The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia

[socal_infidel]

Chapter V
Antiochos II Theos
263-230
...

7. The Siege of Jerusalem

Antiochos and his army outside the gates of Jerusalem, 258 BCE.

The news that Ptolemy II Philadelphos was in Jerusalem sent waves of complete and utter surprise throughout Antiochos’ camp. What Ptolemy was thinking arriving in Jerusalem with only a small force of klerouchoi we cannot state with certainty. He must have been confident that Protarchos would crush Antiochos’ army and perhaps was in Jerusalem to greet the general himself. Or perhaps he intended to lead the army himself as it re-conquered Phoenicia. The latter seems unlikely in light of Ptolemy’s complete lack of interest in military affairs. Whatever the case, Antiochos, not wanting to let this golden moment slip through his fingers, hurriedly marched his army to Jerusalem.

Word had not yet reached Ptolemy of the disaster at Raphia and he was unaware that Antiochos was marching towards Jerusalem. Antiochos reached the city by end of summer with Ptolemy still inside its walls, the Egyptian king was either still unaware of Raphia or had been unable to escape. Entreaties were immediately sent out to Antiochos, but each was rejected in turn. The Seleukid king was not there to negotiate.

Antiochos had hoped the city would deliver the Ptolemaic king to him without a fight, but it became apparent after several months that such an act was not coming. In spring of 258 BCE, Antiochos attacked. The city having lost most of its men at Gazara stood no chance against the Seleukid military machine. In an act of courage that belied his reputation as a coward content to let his generals do the fighting, Ptolemy led a final charge against the Greeks and Babylonians before being killed by a Babylonian soldier named Zerubabel.

Death of Ptolemy II Philadelphos. Zerubabel is depicted in the middle left, his spear still lowered.

With the fall of Jerusalem, Antiochos stood as master of all Coele-Syria. But he did not deem the war he had not started over yet. He still awaited word of his brother Sarpedon’s campaign against the Ptolemies in Kilikia, Pamphylia and Karia. And he himself was making plans for a campaign against the Ptolemies' Nabatean allies.

...

[||Lz3||]

I'm really loving this !

really it's great it's like reading a good book

keep it up!! you're going great

(PS: Take that yellow death! )

[socal_infidel]

CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
263-230
...

b. The Anatolian Offensive (259 – 255 BCE)

After the Battle of Gindarus, Antichos had charged his brother with the task of sweeping away the remaining Ptolemaic forces in Southern Asia Minor and adding these lands to the kingdom. With little less than a year’s time, Sarpedon was able to raise a modest army of 7,500 phalangitai, 1,600 archers from Syria, 1,300 archers from the Caucasus, and 3,200 mercenary Greek hoplitai. From Sardis, another army was to rendezvous with Sarpedon outside Tarsos in Kilikia. This army consisted of another 1,500 phalangitai, 1,600 peltastai, 1,600 theureophoroi, and 3,000 archers.

1. The First and Second Battle of Tarsos

The view of Tarsos looking south. Both battles took place on the northern plain outside Tarsos. In this image, Cyprus can be seen in the background.

The two armies met up just north of Tarsos in the winter of 259 BCE. Off the coast, a Seleukid fleet began the blockade of the city’s port. From their camp, Sarpedon received word that a Ptolemaic army was marching north from the city. The city knew it could not survive a protracted siege if cut off from supplies from nearby Cyprus, so its army marched forth to decide the battle on the plain north of the city. The Ptolemaic army lacked phalangitai and the mostly levied soldiers could not stand up to Sarpedon’s army. Approximately half of the Ptolemaic army was able to make it back inside Tarsos’ walls.

The Ptolemaic soldiers, consisting mostly of levies and citizen-soldiers, were no match for the professional soldiers of Sarpedon at the First Battle of Tarsos.

The following spring the Ptolemaic navy was able to break the blockade in a decisive battle at sea. The fleet from nearby Salamis carried with it not only supplies, but 7,500 phalangitai as well. In spring of 258 BCE, the second battle of Tarsos was fought. The presence of the phalangitai made little difference in the outcome. The Ptolemaic army was thoroughly crushed and the city surrendered to Sarpedon. As Sarpedon made preparations to move west to Side, word reached him that Antiochos had defeated the Ptolemies in a decisive battle at Raphia and had just taken Jerusalem. Antiochos was now planning a campaign against Ptolemy’s allies, the Nabateans.

