The Purpled Edge ~ Tyberius 2.2

[PershsNhpios]

ROMA ANATOLIKA

It was with great pleasure that I received the task of committing the actions of our benevolent Emperor Constantine XI to artificial memory, in that I am forever the servant of my sovereign and the more so since I have been awarded the Duchy of Nikaia.

This position of government within our greatest empire has bestowed not only power but also perspective which I offer in every way unbiased within this account.

Thus I begin my history in 1205 when I received the province, when our Emperor was in the thirty-third year of his life and serious military preparations began.

1205 - 1210μ.Χ.

None disagreed with the notion at this time that Sultan Aybak I of the Turkish host would not fail to persecute our people further should a peaceful policy be followed, and to this end I was recalled from the garrison at Ankyra and ordered to join our Emperor in southern Lydia where we were to meet with my brother, Duke of Rhodos, who brought two battalions of infantry from that isle.

With gratitude to the wise supervision of our Emperor Constantine XI, the empire was fortunate to maintain a powerful navy unmatched by any in the east, and this we sought to benefit from by sending the fleets further out towards the Arabic conquest of Alexandria and christian Palestine, that trade might flourish. Proper trading establishments were also organised on my behalf within Nikaia in this year.

My brother in Rhodos meanwhile sought to remedy the weakness of the cavalry arm within our army by preparing facilities for the training of horsemen within his province, as it was expected that a significant force of horse would be requisite in defeating the Turk.

I must add that by no means was any weakness perceived in our military forces to be faulted with our Emperor Constantine XI, who has in the last decade done nothing to damage our reputation of might but has rather increased it beyond what we all thought possible.

In 1206 it was ordered of my brother in Rhodos that horse archers should be brought forthwith and should report to the army within four years in the number of 160 individuals. This was a most difficult task for the Duke as the island is not known for fine horsemen. I meanwhile was tasked with the recruitment of a similar number of lancers, which I found easily in sufficient number amongst the refugees fleeing from Trebizond. In this year also it was noted that the kingdoms of Aragon and Castile were highly interested in alliance with our greatest of empires, and we accepted them within our influential protection.

King Hugh I also begged our consent to invade Syria and punish the aggression of the Arab, which our Emperor granted unto him. We also extended the possibility of endorsement and assistance to the much Lesser Armenian King Philip I, and he accepted our benevolence with desperation.

By 1208 much of the required cavalry had been recruited but to the disappointment of our most patient Emperor the army could not safely attack the Turkic holdings in Anatolia until 1210. In this year however the Turks launched a fleet of Baggalas along the coast of Lesser Armenia and this was sufficiently dangerous for trade between the christian kingdoms that an attack was ordered by our most prudent Emperor upon these boats.
They were successfully destroyed of course.

In response to this, many siege engines and barbarous, poorly armed Turkic infantry were marched into Anatolia under the leadership of their highest chief, the Sultan Aybak I. Despite this move in 1209 however it was of much encouragement for us, as a mobilisation of Turkish forces showed them to be vastly inferior.

In 1210 the army was brought together under myself, my brother and our Emperor Constantine XI in Nikaia. It amounted to 100 of the Kataphraktoi, 160 lancers, 160 horse archers, 300 of the infantry lead in part by myself and my brother Duke of Rhodos, 60 of the Varangian Guard and 60 of the toxotai. A catapult was also available for use and we had the good fortune to stumble across a Turkish mortar [A highly modern weapon unknown to most of us] on a preliminary reconnaissance into Anatolia, which we intended to use against formations and fortifications alike.

All preparations for infrastructure and government were finished in this year, and we marched confidently east against the Turk.

Anatolia 1210

A perfect, gradually sloping valley separated the Turkish horde from our columns, and they nested upon a steep plateau which ran unguarded and open to the south. An approach by our infantry through the northern wooded hills would see the enemy retreat along this ridge, so it was decided amongst the staff that the light cavalry newly recruited would be entrusted to hold the Turks from making this move or at least harass them as they did.

The Kataphraktoi accompanied our battalions as we passed over a wooded hillock and into the sheltered northern section of the valley where we were shielded momentarily from the constant enemy missiles while we bore our arms up the opposite slope. The Varangians held our left flank as we moved to gain a level footing with the enemy host.

The Sultan had meanwhile began to retreat his cavalry along the ridge, but were soon harried by the horse archers who, guarded by the lancers, battered the Turks with impunity. The enemy were forced back by these men towards our advance.



My battalion was lowest on the slope and we were surprised on cresting the plateau to see a group of spears attempting to cut around below us. The men looked haggard and poorly armed, even less did they appear prepared to fight, and so I took the initiative and led my battalion down the slope and began the battle with this engagement.

A much larger battalion of spears came rampaging down from beyond a rise and looked to be cutting us off from the rest when they were met by the Duke of Rhodos' battalion which checked them from the higher ground. Unfortunately for the Turks, these spears represented the bulk of their infantry and they were forced to attempt a breakthrough to their beset troops by a charge of their elite Futuwwa formation. This also was ambushed before it could reach the main fight.



Despite an arduous march, our infantry tore through the lines of Turks and inflicted great casualties very quickly. In fact, the infantry battalions were superior to every enemy formation on the field.

