Samioi even proposed to transfer the Koinon's treasury to Athenai itself. This centralization of power provoked Erythrai and Miletos to revolt. The former suffered a military expedition, which put in place a Demokratia favourable to Athenai in 453 BCE and by 450 BCE Miletos was beaten. However the Asiatic Hellenes once again developed various internal factions, split between Persian and Athenian sympathies. In 446 BCE Miletos revolted once again and as a result a Demokratia was installed by Perikles. Infighting was not over and in 440 BCE Athenai had to arbitrate in favour of Miletos against Samos, who had a territorial dispute over Priene. But this happened only after Samos had won, because it refused to recognize Athenian intervention. This was tantamount to open revolt and an Athenian garrison was installed. The Samian oligarchai, in response, asked for help to the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda. They proved successful and handed over the garrison to become Persian captives, causing members of the Koinon Delion to consider rebellion as well. Perikles acted swiftly dispatching Triereis to the interested scenarios and defeated the Samian fleet, convincing Chios and Lesbos to continue their support. After a blockade in 439 BCE this time forced Samos to accept an installed Demokratia, have its walls demolished, surrender its fleet and cover all the expenditure of this campaign. Athenian authority recovered quickly in the Aigaion as a result. In 428 the oligarchai of Mytilene revolted with Peloponnesian support, which came only the following year. They found the polis already besieged from land and sea, its population already famished threatened to help the Athenian cause. Thus the oligarchai decided to come to terms and Athenai leased the farmland back to the rebels, while imposing a garrison of Klerouchoi.
Following the destruction of Athenian forces at Syrakousai in 413 BCE, many Hellenes rebelled on their own initiative or encouraged by Persian officials. Lesbos again with Lakedaimonian help, while Chios and Erythrai in league with Čiçafarnah (Tissaphernes) at Sparda. Alkibiades of Athenai rapidly spread the rebellion to Klazomenai, Teos and Ephesos. He then set for Miletos in 412 BCE and turned it into the Spartan naval base for the coming war. But Alkibiades' conduct put him in bad terms with the Archagetes Agis II and the Athenaios switched to Persian service. However in 409 BCE Alkibiades was in contact with Athenian commanders and insisted for them to attack Ephesos. Čiçafarnah learnt of this and rushed his horsemen to the polis, rallying the Iones and the allied Hellenes from Sikelia to successfully defeat the Athenaioi. In 407 BCE the Spartan Nauarchos Lysandros transferred the fleet to Ephesos, due to its better location, and not only set his base there, but he filled the port with merchants. Bringing much business and Ephesos began to grew in splendor and wealth. Learning of this, in 406 BCE, Alkibiades sailed to raid Ephesian land. His lieutenant Antiochos was sent to reconnaissance the Lakedaimonian fleet near Notion, but exchanged insults and went as far as parading with few galleys. This quickly escalated in a conflict, with both sides feeding more ships and Lysandros was ultimately victorious. Athenai took it as the perfect excuse to remove Alkibiades from command and his substitute Konon sailed to blockade Lesbos. Off the coast of Smyrna at the Arginoussai Islands the Athenian fleet defeated the Peloponnesian one led by Kallikratidas, who had just assumed his term as Nauarchos. Lysandros was then reappointed, officially as Epistoleus (notional secretary), and in 405 BCE effectively destroyed the Athenian navy. Ephesos was so overjoyed and enthralled by his personality that dedicated him and other Spartiates statues in the temple of Artemis. The Samioi even performed sacrifices to Lysandros, this was the first instance of such honours to be granted a living man. When Lysandros left Mikra Asia to finish the war with Athenai, the Iones flocked to Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger), who had been in amicable terms with the Nauarchos. Thus in 404 BCE the Asiatic Hellenes and other mercenaries from Hellas assembled at Ephesos to serve Kūruš. The venture failed and in 396 BCE the Spartan Archagetes Agesilaos II set his headquarters in Ephesos, to wage war against Čiçafarnah. In the Ionian polis Agesilaos armed many rich Iones as Hippeis and offered prizes for whichever division would prove in the best physical condition. Also making good use of the infrastructure laid by Lysandros, the marketplace became full of horses and weapons, with the carpenters, smiths, leather artisans and painters all engaged in a real military workshop. The following year Agesilaos' army was successful, but the Archagetes had to get back to Hellas for Argos, Athenai, Korinthos and Thebai had formed a league against Sparta. In 394 BCE the Lakedaimonian fleet was destroyed by the Strategos Konon of Athenai, employed by the Khšaçapāvan of Phrygia. As a result the Ephesioi now joined the anti-Spartan maritime league and helped expell the pro-Spartan oligarchai from other poleis. In 392 BCE the new Khšaçapāvan of Sparda ambushed and killed the appointed Spartan commander near Ephesos and effectively re-established Persian suzerainty in coastal Mikra Asia. The following year this Khšaçapāvan was already arbitrating disputes and hearing Ionian juries. Later in 388 BCE Persian overlordship was officialised by the Spartan diplomat Antalkidas during negotiations with Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II). In 366 BCE Asiatic Hellenes joined Yervand of Hayasdan in revolt and the Khšaçapāvan of Karia, Mausolos, as a result, marched against Ephesos. This polis had been taken over by Heropythos, who started to rule as Tyrannos and extended his dominion to the east of Miletos in Karia. Mausolos managed to push him back to Ephesos, but there Heropythos died repelling the Karian army. The Ephesioi to show their gratitude buried the Tyrannos in their marketplace. In the meantime Athenai had dispatched the Strategos Timotheos with desires to revive Athenian Hegemonia in the Aigaion. To this aim he besieged Samos and captured it by 365 BCE. In 362 BCE Vātafradāta (Autophradates), the Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, surrounded by rebels joined their cause. However by 360 BCE the revolt was losing cohesion and Vātafradāta approached the Ephesian leaders for a conference, but there he took them prisoners and stormed the polis with hidden troops. In 357 BCE Mausolos instigated revolts among the islands of the Aigaion against Athenai and the Strategos Chabrias attacked Chios in the ensuing war. The following year the sole remaining Strategos Chares allied with Artavazdah, the new Khšaçapāvan of Phrygia who had just started a rebellion against Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes III). As a consequence the Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) threatened Athenai that he would support the rebels in the Aigaion, prompting an end to the war in the islands. These were declared independent in 355 BCE, but received Karian garrisons for protection. Stasis developed among the Iones quickly, with pro-Persian oligarchai facing democratic factions.