The battle lines advancing at the Second Battle of Tarsos. In the background can be seen the river Cydnus.

2. The Battle of Side and the Battle of Isaura

Sarpedon spent most 257 BCE in Tarsos. There had been rumours spreading of a plot by the Kilikians to overthrow their Seleukid masters once the army had left for Side. However, Seleukid agents were able to round up the conspirators and their leaders were executed. With the threat over, Sarpedon set out for Side in spring 256 BCE

The Battle of Side occurred in summer of 256 BCE. The battle began when a detachment of peltastai were caught foraging too close to the city on the eastern plains. The Ptolemies marched their army to confront this small force and Sarpedon, upon learning this, hurriedly marched the main army to meet this force. The battle was decided by the Seleukid phalanx, the force of which the Ptolemies could not withstand. The Ptolemaic army was shattered and fled into the city. The survivors were cut down to a man in the city streets.

Sarpedon sent news of his victory to his brother, who had recently taken Petra from the Nabateans. Sarpedon spent the next few months tracking a small Ptolemaic force north of Side, on the other side of the Tarus mountains. The force sought refuge in Isaurus, but the fierce tribesmen there denied them entry and a small battle occurred outside the city. The force was crushed and Ptolemaic resistance in Asia Minor was effectively over.

Ptolemaic armies marching from Side to meet the Seleukids at the Battle of Side. The battle took place on the eastern plain of the city.

The battle outside the city decided, Sarpedon ordered his men to storm the city dispatching any survivors.

3. The Surrender of Halikarnossos

The Mausoleum of Halicarnassus was the tomb of Maussolus, satrap of Karia. His wife and successor Artemisia ordered construction of the monument.

The city of Halikarnossos, though not formally in their possession, was within the Ptolemaic sphere of influence and was a trusted friend of Ptolemy's. When word reached the city that Side had fallen, its leaders knew the Seleukids would turn their attention to the city next. The city debated what to do. Some within the city proposed surrendering to the Seleukids, while others retained hope that the Ptolemies would come to their assistance. By spring of 255 BCE, Sarpedon’s army had reached Karia and town after town had submitted to him. By summer, Sarpedon was outside Halikarnossos. He sent word to the city that they had until the end of the month to decide their fate. The city surrendered the next day. Sarpedon's offensive was over. The Seleukids could now claim all of southern Asia Minor as their own.

...

[DeathEmperor]

Awesome as always socal

I really do love the "history book" style of your story. If I didn't know any better I could swear I was actually reading one

[NickTheGreek]

I like this, very good

[socal_infidel]

CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
263 - 230

...

C. The Peace of Gaza (254 BCE)

With the death of Ptolemy II Philadelphos in 258 BCE, his son Euergetes inherited the Ptolemaic throne. The twenty-seven year old was immediately faced with a crisis. His uncle Meleagros had resurfaced in Paraitonion with a small army. The man who had been deposed from the Makedonian throne years earlier now laid claim to the Ptolemaic throne. Meleagros was intent on continuing the war with the Seleukids. Euergetes spent the next several years fighting his own uncle for control of the throne. By 254 BCE, Meleagros, now 61 years old, had been contained in Pselkis. Euergetes was finally free to make peace with the Seleukids.

The Peace of Gaza was to define Seleukid-Ptolemaic relations for the next twenty-five years. By its terms the Ptolemies (1) abandoned all claims to Coele-Syria (2) abandoned all claims to the southern coast of Asia Minor (3) were to pay an indemnity of 20,000 talents for the cost of the war (4) were to deliver to Antiocheia a regular supply of grain for the next ten years (5) were to sail no ships east of Kypros. For the Ptolemies the terms of the peace were devastating and ones from which they would not recover for twenty-years. For Antiochos, the war which he had not asked for brought more land and wealth to his kingdom than he could have imagined. The Seleukid kingdom was by far the most powerful kingdom in the known world.

The Seleukid Empire at the end of the Second Syrian War, 254 BCE.