A rout was soon begun by the enemy infantry, and this signalled to the light cavalry the moment to close on the flanks. All the Turkish horse was disrupted and fled, attacked from all directions and caught by the Kataphraktoi.

Finally the Sultan Aybak I, having ambushed and routed 80 of the horse archers, was surrounded with his guard and captured.



Very few Turks escaped this engagement, 145 being captured and 350 killed, with a loss of 160 on our part.

-------

Now I must add that our most victorious of Emperors Constantine XI did slay more than 50 of the Turkic hordes in this action, constituting one seventh of all the enemy which were destroyed. He is honoured above all for his merit in battle.

In this same year past, King Philip I invaded Turkish land also and seized their seat of government in Rum, besieging a large amount of the enemy in a castle there.

The Sultan Aybak I was ransomed for 6000 florins and allowed to return to Armenia, whilst the keep in Anatolia remains under siege.


This much then to suffice for an account of five years of the reign of our Emperor Constantine XI, whose exploits in the extension of the empire have not nearly been lauded enough. This account, which states truly all matters which weighed seriously upon our minds and everything most pertinent to the throne in the city of Constantine, which we reckon to be the unshakeable physical monument to the power of our sovereign.

I cede all praise to our eastern empire and her lord.

Theodorus Cantacuzenus, Duke of Nikaia. 1210

[gollum]

Hoorah! A Byzantium AAR! Allelujah!

[Cyprian2]

You are full of surprises, Glenn. Nice work. (It seems we have confirmation of your "little project"...)

[PershsNhpios]

ROMA ANATOLIKA

I must before all else make here in the introduction a note of my gratitude to our Emperor, Constantine XI, for his fair judgment of my previous text upon the recent history of our unrivaled empire, and for his mercy in forgiving the entirely undeserved criticisms which it offered upon his works and actions, which were and are ever more solely to the benefit of our realm.

I apologise for the passages previous to this which showed the efforts of our Emperor in a corrupted perspective and I thank His Majesty graciously for this opportunity to make a better record of our movements in the east.

1211 - 1222 μ.Χ.

In 1211 with the army still assembled in Anatolia, the last remaining Keep fell automatically since the defenders were found to number less than five. This was a great relief to our infantry who feared the attack of such a fortification without sufficient engines although I profess the opinion that our Emperor would have seen to a prudent victory despite such trivialities.
I was again returned to the command of the Varangian guard and my brother Duke of Rhodos remained in the infantry battalions.
It was in the winter of this year that the barbarian chief Aybak I counterattacked Rum and was forced to retreat.

Our Emperor offered assistance to his vassal and honoured ally, King Philip I, but was refused although the Armenian host were not equipped with any siege engines and so could not be expected to take the castle in Rum with a garrison of 400 men.

It was seen as an almost divine punishment for this rudeness when a massive revolt began around the Armenians in 1212, and the subsequent combination of the castle garrison, the armed populace of the province and the tattered army of Aybak more than doubled the number of Armenians. A battle was fought and Philip was defeated and returned to Kilikia in shame.

The next year was peaceful as we waited for reinforcements of lancers and infantry to arrive in Anatolia, but our Emperor received many young nations into his wide-berthed influence and clemency. Genoa begged and received the status of ally, and Bulgaria requested the support of the Emperor in that tribe's war against the barbar horsemen of the steppe.

It should be noted at this time that the army and our Emperor were distant and removed from the palatial city and that we subsequently had little knowledge of events occurring in Europe. Those who assert that the throne of our Emperor was lost and that the city was beyond control are treacherous to the empire and know nothing of the extent of our Emperor's influence.

Byzantion has always been firmly in the pious cultivation of our Emperor and this is much evident from how eager the inhabitants were to enlist the help of the army when the wild, butchering Khan began raiding the province.

In 1213 and 1214 whilst we remained in Anatolia, watching the new Turkic horde press the borders, these Cumanese hosts began raiding many coasts of the Euxine, the old Pontic colonies, those upon the Danuvio and even the Georgian lands. The Bulgarian folk were most enthusiastic in retaliating but were prevented by Serbian aggression, which grew in support of the nomadic pestilence.

This was a secondary matter to the persecution of Seljuk brutality however, and our Emperor chose to cross the border into Rum in 1215 in order to test the strength and resilience of the alien.
Having halted at the Euphrates we were faced by nothing other than the dust of those who left the territory bare before us, but scouts reported the main fortification to be a major obstacle, a garrison of 450 men in a castle well defended.
We had not the manpower to besiege this fort nor the devices to breach it. There was also the report of the Seljuk headman having mustered 1300 men in Armenia - a number vastly superior to our own 800 - and that among these were several troops of Armenian Heavy Cavalry which was reputed to be more than adequate in combat against our Kataphraktoi.

Faced with this our Emperor Constantine XI made only the wisest of choices in returning to Anatolia, content as we all were with having demoralised the Turk even further.
It is most unforgettable that the Armenians failed to assist in this action.

Having returned to Anatolia a great demand was made for the most effective siege equipment available, and fortunately I had ordered the construction of facilities for the manufacture of such engines before leaving Nikaia, and was able to freely request Trebuchet devices from the province.
It was also of great moment that we found in Nikaia a means of acquiring technology well ahead of time, large weapons similar to the mortar which were called Bombards by the Islamic men who engineered them, and we were able to afford three such weapons to accompany the army.