Around 345 BCE Delios of Ephesos, an alledged follower of Platon, went to Makedonia as an emissary representing his fellow Asiatic Hellenes. There he spurred Philippos II of Makedonia to lead an expedition, which the Iones and other Hellenes would support. The Iones also followed Phillipos' claim to divinity and even set up a quasi-cultic image at the temple of Artemis in Ephesos. In 336 BCE Parmenion led 10.000 men to support these democratic risings, but as he marched away to fight against Memnon of Rhodos, the oligarchai promptly re-took power. When Philippos was assassinated, the Makedonian Strategos Amyntas fled to Ephesos and there was employed as a mercenary captain by Memnon. However 334 BCE following the battle at the Grenikos River, Alexandros III of Makedonia marched to Ephesos and the mercenary garrison fled. The oligarchai were executed, among other reasons because they had destroyed Philippos' statue. Alexandros spent some time in the polis, harbouring his fleet, and commissioned a painting of himself as Zeus wielding a thunderbolt. He also received ambassadors from other poleis offering their submission and Alexandros dispatched the Strategoi Parmenion and Alkimachos to remove any pro-Persian government in coastal Mikra Asia. Klazomenai, up to this point an island, was linked to the mainland as part of the program to strengthen Ionia against the Persian fleet. Then news reached Alexandros III that Memnon and all the mercenaries were assembling at Miletos. The Basileus assembled what forces he could gather, recalling the two Strategoi, and marched to besiege Miletos. Nikanor, Nauarchos for the Koinon Hellenon, was also sailed to Lades, fortifying the place. Thus the Persian fleet was forced to anchor off-shore under Mount Mykale and Alexandros quickly captured the Milesian Akropolis. Later in 333 BCE the Makedonian army was setting out to meet with Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius III), but ever resourceful Memnon of Rhodos had already retaken the islands in the Aigaion, Priene and Miletos. The Hellenes started to look on Memnon as the real liberator, for Alexandros had no scruple about enslaving whoever refused to submit and instead offered to become a neutral and open city. When Mytilene, after a fierce struggle, expelled its Makedonian garrison, all the Kyklades offered their allegiance to Memnon. Luckily for Alexandros, the Rhodian Strategos fell ill and died; thus without his charisma and genius the anti-Makedonian league lost any hope for a united front. Word of the Makedonian victory at Issos also dampened their spirits, so in 332 BCE the Nauarchos of the Hellespontos Amphoteros and his officer Hegelochos managed to raise a powerful fleet from the Asiatic Hellenes. Recapturing Chios, Lesbos and the other islands. While the Somatophylax Balakros on land was also successful in taking back Miletos. This prompted the Milesioi to report how Didyma's spring began to flow again and how its oracle heard, once more, prophecies from Apollon, ratifying Alexandros' descent from Zeus. Thus, with more favourable propaganda, Alexandros ended the harder measures in Mikra Asia: granting land to poleis, covering war expenses and conciliate as far as possible the Hellenes with their garrisons. Alexandros also revived the Panionion, which once again held festivals and games.
In 318 BCE Antigonos Monophthalmos seized Ephesos, supporting Kassandros against Polyperchon, and made it his base for war in the Aigaion. At that time ships were taking 600 talents of silver to Makedonia, to cover the expenses for the Basileis under the regency of Polyperchon. But Antigonos promptly seized them and used them to pay his army and fund his campaign to gain control of Ionia and the Aigaion. Later in 315 BCE Antigonos dispossessed Seleukos of Babylonia, forcing him to flee to Aegyptos. There he served as Nauarchos for Ptolemaios I and led raids in Ionia and Karia, he proved so successful that the oracle of Didyma hailed him as Basileus. But this was premature, Seleukos' objective was to divert Antigonid forces to the Aigaion, so that Ptolemaios could defeat whatever troops remained in Syria. In 307 BCE, now secure of his position in Mikra Asia, Antigonos proclaimed several Ionian communities free. Now the fleet at Ephesos consisted of 250 vessels and Demetrios was ordered to sail and free every polis in Hellas. However in 302 BCE Lysimachos of Thraikia joined the coalition against Antigonos and with the help of Strategos Prepelaos, dispatched by Kassandros, they quickly captured Ephesos taking control of Ionia. Demetrios, now known as Poliorketes (the Besieger), was recalled and with ease retook Ionia. This forced Lysimachos and Pleistarchos (Kassandros' brother) to engage in a delaying campaign, to buy time and allow Seleukos I and Ptolemaios I to bring up their armies in Mikra Asia. Subsequently Antigonos was killed in battle and Lysimachos was rewarded western Mikra Asia. Thus he set forth removing the still loyal Antigonid garrisons and Ephesos once again was captured, this time with the assistance of pirates. The polis was indispensable, but the past years had made all too clear how its position was too exposed. So in the late 290s BCE Lysimachos ordered its relocation and fortification, renamed Arsinoeia (after his second wife). It had as many as sixty towers, its drystone walls carefully fitted onto the bedrock, becoming strong to the point of brutality. Lysimachos certainly had big plans for Ephesos, forcibly transplanting citizens from Lebedos and Colophon to it, and started planning the foundations for the Great Theater. He also had a large gate made for the trading traffic coming from the east and built a mausoleion for himself, but he would not be buried there. By 285 BCE Lysimachos was indeed showing great ambition and resources, which threatened his former allies and they let Demetrios cross to Mikra Asia. The Antigonid were still much loved and respected by the populace: Miletos defected to become his naval base. Soon other coastal poleis' governors switched sides as well, Ephesos included. Fortunately for Lysimachos, his son Agathokles proved a resolute commander drawing Demetrios ever farther inland, to cut the latter's supply lines and retaking all his settlements. The fleet at Miletos, with no port to go to, had no choice but to surrender and Agathokles effectively defeated the Poliorketes without even meeting him in battle. Thus in 284 BCE Agathokles, who already had a personal mint striking coins in his image wearing a diadem, may have started to demand his father to share his power. Arsinoe at this time obfuscated Lysimachos' mind, to further her sons succession or directly attempt to poison her son in law. Whatever the case Agathokles ended up in prison and Ptolemaios Keraunos executed him. This caused great disaffection towards Lysimachos by his officials, who offered their loyalty to Seleukos I Nikator. The latter was victorious in 281 BCE, but Keraunos betrayed him and murdered him the same year, bringing political chaos in Mikra Asia.
So Ptolemaios II Philadelphos of Aigyptos was all too glad to rectify that, making Kallikrates of Samos his Nauarchos with orders to take all the Ionian seaboard for Aigyptos. Ptolemaic dominance was then secured, thanks to the Galatian invasion keeping Seleukid forces occupied. But in 261 BCE the Ptolemaic fleet was defeated by Antigonos Gonatas, who now allied himself with Antiochos II and carried the war to Ionia. Ptolemaic power in the Aigaion was thus uncertain and in 259 BCE Timarchos of Aitolia proclaimed himself Tyrannos of Miletos, killing the Ptolemaic officer in the polis. Antiochos II swiftly assaulted the rebel, capturing both Miletos and Samos, earning the title of Theos (God). In 258 BCE Agathostratos of Rhodos, who had sided with the Makedonian and Seleukid Basileis, defeated Chremonides of Athenai, now an exile serving Ptolemaios II, at Ephesos by feigning a naval retreat and falling on the Ptolemaic sailors as they were disembarking. Thus Antiochos II Soter took over the whole of Ionia and engaged the remaining Ptolemaic naval bases in the Aigaion. Although victorious these were only small detachments of Philadephos' fleet, but Ptolemaios managed to broker a favourable peace in 253 BCE by marrying his daughter to the Seleukid Basileus. However Antiochos II Soter already had a wife, Laodike, whom he sent to live in Ephesos with her sons. The union allowed Philadelphos to revive his power in the Aigaion and defeat Antigonos Gonatas around 250 BCE in a naval battle. Antiochos II Soter on the other hand was unable to recover his eastern satrapeies and may have just given up, preferring the pleasures of a dissolute life. In 246 BCE, with the death of Philadelphos, Antiochos II Soter was all too happy to repudiate the former's daughter Berenike and rush back to Laodike in Ephesos, where unfortunately for him that very summer he died. Thus Seleukos II Pogon was proclaimed Basileus, but Berenike refused and named her son the successor calling for her brother Ptolemaios III's support. Sophron, the Seleukid governor of Ephesos, was informed that Laodike intended to kill him and so he fled to Ptolemaios III. Who sent him with Ptolemaios Andromachos to retake Ionia and the islands of the Aigaion. They were successful, but in 245 BCE they lost a naval battle against Antigonos Gonatas and Ptolemaios Andromachos was killed by his soldiers from Thraikia at Ephesos. Ptolemaios III in 243 BCE answered by siding with the Koinon Achaion and concentrated his efforts towards the eastern Aigaion. Exploiting the civil war, which erupted between the two sons of Laodike, Ptolemaios III gained Lesbos, Samos, Kos and poleis in the Chersonesos Thraikios by stricking a peace with Seleukos II in 241 BCE. From then on Ptolemaic activities in Ionia and Mikra Asia were concentrated on providing aid, to whatever polity happened to be fighting the central Seleukid authority.