§2. The Nabataean War (257 BCE – 251 BCE)

The Nabataeans were an ancient Arabic people who had migrated from the desert into the lands between the Sinai and Arabian peninsulas. By the time of Alexander’s death, the Nabataeans had made a name for themselves as one of the principle trading powers in the region. They had successfully repelled attempts by both Antigonus’ general, Athanaeus, and his son, Demetrios to invade the region. By the time of the Second Syrian War, they had expanded their influence to include not only Petra and Bostra, but Palmyra as well. They had also become a trusted ally of the Ptolemies. Their mutual cooperation led to Alexandria becoming the richest trading city in the Mediterranean world and led to the Nabataeans becoming the richest tribe in Arabia.

A map detailing the major trade routes passing through the Nabataean kingdoms.

Even prior to the signing of the Peace of Gaza, Antiochos had determined to bring these lands into his own. The Nabataeans traded in gems, balsams, Chinese silk and they had also cornered the market on bitumen, which was essential in the Egyptian embalming process. Control of these lands would not only mean command of access to and from Egypt, as well as command of the major trade routes, but possession of commodities more valuable to the Egyptians than gold. The power balance in the region would shift in favour of the Seleukids. The fact that Nabataea had supplied Ptolemy’s army at Raphia with soldiers was the pretext Antiochos needed for an invasion of these lands.

A. The Siege of Petra (257 BCE)

In 257 BCE, Antiochos marched south from Jerusalem to Petra, the capital of the Nabataean kingdom. The area his army marched through was marked by great cliffs and rugged bare rock mountains. Water was scarce in this region and the march was harsh and brutal. In early 256 BCE, Antiochos and his beleaguered army were outside the gates of Petra. Receiving word that their capital was in danger, a relief force from one of the many Nabataean forts dotting the southern border came to its aid. Battle was soon enjoined. The lightly armoured Nabataean infantry was no match for the Seleukid forces. After a day’s battle, Antiochos entered the Nabataean capital, triumphant.

The lightly armoured Arabians clash with the well-drilled Seleukid phalanx at Petra, 257 BCE.

Antiochos appears to have spent the next year attending to matters in Petra, including placing a man friendly to the Seleukids, Aretus, on the Nabataean throne. Antiochos did not seek to directly control these barren lands, merely the trade and key routes passing through it. By 255 BCE, the last holdout of the Ptolemies in southern Asia Minor had submitted to Seleukid authority. And in 254 BCE, the Peace of Gaza ratified.

Antiochos next turned his attention to subduing the northern boundaries of the Nabataean kingdom, which had not submitted to him even with the fall of Petra. The planning of this northern campaign excited Antiochos for his son and heir was to join him on it. Antiochos referred to his son as Pogon (“the Bearded”) because of the beard the boy chose to wear despite its falling out of favour around the time of Alexander. The youth was by all accounts both beautiful and talented. He was nineteen years of age by this time and had spent his youth in Antioch under the tutelage of Diognetus in his father’s court.

B. The Battle of Salaminias

In 254 BCE, Antiochos and his son set out north from Damascus. A Nabataean army was harassing the trade routes along the Orontes River. Antiochos’ army met up with this force on the desert plains between Arethus and Salaminias. The ensuing battle was a lopsided affair with the Nabataeans slaughtered. Pogon appears to have given a good account of himself in this battle. Like his father, he appeared to possess the intelligence, intuition and fearlessness of a good cavalry commander.

Pogon, son of Antiochos, at the Battle of Salaminias.

C. The Battle of Palmyra

In late 253 BCE, Antiochos had set upon Palmyra, a vital stop for caravans crossing the Syrian desert. This burgeoning town was built on an oasis lying approximately halfway between the Mediterranean Sea in the west and the Euphrates River east, and thus helped connect the western world with the Orient. By the time of the Second Syrian War, the town had sought the protection of the Nabataeans to the south and was included in their burgeoning kingdom, though remaining largely autonomous. Once outside the town, Antiochos sent word to its leaders that should it submit without a fight, it would retain semi-autonomy under Seleukid rule. However, the leaders chose to take a stand. In a pitched battle outside the city (which had no walls at this time), the Palmyran army was crushed. The town was brought under Seleukid control.

Arabian cavalry at the Battle of Palmyra. Antiochos was so impressed with their showing that they were later incorporated into Seleukid armies.

D. The Siege of Bostra

Nabataeans and Seleukids in vicious fighting in the streets at the Siege of Bostra.

In late 252 BCE, Antiochos finally turned to Bostra. The city had an impressive garrison and had taken to raids on Seleukid trade caravans and envoys along the King’s Highway south to Petra. After months of siege, the city was assaulted in early 251 BCE. The city was taken with minimal losses and the last of the Nabataean cities was in Seleukid hands. The war was over.