Before the new acquisitions of troops and armaments was completed the year became 1217 and our Emperor entertained the emissaries of the Khalifah al Adil I who proposed an alliance. In the hope that such an alliance would turn even the Muslim people against the Turks and that in case of the Sultan remaining superior to our forces, we might make peace and seize land from the overbearing Crusaders, our Emperor accepted this offer, turning out King Hugh I from his highly sought protection.

The Khalifah also requested, or begged rather, that we should consult the Turkic masses about a peace settlement. This was carried out reluctantly as a mark of piteous courtesy for our allies, which was predictably refuted by Aybak I, whose wicked mind knew nothing other than destruction, anarchy and hellish chaos.

When peace was not forthcoming, the Khalifah immediately sent his appreciation of this, saying that he would after all be unable to remain faithful with such religious responsibility plaguing him.

From this, we knew never again to trust the eastern peoples, and thanked our Emperor in that he had allowed us to learn such a valuable lesson without being too harsh with us for our ignorance.

The empire did however accept within her protection the small and insignificant Venetian Doge, who had been instrumental in subduing rebellion within the less educated parts of Greece and was permitted to maintain a military presence within Ellada in service of the Emperor.

Now in 1219, since the Cumanese did not cease but rather increased their attacks upon the Capitol, the citizens begged their Emperor to return to the city with the army for the protection of his people.
The Emperor chided them for their rashness and dependence and advised them that since the army was employed heavily in conflicts against the eastern barbarians, of which there was a very great number, that they could expect little assistance in this small matter of invasion, but that a payment of 3586 florins would guarantee the transfer of some infantry and garrisons to the city.

This payment made, the city entered a new era of loyalty to the empire.

With the west secure, in 1220 a major offensive was planned against Rum, 1339 men being amassed and 4 bombards, 2 trebuchets, one mortar and two catapults being prepared for a violent siege.

The garrison again retreated to the castle, but it was found that a force equal to our own was held within Armenia, and that a considerable number of these were very reputable cavalry.
Should a counter-offensive be launched by Aybak I, we would be forced to allow them to unite with the garrison, which would give them an unenviable advantage against us in numbers and quality of troops.

It was decided then that the offensive would continue straight to Armenia with what forage was available, that the march should continue until the main Turkic host was caught and destroyed, and that then the castle in Rum could be taken at leisure.

With titles of office newly bestowed upon myself, my brother and the governor of Constantinople, an anabasis began over the Euphrates and into a hilly and haunting country.

Armenia 1221

The Sultan did not delay in rallying all the fine cavalry which could be mustered from the hills and mountains, and these were heavily armoured and highly honoured.
A large plain overshadowed by a rocky hill to the south spanned a very considerable distance, and much of the Turkish host gathered here, watchful of the north, which was dense in forest and undulating hills.
Few infantry were present among the enemy and these were mostly spears and the common Turkic foot soldiers more competent with bow than sword.

It was clear immediately that the infantry, few though we were, should advance across the shallow valley which held a road and the divide between the armies and as quickly as possible gain the heights in that wooded and steepled country to the north.
If we could gain level ground, no amount of armour and courage could save the horsemen from our agility in the scrubland.

This we proceeded to do, myself in charge of the Varangians and my brother with the main infantry battalions, whilst our Emperor and his three sons with their entourages and the very great host of lancers and horse archers arrayed themselves also opposite the horde on the plain.

It should be preserved here in posterity that with the bombards came from the east a regiment of Berbers who had served under the Khalifah. Though they asked a higher price than what was afforded to our own lancers, they proved superior and well worth their pay in the coming fight.

Seljuk horsemen seeing our advance up the forested hillside did nothing but retreat down onto the plain, and we quickly crested the hill, making a great shout and appearing as numerous as possible high above the Turkish waves to the south.
These were immediately thrown into consternation and the sons of the Sultan led their consorts in a furious charge up the hill, which was met very heartily by my brother the Duke of Rhodos' battalion once they entered the brush.



Prince Orhan was amongst this force and he fled after a large amount of Armenians raced to the skirmish in order to rescue to royal blood. Many horsemen were unmounted and destroyed during this action and it gave such a distraction that our horse archers were able to cause many casualties amid those on the plain with impunity.

The infantry suffered minimal casualties whilst the Sultan continued to push more horsemen into the fight in the hope of overcoming us through numbers. This was a horrible and costly failure and eventually the Turks yielded the north completely.



Our lancers had meanwhile used mass and formation to intimidate the enemy light cavalry, forcing them to quit the rocky slope to the south, and they gathered themselves along this while the Berbers and Kataphraktoi continued to advance opposite to the enemy.

I led the Guard down the northern slope and routed the few enemy infantry, who though outnumbering us more than 5 to 1 caused no more than five casualties in our battalion.

The great battle then occurred, when the Armenian cavalry grew impetuous with our archers and gave chase, the entire Seljuk force following. Desperately our men reached the Kataphraktoi line which was already in full charge against the enemy horde and the lancers swiftly preparing to take advantage of the open flanks.



A very bloody slaughter then ensued with the Armenians unable to check the advance of our Emperor and the armoured horse, with these surging through the enemy lines and destroying hundreds with only a few in their own number falling.