In 201 BCE Philippos V of Makedonia, in accordance with Antiochos III Megas, was undertaking a massive naval campaign in the Aigaion against Rhodos. He sailed to Samos, capturing every Ptolemaic vessel and using the harbour as his base. The Rhodoi attempted to block his way at Lades, but Philippos V broke through and sailed for Miletos. There he was welcomed, although the Milesioi could scarcely do anything else. The defeated Rhodian Nauarchos Theophiliskos then contacted Attalos I of Pergamon and formed a naval coalition. Quickly Chios, Byzantion, Kyzikos and Kos joined as well, causing Philippos V to invade Mysia. He planned on knocking out the most powerful member of the coalition, but he was unable to capture Pergamon. Thus Philippos V decided to blockade Chios, preventing the allies to link their fleets. This was a vain hope, because he found himself effectively trapped on two fronts. Realising this Philippos V tried to escape, but was intercepted by Attalos and later Theophiliskos joined battle into two linked fights. Philippos V lost 96 of his 200 warships, all sunk, but managed to flee. However by 197 BCE Antiochos III Megas had finished off Ptolemaic resistance in Syria, gathering warships and building new ones. With both these and his land army, Antiochos captured every single Ptolemaic base in Mikra Asia. With 300 warships hardly any polity could oppose him at the present moment and Rhodos sent emissaries to inquiry about his intentions. The Basileus Megas offered them influence over the Kyklades, Karia and every island as far north as Samos. Continuing his journey Antiochos III wintered at Ephesos, establishing contacts with Roma and Titvs Qvinctivs Flamininvs. But relations eventually deteriorated and in 192 BCE Antiochos Megas was drawn into a conflict against the SPQR, to assist his Aitolian allies. Defeated the following year he sent part of his fleet to Hellespontos, while he sailed the rest to Ephesos. His failed campaign also convinced Eumenes III of Pergamon and Rhodos to side with Roma, but the three fleets were separated and Antiochos Megas felt necessary to keep them apart. To this end he sent his Nauarchos Polyxenidas of Rhodos and 200 ships to Phokaia, between Eumenes and the Roman naval Praetor Caivs Livivs Salinator. However the latter moved to Chios, threatening Ephesos and Polyxenidas came south of Erythrai at Kissos. This was a ploy that allowed Eumenes to join and now the allied fleet was larger and possessed heavier vessels. Polyxenidas attempted to quickly capture enemy ships with his fast ships, but the Romani were using grappling irons and prevented them to manouver. Seeing this the Seleukid fleet called off the attack mostly intact, with ten ships swamped and thirteen captured, sailing back to Ephesos. The polis could not be captured for the fleet was supported by both the garrison and Seleukid land forces. Thus winter set in with both sides taking quarters, to equip more ships and recruiting allies. In 190 BCE C. Livivs Salinator took thirty Roman ships and four Pergamene ones to the Hellespontos, in an attempt to clear it for the land army, while leaving the rest under the Rhodian Pausistratos. This fleet was positioned to prevent Polyxenidas in Ephesos to sail towards the Hellespontos, but left all the Rhodian outposts in the Aigaion vulnerable. Thus the Seleukid Nauarchos decoyed his opponent to Samos and raided a Rhodian squadron, capturing twenty vessels and sinking one. In the meantime Antichos Megas' son, Seleukos, captured Phokaia which had been used as a naval base by the Romani. Upon hearing of this C. Livivs Salinator rushed back to join the Rhodioi, who had appointed a new Nauarchos, Eudamos, and dispatched him with twenty more ships. Polyxenidas figured he would be caught again between two contingents, or simply dreaded being in a similar scenario, and took position to intercept the Roman fleet at Myonessos. But a storm prevented any manouver and after another abortive attempt, the Seleukid fleet had to get back to Ephesos to resupply. The allies were not faring any better: the new naval Praetor Lvcivs Aemilivs Regillvs had to be escorted by four qvinqveremes, four qvadriremes and four triremes because the Ionion Pelagos (Ionian Sea) and the Kyklades were teeming with Seleukid allies. A conference was held at Samos, where the Pergamenoi were concerned about Mysia being invaded by Seleukos and the Rhodioi alarmed by news of Hannibal Barca sailing from Syria against Rhodos itself. The alliance cohesion was put under severe pressure and the Rhodioi resolved to send 35 warships to block Hannibal, which they did successfully. In the meantime L. Aemilivs Regillvs was running out of supplies and sailed out to Chios, but was deliberately fed informations about a Seleukid consignment of wine on its way to Antiochos. Unaware of the trap, the Roman fleet set forth seizing the convoy on its way to Chios, but close to the Myonessos Cape Polyxenidas had deployed his 90 vessels. The Praetor could rely on 80, because Eumenes' and other Roman warships were at the Hellespontos, while the greater part of the Rhodian fleet had been engaging Hannibal. Nevertheless L. Aemilivs Regillvs was confident enough to attack, employing fire-pots mounted on a pole in front of the bow and concentrating on the thinner centre of the enemy formation. This proved victorious and 42 Seleukid ships were sunk, burnt and captured, at the cost of only three allied vessels. The Aigaion now belonged to the allies, Phokaia was recaptured as winter quarters and Polyxenidas unable to break through Rhodian squadrons, after the Seleukid defeat at Magnesia by Mount Sypilos, was compelled to march his crew inland.
Ionia was now Eumenes' and poleis like Miletos and Ephesos enjoyed a second blooming thanks to benefactions. In 184 BCE Eumenes gained a major victory against Galatian raiders and was hailed by the Hellenes as Soter (Saviour), also in appreciation the citizens of Ephesos, Miletos and Sardis contributed financially for a commemorative frieze of the battle. Later in 171 BCE Eumenes II Soter fought alongside the SPQR against Makedonia, shipping troops and supplies across the Aigaion. Although facing set backs, like a cavalry convoy destroyed by the Makedonian fleet in 168 BCE off Chios, and renewed Galatian raids, Eumenes kept his kingdom safe. His successor and brother Attalos II Philadelphos engaged in building programs, in an attempt to deal with the silting of Ionia. In 155 BCE he had the Ephesian harbour dredged and built new breakwaters, but this was an insufficient measure simply delaying the inevitable. In general the Ionian communities enjoyed a benevolent rule, honouring the Attalidai with statues and festivals. In 133 BCE Aristonikos declared himself a bastard son of Eumenes II Soter, to oppose the Roman inheritance of Attalid Pergamon. However the rich urban communities banished him and the Ephesioi even assembled a fleet to defeat him near Kyme. Once Aristonikos was captured, the Provincia of Asia was established and Ephesos became the administrative centre. Quickly the Pvblicani (overseers, tax and duties collectors) initiated a ruthless extraction of capital, among other measures by lending money at usurious rates. In 94 BCE the Proconsvl of Asia, Qvintvs Mvcivs Scaevola responded by allowing cases to be settled by neutral parties, as per Hellenic law, and set about reforming the administration. His Legatvs Pvblivs Rvtilivs Rvfvs was however falsely condemned by Roman juries, composed of Eqvites (members of the equestrian order), who were the very Pvblicani conducting extortions. The local Hellenes offered him asylum at Mytilene and later Smyrna, while previously the Asiatic Hellenes had honoured Q. Mvcivs Scaevola with festivals. Unfortunately these upright men proved to be the exception, rather than the rule and corruption resumed.