Aretus was recognized as a client king of the Seleukids controlling Petra and Bostra. Palmyra, for its defiance, was placed under the watch of a Seleukid governour with a military garrison protecting the key caravan stop. Antiochos now controlled the key trade routes passing through the desert and to Egypt. Though talk was made of an excursion to Arabia, of more importance was the growing Parni threat to the east.

...

[||Lz3||]

great great story and AAR!

I really like/love the style! .One of my fav AARs

[socal_infidel]

great great story and AAR!

I really like/love the style! .One of my fav AARs

Thanks mate! Glad you're enjoying it. I actually really enjoy writing these chapters. Each forces me to do a little research to flesh them out, so I learn a little writing each one. So I'm fulfilling my end of EB's user's license agreement to read more history.

Next chapter should be on its way shortly.

regards
s_i

[socal_infidel]

CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
263 - 230

§2. The Problems in the East

A. Seleukid Rule in the East

Though constituting a gigantic portion of the Seleukid Empire, the Iranian holdings never seized the attention of the early Seleukid kings as did the western portion of their realm. Seleukid authority across Iran had been undermined by continued confrontation with the Ptolemies and various Hellenistic kingdoms in western Anatolia, as well as the Nabataeans. The foundation of the capital cities of Seleukeia and then Antiocheia also served to underscore the lopsided character of the realm and the unequal interests of the early Seleukid kings. With so much to occupy them in the West, the Seleukids inevitably neglected the East.

Although Alexander dreamt of a fusion of Greek and Aryan culture, the early Seleukid kings did little to encourage this. With the exception of the Greco-Bactrian kingdom, the Greco-Macedonian colonists made very little effort at assimilating their Hellenicism with the Aryan culture of Iran. The Greek colonists were basically Hellenic islands in a vast Iranian realm. Seleukid authority had failed to penetrate into the interior or tribal regions of Iran. As one historian has noted, “the Seleucids controlled the main trade routes in Iran but little else.”

So it is not surprising given this focus westward and failure to penetrate Iran, culturally and politically, that breakway movements in Central Asia and northeast Iran took root.

B. The Nomadic Threat


The Parni tribes originated from the Central Asian steppe. They called the area below the Amu-Darya River and around the grasslands of the Karakum home.

1. The Parni

The tribe of the Parni was according to Strabo and Trogus one of three tribes in the small confederacy of the Dahae, which lived on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea. The Parni seem to have moved into the regions of Bactria, Aria, Astauene and Parthia after the death of Alexander the Great, being pushed south by other steppe tribes. Once established they appear to have lived in a semi-nomadic state, and their language became mixed with the local one.

Antiochos I Soter was the first to take measures against these steppe nomads. It is certain that he refounded a city in Margiana; up till then, it had been known as Alexandria (because it was founded by Alexander the Great or his general Craterus in 328 BCE), but from now on, it was to be called Antiocheia. This military settlement, along with Alexandreia-Eschate and Markanda, was intended to guard Iran against incursions from nomad tribes, including the Parni.

However, by 272 BCE it became clear that the Seleukids could no longer hold out in Alexandreia-Eschate and Marakanda and these northern outposts were abandoned, with the Greek colonists taking refuge in Antiocheia. This resettlement was directed personally by Antiochos’ older brother, Achaios.

A little more on Achaios is now perhaps in order. For reasons lost to us, Achaios, the eldest son of Seleukos Nikator, was passed over for the Seleukid throne. Instead, he was named as viceroy, for lack of a better term, over the eastern portion of his father’s realm. Unlike the Seleukid kings, Achaios and his sons Andromachos and Alexandros apparently expressed an interest in the Aryan culture of Iran. However, there is no evidence that they had yet to encourage any efforts at assimilation. Instead they had been content to rule from the old Persian capital of Peresepolis.

2. Rise of the Parni

Map showing phases of Parni expansion from 272 to 253 BCE.

It was under the rule of Achaios’s line that the Parni came to prominence. Their movement began in 272 BCE. While Achaios’ attention was turned to the resettlement of the Greek colonists from Sogdiana to Antiocheia, the satrap of Austauene, Autophradates declared his autonomy from Seleukid authority. Phrapates, the leader of the Parni, took advantage of this situation to personally slay Autophradates, taking control of Austauene himself.