By the time the lancers enveloped the flanks, the Armenians and much of the enemy royalty had yielded the plain.



Sultan Aybak I then remained solidly in line as he had done in Anatolia and fought until there were no Turks remaining on the plain, the field littered with thousands of corpses and the hillsides torn by fleeing horses.

He was then captured with many Turkish standards, arms and loot.



It is to the honour of these strange and warlike barbarians that very few actually routed from the field.

--------------

In this way almost the entire Turkish army had been destroyed again, and about 500 men remained in Rum having reunited with the survivors of the recent battle. About 95 took refuge in a small inconsequential fort in Armenia.

Our Emperor, with our highest esteem and praise, decided that Armenia should be relinquished as it appeared to him too susceptible to invasions and problems of the eastern world, and so the army happily began a march returning to Rum in pursuit of the Seljuks.

The sole surviving prince, Orhan, who had fled Armenia, refused to pay his father's ransom and chose to allow him execution, thereby ensuring his own succession as Sultan Orhan IV.

Such treachery, though to be expected from such people, was nevertheless poorly received by our men who vowed to bestow no mercy upon this rogue and accused patricide.

The City is again requesting assistance as they distrust the Venetian Doge and the Serbian Tsar, and feel the influence of the Emperor is not enough to deter the Cumanese bands, but our army and the Emperor Constantine XI are content with the continued persecution of the Seljuk invasion, and further domination in the east. We are content with the concept in this year of 1222 of being masters of Rum and her fortifications by its end.

I thank our Emperor Constantine XI for the honour of recording these distant and powerfully sweeping movements of the empire as we protect the reputation of the throne in Byzantion.

Theodoros Cantacuzenos, Duke of Nikaia and Captain of the Varangian Guard 1222.

[Togakure]

Of the finest quality. Thoroughly enjoying this

[Vantek]

I concur.

[PershsNhpios]

ROMA ANATOLIKA

Since I received command of the new levies in Byzantion, and was awarded the title of General of Byzantion, and since I have recently caused much damage to our muslim enemy I believe that these are the reasons I have been charged with making a brief but truthful account of events by our Emperor Constantine XI.

I know that Cantacuzenos was disliked for his questionable and constant analysis of decisions, but I feel that this is the nature of such a competent governor and politician. I do not attempt to make any judgement but to record what happened only to my knowledge without bias in the manner of all soldiers. I do not wish to make comment on Cantacuzenos and never would I question our Emperor, and I ask that this be kept in mind as this account is read.

Romanus Angelus, General of Byzantion, 1226 Constantinople

1223 - 1227 μ.Χ.

The army which I was gathering in Europe consisted and relied on infantry. This was because skilled cavalrymen were very rare and most were serving with our Emperor against the Turkish people in the east. When I arrived in command of the army in Constantinople, the situation was highly undesirable. Levies of the lowest peasantry and psiloi were the only defense afforded to the capitol. With permission I ordered the levy of infantry battalions from Rhodos, Anatolia, Bithynia and the city itself. Meanwhile I was also met with the challenge of finding a way to maintain an army equal to the Italian threat without the means of providing cavalry, and on a very scarce budget.

We received news late in 1223 that our Emperor had fittingly subdued the Turkish people in their homelands and that he had pursued them to the lands of Rum. Here he received the assistance of the empire's vassal King Philip I who added such strength to our own that the Sultan Orhan decided to quit the castle and retreat on a wide route back to Armenia, yielding all of Rum to the army there.

This news was accompanied by the report of a new alliance with King Hugh I of the Crusaders, who requested assistance from the empire and her vassals against the growing threat of the Ayyubid faction. There was some reluctance but when we were informed that what was the Crusader kingdom was now a small army based in Antioch and fighting hard for Syria, orders soon arrived from Emperor Constantine XI insisting that the army be prepared for transport to Antioch in order to assist our christian ally by early this year. To this end, I was given permission to hire a large number of mercenaries to lessen the disadvantage of having few cavalry available.

In 1225 Amir al Haziz was reported to have defeated King Hugh I in battle outside Antioch and to have forced the Crusader army into Edessa, where the king and his son Prince Richard despaired of rallying against the Egyptians, who were said to number 2300.

By the order of our Emperor then we embarked in late 1225 and sailed for Antioch, which was apparently besieged and without supplies. The army included many battalions of our infantry, supported by a company of swordsmen who called themselves Kywamzarian, and also crossbowmen and arbalesters who carried great shields. All these latter were in service as mercenaries. Besides these, a considerable number of men who were proficient with the European 'bill' were with us, some javelins and a regiment of Arab 'Faris' who accompanied my own guard of cavalrymen armed in the western fashion and a unit of lancers which had been spared to us from Anatolia.

Some of our escort fell in with Arab ships and these were defeated in battle easily.

When we landed near Antioch we were afforded an easy bivouac by the Arabs, who were so casual in coming to meet the threat that King Hugh I with 500 men was able to join with us before we marched to the city.

I asked that the King support us in the coming battle but that he should not engage himself too thoroughly, as much depended on the welfare of himself and the army he led.