In 89 BCE Mithradates VI of Pontos invaded the Roman Provincia of Asia and Asiatic Hellenes were generally amenable to his cause. The Mytilenaioi seized Manivs Aqvillivs as he was fleeing, sending him back to the Pontic Basileus to be executed. While the Ephesioi helped resident Romani to escape to Rhodos, but soon as the Pontic army turned up, they opened their gates and overthrew every Roman statue in the polis as a show of loyalty. Nonetheless in 88 BCE the poleis of Ionia duly followed Mithradates' instructions to kill every single Romanvs and Latinvs, for financial incentives. Actually Ephesos was the stage of the largest number of murders, where the resident aliens were dragged away from the temples to be slain. Now the Hellenes were undeniably made part of the Pontic cause and supplied warships for the siege of Rhodos. Frustrated by failures and superior Rhodian seamanship, Mithradates paranoically concocted Hellenic betrayal when a ship from Chios slammed his royal flagship during a night attack by the Rhodioi. Thus later in 86 BCE, when a Chian delegation approached Lvcivs Cornelivs Svlla, Mithradates ordered his Strategos Zenobios, en route to Athenai, to occupy the island and demand hostages. This was followed by a charge of embezzlement over the Roman loot from the massacre, which Mithradates announced deserved death. But he "magnanimously" would waive for a 2.000 talents fine, which by stripping temples and donating jewellery the Chioi managed to cover. While the campaign in Hellas was suffering major reversals, Zenobios had returned and was supposed to meet the governor of Ephesos. However the citizens, fearing a similar treatment that befell Chios, executed Zenobios, gathered supplies and prepared to defend their polis. Other communities followed their example, but Mithradates harassed the rebels in the countryside, making a gruesome example of anyone caught outside. To prevent further insurrections he erased debts, freed slaves and granted citizenship to foreigners, envisioning fervent pro- and anti-Mithradatic factions in every poleis paralyzed in civic strife. In 84 BCE Svlla recovered Ephesos and summarily put to death those who sided with Mithradates. Then he demanded the arrears in taxation and to cover the war expenses. The islands of the Aigaion repudiated Svlla's settlement and engaged in piracy, which may have been sponsored by Mithradates himself. Around 78 BCE Caivs Ivlivs Caesar stormed Mytilene, bringing its pirates to heel and earned the Corona Civica for his valour. By the 60s BCE Cnaevs Pompeivs had cleared the seas from piracy and Miletos dedicated him a monument at one of its harbours. Later in 49 BCE Pompeian supporters were in Ephesos, contemplating to strip the temple of Artemis to finance their cause and assembling all the warships they could find in the Provincia of Asia. Upon hearing of C. Ivlivs Caesar crossing of the Hadriaticvm Mare (Adriatic Sea), they had only time to commandeer 2200 Sestertia, previously deposited to the Pvblicani by Marcvs Tvllivs Cicero. In 44 BCE Arsinoe IV, co-ruler of Aigyptos with Ptolemaios XIII, was deposed and escaped to Ephesos. Where she helped finance the lost republican cause, but in 41 BCE her sister Kleopatra VII arranged for Marcvs Antonivs to have her murdered. While in Ephesos M. Antonivs raised revenues for his war against Parthia, also arranged for a statue of Apollon and 200.000 parchments from Pergamon to be confiscated and sent to Kleopatra VII as a wedding gift. Around 33 BCE M. Antonivs and Kleopatra assembled in Ephesos 800 vessels, 500 of them warships, for the civil war with Caivs Ivlivs Caesar Octavianvs. When the latter was victorious in 31 BCE, he punished the Ephesioi with taxation, but let the polis be free. Octavianvs also replaced, in the temples of Asia, all the ornaments despoiled by M. Antonivs. By 14 CE Ephesos had enjoyed much patronage and extended its aqueducts, paved its streets, enlarged the marketplaces, built monumental triple gates and fountains. Thus the polis received the title of First and Greatest Metropolis of Asia.
Strategy
Ionia is vital for the control of the Aigaion and it has enough resources to finance military forces. But its position makes it a superb trading centre, with the potential of increasing the revenues further.
I know, way too long, I'll wait for feedback on my previous three descriptions, so that maybe I can adjust the History sections to the team's criteria. Right now I honestly wouldn't know what to cut :S
just wanted to say thank you to all the people who contributed
writing is something i myself find very hard to do right, so you sure have my admiration here :)
and when the time comes to write stuff for the stone fort descriptions, your help will be welcome once more, that's for certain
If this is still up and running, I can try my hand at some Eastern provinces, how about Gedrosia to start off with?
Hi Zastrow,
As far as I can tell Gedrosia is free, so please feel free to start writing. Thank you for your enthusiasm.
Since I worked on Hyrkania it would only seem logical to do Parthyaia next since the two were administered as one for most of EB's history.
On a side note, just want to thank everyone who has/is contributing and to encourage you to keep it up. The descriptions here are really phenomenal and I'm sure of great help to team members whose skills can be better directed elsewhere.
Makedonia is coming along soon. "Traveller's log", "geography" and "people, society and government" and "strategy" sectors are ready, but could use the editing. The history sector has progressed but is not yet done. Especially in EB timeframe the succession of events is like aimless machine-gun fire and no cooling. Rapid, doomed to implode and can lead to no good. Trying to sift through what's important (Alexander on a level of his and everything else that made a difference) and what is not worth the time and pixels taken to type (Meleagros) is proving more challenging than I thought (or hoped).
Getting there...
Put me on the board with Bithynia please, I feel Eleutheroish :P
Just saw your new edits @I Am Herenow
Here are the answers:
Spoiler Alert, click show to read:Yes, his father the King granted him free hand and money to recruit mercenaries...Quote:
Originally Posted by I Am HerenowThis does not make sense; do you mean 'Darius allowed'?
Failing to coerce them into joining his army, through fear and a show of strength...Quote:
What do you mean by 'impressed enough'?
Gah forgot my previous post was the last one, sorry for the double :(
No need to apologize. In fact, if you had edited the previous post instead of submitting a new one, I wouldn't have noticed that the thread had been updated.Quote:
Originally Posted by ArjosGah forgot my previous post was the last one, sorry for the double :(
I have not been capable of working much on Lakonike in the past few weeks (mainly due to school work), but with the holidays approaching I have good hopes I can start working on it again. Apologies for the delay.
Makedonia as promised...
I had a hard time keeping it "brief". I didn't exactly succeed either. Classical and pre-classical Makedonia rarely gets the attention its history's twists and turns deserve. I focused in this period in terms of text length. I wrote very little about Phillip and practically nothing about Alexander. My impression is that people playing this game are well informed on Alexander and could benefit little from Phillip's particulars; whose genius deserves volumes. The EB era of Makedonia has been aptly described in EB I and in some detail too. I did provide a list of events, around the lineage of Makedonian Kings as an axis, but perhaps somewhat summarily.
At any rate the text is of course up for editing, addition or any other form of manipulation by the team.
Hope you enjoy.
Spoiler Alert, click show to read:Province Makedonia
Traveler’s Log
A traveler’s most rewarding approach would be through the northern mountains, from whose high passes, Makedonia’s lowlands, rivers, sea and a majestic Olympus are a breathtaking sight. Tough people were brought to heel under Phillip’s rule and he rewarded their loyal service with supremacy over all Aimos and… his son. Phillip used a mixture of all means available to him to achieve his goal. Alexander, it seems, would only need his own will. And what a will it was, forged between rugged mountain, roaring river and cool sea. All under the gaze of the Olympians.
The traveler should go south to visit the new Makedonian capital at Pella and the old, ceremonial capital at Aigai, whose name probably derives from the word for goat. Goats are aplenty in Makedonia and the Persian Empire’s conquerors were mostly goat herders once. Before reaching the capitals in the Makedonian heartland by the sea, the traveler will cross the lowland lying before him and to the east the gentle slope descends uninterrupted all the way to the sea. Parallel to his route, but farther to the east, are rivers, Strymon and Nestos, that formed natural borders of the Makedonian kingdom of old. There are also rivers that flow into the bay Thermaikos, where the kingdom’s capital has access to the sea. The gulf is sheltered by the Chalcidice peninsula to the east and the mainland forms its west. Farther to the west, the sheer volume of the Pindos Mountains forms a wall, both separating and joining, Makedonia and Epeiros, in geography and fate.
Moving southwards, the traveler approaches the highest mountain in all of Hellas: Olympus, home to the gods. Crowned by clouds formed by Zeus Nefeligeretes, it dominates the southern Makedonian lowlands all the way to the pass of Tempi, southern Makedonia’s border with Thessaly.