As the ancient historians who dealt with Seleukid affairs were mainly concerned with wars against the rulers of Egypt and the other Hellenistic kingdoms, not much is certain of what happened next. The accounts vary and much is still left open to conjecture. It is generally agreed that much of the next year was spent by the Seleukids fighting the Parni in Hyrcania and Margiane. By 270 BCE, the Parni had annexed Hyrkania. And by 269 BCE, they had occupied the recently abandoned Sogdiana.

Left: East Parthian Cataphract; Middle: Parthian Horse-Archer; Right: Parthian Standard-Bearer.

At this point, too old to lead the resistance against the Parni threat himself and with his sons away in Asia Minor, Achaios adopted Ammonios Magnesias Karikes, a soldier who had distinguished himself on the Sogdiana frontier. Achaios died in 267 BCE and at this time his sons had returned from Asia Minor. By all accounts, Andromachos and Alexandros were content to leave the military effort to Ammonios. Under Ammonios’ leadership, the Seleukids were to wage a constant war against the Parni and were able to stem further Parni gain.

While the Seleukid kings had hesitated to use their Irani subjects in their armies, not trusting their loyalty, Ammonios had no such compunction. Understanding that the Makedonian style of warfare was ill-suited to fighting these steppe cavalrymen, Ammonios took to using the native cavalrymen in his lands. Ammonios took the fight to the Parni, engaging them in a series of constant raids and skirmishes in an attempt to weaken them. At the same time, he also knew the Parni were ill-suited to the task of siege-warfare and assaulting cities. He concentrated his infantry in the Seleukids towns in the East. So while his cavalry engaged the Parni in the field, his infantry protected the Seleukid towns behind walls where they were safe. Such tactics resulted in détente between the two sides.

From left: Median cavalry, Arachosian Skirmisher Cavalry, Eastern Light Cavalry, Dahae Skirmisher Cavalry. Ammonios saw fit to use Eastern cavalry in the war against the Parni.

However, by 262 BCE, the Parni had overrun the province of Parthia taking the city of Hekatompylos. By this time, the Parni had turned their struggle from one simply about acquiring more land to an Iranian “separatist” movement. With each victory, both major and minor, more and more young men took up the Parni cause. These men were to comprise the infantry portion of the mostly cavalry Parni armies. It was men such as these who had allowed the Parni to take Hekatompylos. And by 253 BCE, after years of enduring attack after attack, Antiocheia had fallen to the Parni.

The fall of Antiocheia stunned the Seleukids, as this outpost had long been able to withstand almost yearly attack from the Parni. Its fall seriously endangered the remaining Seleukid eastern provinces. Parni armies now roamed almost freely throughout the east, as they could now be found in Khoarene, Gabiene and Ariana. The situation in the East could no longer be ignored by the Seleukid king. Fortunately for the Seleukids, Antiochos’ recent decisive victory over the Ptolemies left him free to deal with the Parni threat.

Map of the Eastern World, 1051 BCE.

[Hax]

Great update.

I love the style you write your AAR, it's superb.

[DeathEmperor]

Great updates socal!

[||Lz3||]

you should post this in the AAR of the month thread!

https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showthread.php?t=106019

[Taeghan]

Truly a great AAR -- More!

[Jurdagat]

We want more please. :(
Truly excellent!

[PriestLizard]

Is this AAR still alive? I have to say its awesome!! Actually I planned to do an AAR about Arche Seleukeia too, once my current AAR is finished. I planned to do some history-styled AAR as well and now I have to admit: I must cancel my plan because I wouldnt be able to live up to your example ;)
I hope you will continue this... and I hope I will get another good idea for my second AAR.. :D

[socal_infidel]

Is this AAR still alive? I have to say its awesome!! Actually I planned to do an AAR about Arche Seleukeia too, once my current AAR is finished. I planned to do some history-styled AAR as well and now I have to admit: I must cancel my plan because I wouldnt be able to live up to your example ;)
I hope you will continue this... and I hope I will get another good idea for my second AAR.. :D

Thanks for the kind words. I still have a ton of .tgas on an external drive around here somewhere. I may revive it, but to be honest, I undertook this AAR during a self-imposed lull from modding. I have been beyond busy lately with PRO DEO ET REGE and The Last Kingdom. But I do regret not finishing this AAR. Maybe I'll get back to it when things die down.