Antioch 1226

The Amir had occupied the road the Antioch where it came upon a hamlet, and this was to be found upon a small plateau which was only sensibly approachable from the south.
Since this would also remove the option of retreat for the Arabs, I immediately drew the infantry up along the road which ran between our two armies, with the men facing the enemy slightly north-east. These were our infantry with the eastern swords, screened by the crossbows and arbalests. The more mobile billmen and javelins I took with myself around to the south and as the cavalry arm we prepared to take advantage of a panicked foe.

My plans for a skirmish followed by infantry combat which could only mean victory for our swords were very much in jeopardy when it was found that King Hugh, ignoring my recommendations, had determined upon leading his inferior group up the steepest and most vulnerable northern part of the plateau. I had attempted to compensate for his eagerness by marching ahead and forming ranks quickly, but an effort to assist him in this individual action would have meant defeat.

Instead, I ordered the infantry and crossbows to advances, and these coming at the enemy on a north-east facing were able to turn much of their attention, and our missiles were loosed in upon the backs of those attacking the Crusaders.

Unfortunately, a most fanatical group of muslims surrounded the king when he became separated from his infantry and he was cut down at this time. The remaining crusaders did not stand their ground long, battered also by a siege engine and all routed in that quarter excepting the Templar Order which remained heavily engaged with an African unit belonging to the Khalifah.



I sent the lancers forward against the enemy's southern flank at this time in order to disrupt and destroy a group of fanatical light infantry which the Arabs call Nizaris. However these were intercepted by a regiment of Ghulams, which after a prolonged fight managed to rout our lancers, who refused to withdraw until they suffered many casualties, despite frequent attempts to save them on our part.



At this time it could be seen that the enemy African formations and slave infantry were formed opposite our line and having removed the Crusader threat were now prepared to engage our own. The crossbows and arbalests maintained a commendable barrage which wavered the enemy light infantry as they advanced.

Our own infantry advanced also and the billmen moved forward in the hope of engaging the Gulams.

When the remnants of the Templars gathered in the north however, they rallied the broken lines of militia comprising the Crusaders and again advanced up the northern slope of the plateau. As the Amir noted these, a halt was called in the advance of the enemy and subsequently a retreat.

The enemy cavalry disappeared almost immediately over the rise behind the hamlet and with ourselves on their trail, the enemy infantry found themselves completely surrounded. The result was a massive rout in which we were immediately masters of the enemy position but unable to capture many due to our insufficient cavalry.



Very few casualties occurred within either Arab or our own armies in this skirmish, but the Crusader King was dead and his army destroyed.

-------

A man who introduced himself as Adam Plantagenet assured me that our assistance had been substantial and that our obligation as allies had been fulfilled. I was most concerned about the vulnerability of Antioch and the scarce military of the Crusaders, but was ordered to return to Constantinople.

The most unfortunate news for our cause however was recently received as I arrived again in the Capitol, detailing the holy 'Jihad' which had been rallied and led by the Khalifah had spread over Edessa. Even as we fought for Antioch, Prince Richard had been killed in the fighting out in the central deserts.

I am informed that a new faction has arisen in command of the Crusaders in Antioch and that these are indifferent to our assistance, believing that I was too timid in the fighting earlier this year.

Here in the home province there is much preparation for a new levy of infantry since the original Byzantine homeland army is evidently now turned against the Arab under my command. The Emperor is pleased with our performance in the east and has placed a most adventurous task upon us. For we are to sail south to Alexandria, and there disembark in the Arab homeland and cause what damage we can. I expect much difficulty in this action and that we shall be forced to travel great distances for supply and forage, but I accept the mission willingly and know that the Emperor would not place any challenge upon me which I could not meet.
We will strike at Kairo and move north toward home, raiding and destroying what we can of the Arab, cutting savagely at his intestines.

God speed us in our work and see us safely home again, we thank the Emperor Constantine XI for this opportunity to bring new fame to the empire.

Romanus Angelus, General of Byzantion, 1226 Constantinople

----------------

All praise indeed be to God indeed in this Year of our Lord 1227 for the successes we have carried over thus far against the heathen masses which dare threaten our spiritual and physical sovereignty. Similar praise also must be given to our Emperor Constantine XI, for it is his audacity, unknown the world over since the campaigns of the old empire, which has seen us rise out of dismay and despair by the grace of God.

Our prayers have been answered, but now we must put forth our prayers to our Lord for the outcome of the years ahead. We must pray that the Turkish brute, a man more similar to wild horses than the Roman, remains within the boundaries of his barbaric realm and does not design any further outrage.

We must pray that our vassal and ally, King Philip I of Armenia finds much success against the heathen as he fights for control of Tripoli.

And we must pray above all that our brave general, caught up in the magnificent fate which the Lord our God has decreed him, be swiftly and safely carried upon his mission with the army in Egypt as he confronts the devil, banishes him again to the fires of Hell and removes all threat to our empire. Let him be safely returned to us in command of our unmatched soldiery.

I feel that good news of this venture will soon reach us.

Lord Melissenos, Duke of Rum, 1227 Rum.

[Durango]

Fantastic use of language! I am very much enjoying the style and perspective of this campaign.

[drone]

Love it.

[gollum]

Excellent writing and very true to the Byzantine spirit.

[Leith]

Thank you very much, Glenn, for your time and effort. With MTW gamers like yourself around, this game won't 'die' so easily!