Geography
Makedonia is dominated by mountains to the North and West. The snowy mountains are the source of rivers running to the sea. The lowlands are both fertile farmland and excellent pastureland for livestock and superior horses. The Chalcidicean peninsula expands three-pronged into the sea and near its cliff shores the sea can be treacherous, as many a seaman have discovered, Persian invaders being a prominent example. To the south, mount Olympus boasts its height and the honor of being the seat of the Gods.
The People, Society and Government
Makedon was a son of Zeus and Thyia, daughter of Deucalion. Zeus needs no introduction, but Thyia’s name probably derives from the word “to sacrifice” and was a naiad and a Maenad, a worshiper in the cult of Dionysus, from mount Parnassus in central Hellas. This is only the prevalent mythological origin, but other possibilities are less appealing (Aeolus and Lykaon). Makedon or Makednos probably means highlander or long, tall, but there are advocates of pre-Greek, non-Indo-European origin of the word. His brother was Magnes. The two grew up and ruled in areas around mount Olympus, ultimately giving their names to their realms: Makedonia and Magnesia, the land of Centaurs. Makedon himself is attributed the epithet hippiocharmes, a word found both in Hesiod and Homer (attributed to characters of the Iliad). The word is translated mainly in three ways all of which denote appreciation and love of horses.
So these sons of Zeus loved (and/or fought on) horses, enjoyed excessive drinking and lived right next-door to the gods. The stuff of empire?
Makedonian society was initially a cluster of clans from the highlands and lowlands around the capital. The clan leaders were responsible for their subjects’ conduct and they all answered to the king. They formed the core of the King’s council that later on became the Hetairoi.
Mostly goat herders, the Makedonians were a hardy folk and their code of ethics reflected this fact. It was only during the late fourth century that increased contact with southern Hellas and substantial wealth led to a refinement at court and the incorporation of more advanced political institutions in the kingdom’s function. The cult of Dionysus boasted a strong presence in the kingdom, but Zeus and Heracles also enjoyed fervent worship, the latter based on the Makedonian people’s sense of descent from the legendary demigod.
Makedonia always had a king. Whether Perdikas I or Karanos, the mythic founder of Aigai, the first King of Macedon claimed descent from Argos. Temenus of the line of Heracles, as the story goes, was one of the three Dorian leaders that invaded Mycenaean Peloponnesus. Temenus became king of Argolis and had three sons; Karanos was one of them. When the division of their father’s lands didn’t quite agree with him Karanos led his followers north and settled in the heartland of what later became the kingdom of Makedonia. The king ruled without some form of written law, but his power was curtailed by a council of nobles, among which quite often were clan leaders of the periphery and their kin. Other than that it would seem that the king’s power could be only limited by public support of potential rivals when his rule might seem to wane; and even then it took more to overthrow a king. Still, the other mythical Argeadean progenitor’s name, Perdikas, has been explained as deriving from “Peridikaios” meaning just; it was a popular name it seems.
History
In terms of historical record, except for the epics, there is almost nothing to speak of before the 5th century BC. Furthermore, the word Makedonia does not appear in the Iliad or the Odyssey. The inhabitants of those lands are instead called Paiones. They were later to be found at the Axios valley to the North. In fact, since the 9th century BC it was Illyrian and Thracian tribes that mostly inhabited the lands of Makedonia prior to the arrival of the Argives who set up their capital at Aigai.
Despite the lack of other evidence, the early line of kings has been saved for the historical record. Starting at around the turn of the 700s BC Perdikas I, ruled for many years and was succeeded by his son with queen Kleopatra (another popular name), Argaeos I. Having ruled for many years he was in turn succeeded by his son Phillip I (see what I mean with the names?). Aeropos I ruled after Phillip I, “the lover of horses”, and his son Alketas I, perhaps meaning strong, succeeded him. Amyntas I was “the strong one’s” son and sat on the throne in 520 BC and held it until 498 BC. Each of the kings of the early line ruled for over 25 years according to this approach. This is where the historical record starts to provide us with more than names and years spent on the throne.
Amyntas I held a sizeable kingdom that still did not include what later became the makedonian kingdom’s core, namely the coastal area where the capitals were built. He maintained good relations with the Athenian tyrants of the time as did his son Alexander I after him. During his reign he bowed to the will of the Persian King of Kings Darius I. However, his son killed Persian envoys during a banquet at court for mistreating women at the feast and Amyntas must have been forced to make amends. Perhaps one such act was giving his daughter to marriage with a Persian noble name Bubaris. Amyntas also offered sanctuary in an estate in the Chalcidicean peninsula for Hippias when he was forced out of Athens.
Alexandros I (Alexander I) also called Philellinas, a word which at the time also meant patriot, ruled until 450 BC. During this time he recognized Persian suzerainty and campaigned with Xerxes against southern Greek city-states. Legend has it that he tried to warn them of the coming danger, but that might only be to preserve his reputation. When the tide turned he effected the destruction of Persian army remnants in his domain. After the Persian Wars he integrated the mountain territories of the Lyngestians, Orestians and Elymiates to the kingdom. As a prince he took part in the 504 BC Olympic Games after the Hellanodhikes approved of his application to take part. He had to prove that he was Hellene in order to participate, which he did by proudly claiming descent from Argos and Temenus. He ruled until 454 BC and was the first Makedonian king to mint coins that bore his name, a practice that afterwards became very popular.
Alketas II was Alexandros I’s son. Far from being strong, he earned a nickname for drunkard and was murdered after six years of rule. His brothers Phillip and Perdikas ruled for roughly ten years perhaps not as legitimate kings and at 436 BC a younger son of Alexandros I claimed and got the throne.
When Perdikas II began his rule, the kingdom was disintegrating and its constituents were largely gaining autonomy and only nominally recognized the king. When royal power waned in Makedonia there was always someone among the nobles to try and claim the throne. In this case it was the king’s brother who asked for the help of the Athenians and Elymiates to help him achieve his goal. Perdikas II reacted by inciting unrest in Athenian colonies in the area such as the city of Potidaia. Athens responded with a sizeable expeditionary force. Corinth got involved in the conflict also with a sizeable force. The Athenian force had to change its mind and side with the king against Potidaia, their colony, which he had encouraged to rebellion! Perdikas II was not true to his support of Athens, as can be expected when one’s kingdom is dotted at the coast by strong Athenian colonies.
Therefore at the onset of the Peloponnesian War he again urged cities in Chalcidice to leave the Delian Alliance and take refuge in Olynthus. Later on, when he sent a contingent to assist the Spartans in their operations in Akarnania, the Thracian King Sitalkes, at the bidding or suggestion of the Athenians and with a promise of military assistance, invaded Makedonia. Assistance never came and Perdikas II, shrewdly reached an agreement with the invader offering to his enemy’s nephew the hand of his daughter in marriage. The Thracians retired. Perdikas II later helped the Spartans take Amphipolis and thus dealt a mighty blow to the Athenians by greatly limiting their access to Makedonian timber which was superb for building their fleet. The grateful Spartans offered military assistance to the Makedonian king so that he might secure his borders. Operations did not meet with success and the professional Spartan army was let down by the then ill-disciplined Makedonian troops. Relations went sour. Perdikas II again switched sides in 423BC and helped the Athenians, only to change back in 417BC. Four years later he would again change his allegiance and help the Athenians in their attack on Amphipolis. Death was to stop him that same year (413BC) from yet another switch. This pendulum of foreign affairs was not a random irresponsible stance on the Makedonian king’s part. His rule was waning and the world around him was changing violently. It was all he could do and his actions perhaps point to Phillip II’s hyperactive diplomacy during the years of Makedonian ascendancy in the Aimos peninsula. Perdikas II was succeeded by his son Archelaos I.
Archelaos I was a very competent ruler, enough so that Thucydides would remark that he accomplished as much as all previous Makedonian kings combined. Archelaos was not flamboyant in his rule (413BC-399BC), even though he did start off with a dramatic set of murders to secure his throne. His uncle, his cousin and a younger brother were all to be murdered at his command. Brutal as it was at the onset, Archelaos I’s rule was stable and he went on to reform the process of government in the kingdom, trade and the army, both the cavalry and the hoplite phalanx. He minted new coinage of good quality, built roads and forts and became a patron of the arts, with Phillip II perhaps imitating this policy during his rule. Archelaos I invited scholars and philosophers to his court, among them the tragics Agathon and Euripides, the musician Timotheos and Socrates (who declined). During his stay Euripides wrote “Archelaos” to praise a king worthy of praise and more importantly what is considered by many his most daring and advanced work “Backhai” which he was never to see. When the poet died of his wounds inflicted by wild dogs the king entombed him with great honors. Parallels have been drawn between this particular tragedy and Christian doctrine.
It was Archelaos that moved the capital of Makedonia from Aiges to Pella. It would seem he was able to do all this in his fourteen-year rule, by largely staying out of the war, even though he did restore the badly needed timber supply to Athens thus rectifying state relations with the “kleinon asty”. Little war and lucrative trade makes for a good era otherwise defined by wide-spread havoc. He died in a hunt at the hands of a royal page that had been somehow disgruntled concerning the matter of his marriage to the king’s daughter. A somewhat unglorified death for a very important king.
Despite his hard work and reforms, Makedonia failed to cohere after Archelaos I’s death, possibly in no small part owing to two flaws in his bequest. Upper and Lower Makedonia were not sufficiently integrated and his dynasty had not been firmly established. From 399BC to 389BC there is a period dubbed a decade of anarchy. This period is dominated by the dynasty of the Lygistes, but the historical record is poor though it retains the names of the kings in the line of succession. After Orestes, son of Archelaos, came Aeropos II, Amyntas II and Pausanias. Ending this period was Amyntas III’s first rule of the same dynasty that lasted for three years. He first launched a ruthless campaign to purge the court of his rivals. The Illyrians mounted recurring invasions that devastated Makedonia during this whole period and before he could firmly establish his power Amyntas III had to face yet another Illyrian invasion under Bardylius who had ruled the tribes for over fourty years, undoubtedly a strong ruler. Amyntas III entered an alliance with the Koinon of the Chalcideans, then under the leadership of Olynthus, in hope of driving the invaders back over the mountains. However, Bardylius an experienced warlord marched speedily toward the Makedonian heartland before help could arrive from Chalcidice. Amyntas III had to abandon the capital and cede responsibility for a large portion of his kingdom to his allies. While Pella was up for the taking, the Dardanoi, the main Illyrian tribe in this invasion, devastated the countryside. After three months a deal was struck stipulating that the Illyrians would return to their lands and the kingdom would pay them annual tribute. Amyntas III was to regain control of the capital, Pella. However, his former allies refused to return control of his other lands that they had protected during the invasion. As if this was not enough in 383 BC they took Pella and installed Argaios II to the throne. A desperate Amyntas III asked for the help of Spartans to regain the throne. Two years after his fall, in 381, help was granted and the throne regained only now the king owed both the Illyrians their tribute and the Spartans a really big favour and probably more though we have no evidence of the details. In 379BC he dissolved the Koinon of the Chalcideans with Spartan assistance, only to see it reform with Athenian assistance. In 371 Spartan power was broken against the military genius of Epaminondas and Amyntas III was able to forego his debt to the Spartans and enter an alliance with Athens in 370 BC, despite the fact that their now independent colonies in the peninsula of Chalcidice were certain to cause friction. After his re-ascendance to the throne, he ruled for over a decade, albeit in a still fractious kingdom and with constant meddling from the Athenians and Thebans, determined to extend their influence in the North Aegean. In 369 BC Amyntas III died.
He was succeded by his son Alexandros II in 369 BC at a time that saw the rise of Thebes. Feeling threatened by his brother in law Ptolemaios of Aloros, he asked help from Thebes. In return, he got a Theban demand for fifty Makedonians of noble birth including the king’s younger brother Phillip (soon to be Phillip II) to be sent to Thebes as “guests”. While the new king was campaigning in Thessaly against an Alexandros of Pheres, there was turmoil at court as the queen regent had sponsored another claimant to the throne, Ptolemaios. The Theban general Pelopidas marched to Makedonia and settled the dispute by dividing the Makedonian domain between the candidates. The compromise was short-lived as Ptolemaios assassinated Alexandros II (sources are not in full agreement) and took all of Makedonia for himself in 368BC to rule as regent. At the same time the Koinon of the Chalcideans supported a Pausanias’ claim to the throne. Both Athens and Thebes intervened (none other than the innovative Iphicrates was sent on behalf of Athens) and the balance of power swung back and forth, until Ptolemaios died in 365 BC.
Perdikas III was sure to have a place in history as Phillip II’s predecessor. He took the throne in 365BC and immediately sided with Thebes. He sent military aid to Amphipolis that was under siege from an Athenian expeditionary force. In response they sent not one but two generals: Timotheos and Kallisthenes. The two of them were no less than able veterans and together with Iphicrates they dominated the political and military scene of Athens during the period after the Peloponnesian War. As expected Perdikas was hard pressed and lost control of significant portions of territory. Thebes acknowledging his allegiance and instead of any real support, release his brother Phillip who at the time was only 17 years old. In 360BC the Dardanoi from Illyria invaded yet again under Bardylios, now in his nineties. The young king went out to meet him and was killed in 359BC along with 4000 Makedonians. Enter Phillip.
“Phillip became the most important king of Europe in his time, and owing to the extent of his power earned a throne next to the gods […]reigned for twenty four years. He is known as the king who had very few means to support his position on the throne, but managed to form the greatest monarchy in the Hellenic world and did so not so much with his ability in arms as with his skill in diplomacy and compliment. It is said that Phillip prided himself more on his strategic abilities and the diplomatic successes than his valour in battle; because every soldier had a share to his success on the battlefield, while victories in diplomacy were exclusively his”.
And that just about sums it up. The greatest king of Europe at his time… no doubt.
And a very lucky father, if one does not subscribe to the allegations of patricide against Alexander. Fathering the Greatest of the Greats is probably very rewarding. Granted, Phillip died when Alexander was still young, but more often than not, parents know their kids.
Alexander changed the world and the course of history like no other man. He fused East and West in ways unprecedented. And then he died.