[Stazi]

Great story indeed. And screenshots. I like this one:

Especially incoming units in perspective on the hill. Looks like one of those old battle paintings. I's a pity that units have low res textures.

[PershsNhpios]

You are all most appreciated. It is very humbling for me to receive congratulations on supporting MTW from those who have done so much more - moderation, modification and similar alterations.

I spend my time writing and playing with these in tribute to your works.

Now if you will excuse me, I have some more to add...

[PershsNhpios]

ROMA ANATOLIKA

It is true that the last eight years have cost me my youth. Our campaign was not as glorious as the old Emperor believed it would be, nor as detrimental to the Arab reign as his son would have hoped. The victory won by Melissenos in battle was the catalyst of our decisive victory in war. I am reduced somewhat from my former ability but I will recover again now that we are nearly home - of this I am confident - and we will move again to serve on the frontier of the empire.
My body is desirous of nothing other than rest, and my mind is quite tempted to obey this, but so are all the men who followed me through the heathen lands tempted.

It is my responsibility to make an account here for posterity, that their actions and feats which have sapped them so may yield them the greatest of benefits in my view - the literal immortality.

Romanus Angelus, General of Byzantion, 1235 Rum

1228 - 1235 μ.Χ.

When we were south of Alexandria, it was reported to us by locals that a fleet of Arab baggalas had come up and destroyed the galleys which transported us. This meant that no contact was possible between ourselves and the homeland, and we resigned ourselves to quitting the coast entirely as we moved toward Kairo.

The city was heavily fortified with an impenetrable citadel, which was beyond the means of our single bombard and the engineers capable of such weapons as trebuchets were far too few. For this reason I began a forced march toward Gaza, where I hoped we would meet with a major Ayyubid relief force, but on arrival here in 1228 we discovered another well fortified keep, which seemed without value to me, as did the province, and so to the great discontent of the army, I ordered a continued march north.

The desert was fearsome to our infantry and progress was extremely slow. I was confident that any confrontation with the enemy, whose numbers included mostly camel riders of the Bedouin tribes, would lead to a victory. Even in the most difficult struggles with baggage through the salty southern districts, no Arab force was encountered, and even the influence of the Khalifah seemed far from the populations we approached. The fortifications were manned rather through fear of our army than loyalty to the sovereign.

News from the empire was still not forthcoming as we continued north into Palestine, where we halted having been informed of a great and long established castle dominating the province, well supplied and well manned by the Khalifah's African troops.

The army was beginning to become highly rebellious after such a numbing experience of the desert, and we had not been fortunate enough to carry off anything of significant value from any of the provinces we had passed through. Raiding was impossible and the foraging of the army was prevented by the constant danger of the watchful enemy well within his walls.

I was blamed for not having attempted the assault of any fortifications but I was simply unwilling to commit our infantry - our only solid combat arm - and the only troops reliable enough to be engaged in an assault, against such formidable defenses with no hope of effective assistance from so few engines.

Hopeful that we may at last by forced marches in a much more easily traversed country come upon the enemy before the had chance to withdraw into fortifications, we moved north into Tripoli. Here we found that the Armenian king had been forced to return home after a protracted siege only one year previous. We despaired of our absence from home when we realised that four years had passed since our departure from the homeland, and it was now the year 1230. Now within range of our own naval movements, we made contact with fellow countrymen at last as we approached the castle heavily defended in this Levantine province.

We were greatly saddened by the news that our old Emperor Constantine XI had died whilst relieved from command of the Imperial army by Melissenos, and also by the criticism which had surfaced against him after his death in 1227. Some, even amongst our nobility, had taken to calling him Constantine the Philistine in a most vulgar fashion.

If this is due to his initial decision to forsake the christian alliance for a contract with the Khalifah, I say that both his determination to deny assistance to King Hugh I and his timely rescue of the same were actions not in favour of any nation but our own - and this is to be praised in our old Emperor. Those who would think too highly of the Crusaders must remember that such fanatical and unruly men were most ungodly and treacherous to us, even as guests within our own country, not so long ago. The very men who escort me know this all too well, and although Constantine XI forbid recognition of the loss of the Capitol, nonetheless it is certain that this occurred, and taught us that the empire must look only after her own as we are envied even by christian brethren.

This much will I stray toward political argument.

We were now also told that the Armenian king had been forced to withdraw to his homeland when the Khalifah began serious offensives against his province. These had all been beaten back, and at one stage a reconnaissance in force was led by the Ayyubid crown prince Nasir into Rum herself. King Philip I, now in very advanced age, was at this time said to be retreated from Edessa after some initial success there.

Further information allowed us to ascertain the enemy positions, and we learned that the greatest concentrations were in Edessa and Mesopotamia, but that a religious war was being proposed amongst the Arabs in the south and we decided that we would intercept these fanatics before they could pass Palestine.

Eager to support our new Emperor Constantine XII then and Melissenos who was preparing heavily for defense in Rum by the recruitment of many infantry battalions, we carried off from Tripoli loot amounting to 1200 florins and moved again south for Palestine, refreshed and determined.

Upon reaching Jerusalem we discovered the fortifications similarly defended, but the 'Jihad' broke up in the face of our advance. I suspected that the lack of such religious support would severely undermine the authority of the Khalifah in his war against the empire.