323 BC. The world froze for a moment; then kept on turning.
Antipater, an experienced general of Phillip’s generation was left in Makedonia as caretaker of European affairs and was diligent in his duties. When Alexander died Krateros was in Kilikia, on his way back to Makedonia to take over. The two generals reached an understanding and shared control as regents with a half-wit Phillip III and later Alexandros IV as “kings”. They reaffirmed Makedonian control over Hellas despite widespread rebellion. Craterus died in battle in 321 BC near the northern coasts of Asia Minor and Antipater briefly became regent over all of the Alexandrian empire. Soon, however, he fell ill and died in 319BC. Craterus’s companion on the way back, Polyperchon took over as regent and soon clashed with Antipater’s elder son Cassander, who eventually drove him out of Makedonia and seized the throne in 316 BC. Craterus murdered Olympias, Alexander’s mother. She had marched with an army from Epeirus and taken control of Makedonia relying mostly on her prestige. Craterus was not impressed, marched to her location, forced her surrender and put her to death. Polyperchon and Cassander are responsible for the murders of Alexander IV and Heracles, Alexander the Great’s sons and potential heirs, in 309, still boys at the time. Polyperchon died some time after 305BC. Cassander fought constantly in the Diadochoi Wars until the battle of Ipsos in 301BC which found him on the winning side and left him undisputed ruler of Makedonia. He died in 297BC of a disease called hydropikia (dropsy). He rebuilt Thebes, and founded Cassandreia in the ruins of Potidaia and Thessalonika in honour of his wife. A violent and ambitious man, he lived a life defined by his character. His sons Antipater I and Alexander V became kings in the two years that followed, but Demetrius the Besieger, Antigonos the One-eyed’s son, ended up with the throne in 294 BC. This was a true Makedonian of his age, the epitome of his era: dashing, undaunted, energetic and brave, but also drunkard, megalomaniac, arrogant and tragically lacking in perspective. A commander forged in the heat of battle, under his father’s solid guidance, he ended up drinking himself to death in Cherronesus of Syria, a guest at Seleucus Nikator’s court. The throne was given to him by a Makedonian council, but only after he had killed the last of Cassander’s sons. Demetrius was unlucky enough to cross historical paths with King Pyrrhus I of Epeirus. Pyrrhus’s military impetus sufficiently weakened Demetrius event though he did temporarily manage to recover (a feat he would repeat time and time again in his lifetime) and even mount an ambitious counterattack. The other Successors finally decided to remove Demetrius from the scene and when his campaign led him to Syria he was isolated and decided to surrender. Meanwhile Lysimachus who had mounted a combined invasion of Makedonia with Pyrrhus, consolidated his control of Makedonia and became King Of Makedonia in 285BC. In 283 BC he even invaded and ravaged Epeirus as Pyrrhus was probably campaigning in Illyria during the time. During the same year Lysimachus executed his son out of jealousy. This caused ripples of unrest that led Ptolemaios Keraynos, son of Ptolemaios Soter and his sister Lysandra to leave Lysimachus and seek refuge in Seleucus’ camp. This was all the excuse the last living companions of Alexander the Great needed to go to war. They met in Curupedion where Lysimachus died and Seleucus for a moment believed he could claim the throne of Makedonia. In Argos of Thrace, Ptolemaios Keraunos stabbed the aging commander of Alexander’s hypaspistai in the back fulfilled a prophecy on Seleucus’s death and claimed the throne for himself. There were other contenders to the throne: Antiochos, son of Seleucus Nikator, Antigonos Gonatas, son Demetrius the Besieger and Pyrrhus of Epeirus. Antigonos put forth his challenge without hesitation but was soundly defeated. Pyrrhus settled for five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry and fifty elephants to boost his numbers in the Italian campaign. Antiochos was rather far away. Keraunos tricked Lysimachus’ wife Arsinoe and killed two of her three sons that could claim the throne. Arsinoe found refuge in Egypt, but Keraunos (“the thunder”) thought nothing of it. He could enjoy the fruit of his labour. So he thought…
La Ten Gauls crossed the Danube and in 279 BC Keraunos had to fight the combined armies of the Gauls and the Thracians he chose not to support in hope that they would weaken the Celts. Keraunos rode a war elephant into battle but his mount went wild and threw him down. He was summarily beheaded and his head was placed on a spear and paraded around the battlefield. The Makedonians broke ranks.
While the Gauls devastated northern Makedonia, Keraunos’ brother Meleagros was named king for a couple of months and was subsequently replaced by an Antipater II who remained a king for even less. A strong enough man going by the name of Sosthenes took charge of the army and managed to bring the chaos to a halt, but not before the Gauls sacked Delphi and fought an Aetolian army that eventually forced them to return to their lands beyond Makedonia. Antigonos Gonatas used a stratagem to inflict a painful defeat on the Gauls in 277BC and claim Makedonian kingship. In 273BC Pyrrhus was running out of options so he invaded Makedonia with a small but veteran army and many Gaulish mercenaries. He successfully won over many of Antigonos’ troops and the king had to retreat to Thessalonika. Pyrrhus insulted him for a while but eventually left to launch an invasion to the south. Antigonos seized the opportunity gathered as many men as he could and followed Pyrrhus’ army cautiously to the Peloponnesus. A city of Argos proved once again fatal for a prominent Successor and Pyrrhus died, beheaded after being hit by a roof tile thrown by an old woman. Not what anyone expected… Antigonos Gonatas buried him with royal honours and united both armies under his leadership. In the following years Antigonos proved himself an able and prudent ruler, in sharp contrast with his father’s excesses. He fended off external threat mostly from the Ptolemaic kingdom, and dealt with rebellion in Hellas successfully. He died in 239BC at the age of eighty having ruled for almost forty years and left his kingdom to his son Demetrius II. Demetrius II ruled for ten years dealing with unrest in Hellas. In 229 BC he passed away having left his son Phillip V as his heir. However, as his son was too young to rule at only nine years old, Antigonos III Doson was chosen to rule as King. He proved very active and far sighted achieving what had been lost for many years, namely a stable alliance in Hellas under Makedonian preeminence. In 227BC he attacked Karia to compromise Ptolemaic ability to control the Aegean and provide support to his adversaries. In 224BC he campaigned in southern Hellas creating the new alliance. In 222BC he defeated a Spartan army in the Battle of Sellasia. It was the first time that enemy troops set foot in Sparta. In 221BC he returned to Makedonia to face an Illyrian invasion. He died in combat at age of forty two. In the meantime, he had adopted Phillip V who became king upon his death. Phillip V’s Makedonia was once again strong, but had to deal with a number of issues. The Aetolians rose up in 220BC and the conflict ended in 217 BC during which time the king displayed some skill and ability in military command. After the war he turned his attention to Illyria. In 215BC he allied with Hannibal and in return the Romans spread forces across the eastern Adriatic shore to block Makedonia. During his campaign in 214BC he confronted the Romans blocking his way near Appolonia. War was inevitable despite the fact that everything about it was small scale. It lasted until 205 BC when a Phillip V agreed to a favourable treaty at Phoiniki of Epeirus. After the peace treaty he commanded operations in the Aegean in order to expand his control of it, with some success.
It was not long, however, before Rome found suitable pretext to intervene in Hellas. In 200 BC the second Makedonian war begins. Two ultimatums were issued the Makedonian king in 200BC and 198BC. In 197 BC Phillip V met his first defeat in combat at the hands of Titus Flaminius. From this point on he is unable to sufficiently revive the kingdom. He switched sides as need dictated, accomodated the Romans in their campaign against Antiochos III (the Great?) in 191 BC, founds unlikely allies in the Bastarnai and even took some cities near Pergamon. Phillip V had his son Demetrius killed in 181 BC when proof of some sort was presented to him by his other son Perseus. In 179BC Phillip V died in Amphipolis. Perseus succeeded him. He renewed his alliance with Rome but at the same time pursued a different agenda. He enacted a series of measures aimed at reestablishing royal power in Makedonia and forming an anti-Roman front. In 171BC Rome went to war against Makedonia with the objective of conquest. For three years the balance of power was maintained, but in 168BC in the Battle of Pydna Leukios Aimilius Paulus “Makedonikus” defeated Perseus who is said to have fled the battlefield when he saw the tide turn against him. He was later taken to Italy and paraded during the customary triumph. Perseus died in 162BC. Thus ended Makedonia.
Strategy
Makedonia is mostly safe as long as it controls the mountains that surround its northern-northwestern flank and the passes through them. To the east the border provides some strategic depth and the rivers form natural front lines in case of invasion. To the southwest the Thessalian plain is a conquest opportunity rather than a point of invasion by the southern Hellenes. Makedonia has gold from the Pagaion, timber for shipbuilding or any other use, and good natural harbors both for trade and a strong navy. Sufficient plains for horse breeding and a potentially commanding hold of Thessaly grant what is arguably the finest cavalry force in the world, Alexander’s hammer.
I'll take Persis if it's available - should be one of the easier provinces in Iran to research.
If anyone's interested, here's an excellent site for information on ancient Iran.
http://www.cais-soas.com/
Though our internal list claims that Persis has been done, the description itself is not there.
Please feel free to begin and thank you for your assistance. :bow:
I've finished the traveller's log and I'd prefer a review of the style before progressing:
Spoiler Alert, click show to read:
Traveller's Log
Approaching from Karmania, the traveller enters the Persian heartland, a land of broad river basins and plateaus cradled by the Zagros, through a rift in the eastern mountains and first sets foot on arid lowlands locally called the garmsir, or “warm lands.” Sparse rain falls in the south and east and agriculture is only sustained by a complex web of irrigation ditches criss-crossing the country. Journeying further west, the traveller encounters Pasargad – the early capital of the Kings of Kings. Built at the command of Cyrus the Great, Pasargad still houses his tomb, though he fell in battle before the city's completion. Leaving Pasargad and continuing west, the traveller comes upon the jewel of the Persian empire: Parsapura, known to the Greeks as Persepolis. Despite burning to the ground during Alexander's campaigns, the city retains some of its former glory even today. As the largest and most central settlement in the region, Persepolis contains the administrative headquarters for Persis and remains a hub for trade between India and the West. Farther past Persepolis and nearer the salt lakes in the north lies Anshan, the ancient seat of Persian power and original home of Cyrus the Great. The Mand river separates Anshan from the other cities in the east and, should the traveller choose to follow it southward, winds to narrow coastal plains stretching between the southern mountains and the Persian Gulf. If the traveller had continued west from Anshan, however, they would climb onto the cooler, wetter highland plains called the sardsir, or “cold lands.” Although more rain falls, the hilly nature of the land precludes irrigation and farmers rely mainly on precipitation to water crops. At the western edge of the province, mountain passes lead to Elam and Babylonia or northward to Media.
Both garmsir and sardsir are modern Persian. After researching sources on Old Persian, I could find no tenable translation, and even Old Avestan is problematic. I'll probably cut both terms if I can't find a suitable approximation. Much of the description is based on the comfortable assumption that the climate has changed little in the last 2,300 years. Given that weather in Iran is largely determined by topographically generated microclimates, this is probably a safe assertion.
I'd be a little careful with that assumption, two millenia is long enough for rivers to dry up, cut new channels and otherwise move long distances. It's also enough for desertification to turn what was once a fertile land into a trackless patch of sand. Or for sea levels locally to rise or fall, and coastal erosion/deposits move material enough to completely change the coastline.Quote:
Originally Posted by Rex SomnorumMuch of the description is based on the comfortable assumption that the climate has changed little in the last 2,300 years. Given that weather in Iran is largely determined by topographically generated microclimates, this is probably a safe assertion.
Hey everyone,
For reasons I am not willing to specify here, I am asking permission to withdraw from the Regional Descriptions Project. I have the feeling I will not be able to finish Lakonike within a reasonable time frame, as I have not made much progress over the past few months, again, due to reasons I am not willing to specify. I'm very sorry about this and I wish you all good luck on this project and on EB2 as a whole.
A good day to you all,
Adalingum
Ordinarily, I'd agree with you, but Iran is a special case. Firstly, the region mainly comprises mountains and arid plains that receive very little rainfall. Significant temperate zones exist only at the fringes of Iran, along the Persian Gulf or Caspian Sea. No rivers comparable to the Nile, Tigris or Euphrates erodes the land, reducing deposition at the mouths of any stream. In the absence of global climactic shifts, the only sea-level change results from deposition, volcanic flows and land subsidence. Considering Iran lies in a tectonically active region, this is entirely possible, but minor alterations along the coast hardly affect my description. Lastly, fossil evidence indicates much of Iran has remained dry for thousands of years.Quote:
Originally Posted by QuintusSertoriusI'd be a little careful with that assumption, two millenia is long enough for rivers to dry up, cut new channels and otherwise move long distances. It's also enough for desertification to turn what was once a fertile land into a trackless patch of sand. Or for sea levels locally to rise or fall, and coastal erosion/deposits move material enough to completely change the coastline.
It's also important to note that deserts in Iran tend to form on the central plateaus, a consequence of the rainshadow effect. Not to mention most modern desertification occurs as a result of intensive human activity.
No need for apologies and thank you for letting us know so that someone else might begin work on Lakonike if the mood strikes them!Quote:
Originally Posted by AdalingumHey everyone,
For reasons I am not willing to specify here, I am asking permission to withdraw from the Regional Descriptions Project. I have the feeling I will not be able to finish Lakonike within a reasonable time frame, as I have not made much progress over the past few months, again, due to reasons I am not willing to specify. I'm very sorry about this and I wish you all good luck on this project and on EB2 as a whole.
A good day to you all,
Adalingum
Stylistically, it fits with the general vibe of EB II: I think it is excellent. In terms of the climate assumptions, you clearly have data and evidence to support your claims, so it is not a problem. :bow:Quote:
Originally Posted by Rex SomnorumI've finished the traveller's log and I'd prefer a review of the style before progressing:
As Brave Brave Sir Robin has said, please do not feel bad about it. We understand that circumstances change and thank you for letting us know.Quote:
Originally Posted by AdalingumHey everyone,
For reasons I am not willing to specify here, I am asking permission to withdraw from the Regional Descriptions Project. I have the feeling I will not be able to finish Lakonike within a reasonable time frame, as I have not made much progress over the past few months, again, due to reasons I am not willing to specify. I'm very sorry about this and I wish you all good luck on this project and on EB2 as a whole.
A good day to you all,
Adalingum
I've perused the thread to see if Alexandria was taken and it doesn't appear to be. I'll take Alexandria.
Hi Perditrix Mundorum, welcome to the .Org! :balloon:
Unfortunately the list on the opening page of the thread does not include all of the descriptions which have been completed internally. I am sorry to inform you (and everyone else) Delta Neilou, Heptanomis and Thebais: the three northern Egyptian provinces have already been completed (Alexandria being within the first). :hide:
I thank you for your interest, and if another province takes your interest, please let us know.
Thanks for the warm welcome! I will take Elymais if no one else has taken it then. Perhaps I will do more of Iran in the future but for now I don't want to bite off more than I can chew.
For curiosity's sake, which Egyptian provinces have not been done? I would love to try my hand at Kush.
Elymais is free, as is Kush: feel free to start either.
Oasis Megale, Triakontaschoinos, Erythraia and Libye all need authors too.
Fair enough, though on your last point I'll note that desertification as a result of intensive human activity isn't a modern phenomenon. The Sahara was smaller than it is today in antiquity, the coastal part of North Africa was pretty fertile, and forested. Over-farming and deforestation have been a feature for a long time.Quote:
Originally Posted by Rex SomnorumOrdinarily, I'd agree with you, but Iran is a special case. Firstly, the region mainly comprises mountains and arid plains that receive very little rainfall. Significant temperate zones exist only at the fringes of Iran, along the Persian Gulf or Caspian Sea. No rivers comparable to the Nile, Tigris or Euphrates erodes the land, reducing deposition at the mouths of any stream. In the absence of global climactic shifts, the only sea-level change results from deposition, volcanic flows and land subsidence. Considering Iran lies in a tectonically active region, this is entirely possible, but minor alterations along the coast hardly affect my description. Lastly, fossil evidence indicates much of Iran has remained dry for thousands of years.
It's also important to note that deserts in Iran tend to form on the central plateaus, a consequence of the rainshadow effect. Not to mention most modern desertification occurs as a result of intensive human activity.
More pertinent to the thread, I really need to finish Krete.
After some more research, I've discovered sardsir and garmsir are the same in Middle Persian (Pahlavi), which took ascendancy during the game's time period. I'm not sure if Pahlavi was spoken in Persis prior to Sassanian domination, so are the terms historically acceptable?
Who are the team's eastern historians, by the way?
I have been doing research on Kush and Elymais the last couple of days with a focus on Kush, as that is what I will be finishing first. I will begin to write the travellers log tomorrow night and should be finished with Kush within two weeks, hopefully before my deadline. I just thought I would let someone know so they don't think I am AFK.
Mithridates VI EupatorQuote:
Originally Posted by Rex SomnorumAfter some more research, I've discovered sardsir and garmsir are the same in Middle Persian (Pahlavi), which took ascendancy during the game's time period. I'm not sure if Pahlavi was spoken in Persis prior to Sassanian domination, so are the terms historically acceptable?
Who are the team's eastern historians, by the way?