I was equally zealous as the army to engage and remove some fortifications of the Ayyubid dynasty wherever it was prudent to do so. By this time significant intelligence was obtained from the locals, who reported to me that the inland provinces, particularly those comprising Syria and lower Mesopotamia and Arabia were less developed and certainly more loosely defended than the coastal fortifications.

Trusting this, a march was begun for Syria. And on arrival here, we met with no resistance as the Arabs here fled east to combine with the Khalifah's army. Victorious over a province at last, I loosed the men upon the land and more than 5000 florins of loot was recovered from the forts and townships.

We found here a substantial and fanatical catholic population, which had been subdued by the Khalifah following the death of Crown Prince Richard. I had decided to continue the march quickly east having removed everything of value from the province, since there was rumour that the Khalifah was gathering an army in Mesopotamia for use in the offensives against Rum.

As we left Syria, a wild and brutal rebellion spread throughout the land. Thousands of catholics came out armed upon the roads and eventually we believed that we had escaped great danger by moving eastward so early. These men, armed with whatever they could scavenge and led by the remnants of the old Orders, declared themselves loyal to the new Crusader kingdom. I later learned that a massive revolt had occurred in Kupros after the Venetian Doge Giovanni had secured the island for himself under the pretense of protecting the inhabitants from the muslim threat. William I, having come of age, declared his right to the throne of the Crusaders and asserted independence, causing the Italians to flee and our major ally to be reestablished.

It was the winter of 1234 then when we entered the province of Mesopotamia, and we found the immediate country overseen and guarded by a keep of relatively simple design. We were short of supplies and exhausted with travel. Behind us was a huge revolutionary army intent on regaining empire in the Levant and all bordering provinces, and one not to be mistaken for an ally. We had succeeded in causing the Khalifah and his forces to split and retreat, but we were now between two great muslim armies and still with a long march through the desert to reach Byzantine land again.

The commander of this fortification could not be contacted, and to the excitement of the infantry I resolved upon assaulting the fort, that we might have the loot and spoils of the province to speed us on our march home.

Mesopotamia 1234

Having been engaged for some time in transporting the bombard by cart onto the highest vantage, through the bogged dunes and many troughs which plagued movement distant from the road, we waited aside two of our infantry battalions and a small mercenary group armed for the assault, whilst the engineers prepared the weapon and similarly, down on the flats to the west of the keep a second team of engineers prepared a trebuchet.

A barrage was begun which lasted considerable time. The same sandstorms which had blighted our native troops throughout the march were also constant here, and our infantry appeared unable to reliably assault, though willing.

Unfortunately we found that the bombard was beyond a practical range and the crew were unable to sustain an accurate barrage. This led to a waste of time and eventually a lack of ammunition. I signalled for the billmen to begin the assault as soon as the timber wall which screened the keep had been breached.

Much to their credit, the billmen in two battalions advanced across the plain and up the rise toward the breach very swiftly, hardly halting as the numerous Arabs, mounted upon camels, came charging out to meet them. Cutting these off easily with their weapons, they stormed the first barricade and gained the first victory.



Our bombard crew informed me that they were without ammunition to continue the barrage and I somewhat angrily dismissed them. I was not aware from my position of the bill's success in the fighting and believed that this miscalculation would cause serious casualties, since it was believed crucial that the main stone wall of the keep be breached at the eastern end.

The mercenaries however ignored this problem and took it upon themselves to storm the gateway leading to the keep and confront the garrison with only a narrow head. I believe their weaponry and tactics, unique in my experience, caused victory on their part and they suffered very few casualties having entirely destroyed the Arab resistance.



I was most impressed by the performance of our troops in this action, and it was encouraging for the entire army. Another great bounty was found in the pillage of the central country, and we were so confident of our ability that we prepared to march south into Arabia and defeat the Khalifah in the lands of his origin.

News reached us though at this time which caused great desire to return home. In 1231 as we returned to Palestine, the old Crusader battalions in Antioch which had fought with us against al Haziz had allied themselves with the sons of the Khalifah against Armenia, hoping to gain land and restore peace to what they saw as their homeland. This was heartbreaking for these men when they discovered later that the old kingdom still lived, but they were by this time under obligation to the princes who guarded them carefully.

With this new military power, the princes Nasir and Adil had repeatedly attacked and skirmished with King Philip I until his resources were beyond recovery. In 1233 the Ayyubids simply marched into Kilikia, executed King Philip I and claimed the massive palatial citadel there.

Convinced that the Arabs were immeasurably more dangerous than the Turks, Melissenos brought the Imperial army out of Rum and immediately against the princes into Kilikia, who yielded the province without contest.

We received orders at last detailing a need for defence in Rum. The reasons for this were vague and relevant to a militant migration north of the Caucasus, but urgent enough that we decided to march north for our province without delay.

Further details of the situation as it evolved in the north I will leave to Melissenos, who was vastly more intelligent of affairs than we were, isolated for long periods and distant from anything which we knew as familiar.

I congratulate Lord Melissenos of Rum on the victory in Kilikia and also our Emperor Constantine XII, with whom I hope to become acquainted now that I am returned to the civilisation of our empire.

Romanus Angelus, General of Byzantion, 1235 Rum.

[Durango]

Splendid work as usual

[PershsNhpios]

ROMA ANATOLIKA

I apologise for my tardiness in making this record and confirmation of our victories and success, I apologise by stating that matters of the present have risen to precedence naturally over those of the past, though glorious in our eyes and those of the Lord our God's those past actions may be.

Our champion and crusader, the beloved Romanos Angelos has in his own commentary bestowed much favourable light on recent history, and so I intend to make note here of what I personally have experienced recently, things which are of course absent from our brother's account.
The lord bless and keep our empire and her benevolent ruler, Emperor Constantine XII, and though the limbs of our sturdy soldiery be like the keels and rudders of our many ships upon the sea, may they as by Boreos in the late autumn be guided by the hand of God over the heathen lands in our quest to restore our domain.
And may they lift up their eyes to God, that like sails their faith may be filled with this wind.

Lord Melissenos, Duke of Rum, 1235 Kilikia

1234 - 1235 μ.Χ.

It is true that we felt much sympathy for the loss of our catholic allies in Kilikia as they fought savagely to remove the devil from their lands. As vassals the Armenians remained very useful while they were still coherent, and we always chose the lesser evil in supporting their monarch.
However there was no small relief on my part when that particular dynasty resigned itself two years ago now and removed themselves from our way.

Political dilemmas, or rather the dilemma of whether a catholic is a christian or a heretic, had always prevented us from coming to close and decisive terms with the godless barbarians in the east. With the death of this catholic king, we knew now who was the enemy and who stood completely in favour of the Lord.

Happily in 1234 we left Rum, knowing that the bastard Turkish chieftan had not enough men to cause any further outrage. On arrival in Kilikia, the muslim princes fled as is their cultural habit, and we immediately instated what proper christian order we could upon the province, with the government entrusted to someone quite unsuitable to my view, but at the request of our beloved Emperor.

1234 was a most exciting year for those of us eager to defend the faith.
As Angelos was marching north for Rum, we received notice of two catholic crusades approaching the eastern deserts. A Norman ruler of England had sent a crusade which at its zenith had numbered I understand 2870 men, and these landed unopposed in Palestine, taking immediate control of the province. The honour of this success was of course due to Angelos, who had so thoroughly raided and besieged the regions south of christian land that the heathens were defenceless or hiding within fortifications.

A much smaller, less competent crusade led by Frankish louts had made its way foolishly over the northern steppe and was attempting to cross the Caucasus. The 500 men comprising this little charade were highly exhausted and demoralised and we were most amused by their intended objective of assaulting and taking Antioch where 5000 muslim fanatics and wildmen were stationed.

Much less amusing to us however was the report of the great migration occurring also north of the Caucasus, which movement had initially been summarised in the presence of our Emperor during 1231 as being a militant and pagan tribe of 3000 horsemen from the far eastern steppe tribes. These derivatives of Alanni and Sarmatii were quite underestimated however because we were advised by Turkish peasantry in 1234 that an army of 7500 horsemen from this same migration was crossing the Caucasus behind the Frankish crusade and had already seized Georgia. This was supported by absurd rumours that similar numbers of horsemen were also pushing far up into the old Bulgar territory and out towards the Bosphoros and our valued ally of Kiev.

Such rumours are most likely the reason why the muslim princes determined upon returning to Kilikia to give battle to christian might, perhaps hoping to draw in fellow worshippers of the devil. Even as the wild dogs, ripping at the hind fetlocks of the proud stallion who defends himself from all quarters, hope that the noble and pure blood thus released will by its scent draw the unholy hunger of other pestilent predators down from the dark woods, so did this army of filthy and unable pagans hope to shed Byzantine blood in Kilikia, that those animals distant in the north might be drawn to our turned backs.

Kilikia 1235

Amidst the Tarsian countryside, greened by unusual summer storms, we drew up our blessed troops upon the slopes of a clear and advantaged hill.
The princes ceded command of their army to a more experienced commander, Mehmed ibn Hejaz, who led the vast column of ragged muslim infantry south of the hill.
There was no attempt at flanking or any other often unnecessary strategic art in this fight, which was decided in prayer and faith long before we even ascended that hill.
The muslims prepared themselves at the southern foot of the hill and then began an approach, becoming frenzied like victims of the plague. We loosed many pots of that holy fire upon their heads. Big African men, slave warriors of their highest King came of a sudden charging up the slope toward our blessed infantry, and these waited patiently for the arrival of a battle so well deserved.

But even as these blacks bore their great axes in feverish madness up the hill, I signalled for the kataphraktoi, encased in an armour of plate and faith, to take up their kontoi and meet these dogs as they raced to fight our footmen.



And I saw many an African and heathen slave double over and fall before that wall of iron, which bore indestructibly down upon them. And seeing this great defeat before them, all the muslims stunned for a moment, I have no doubt they felt the instinct to flee take hold, but for their commander who hurried them on to join the fray.

Then spears attacked kataphraktoi, and our swords attacked their spears, and Ghulam slavemen charged rigorously here, and were met again there by our swords. Their filthy camel riders threw themselves in against one battalion of infantry, and was met behind by another - all these muslim arms engaging themselves until a great combat commenced, gloriously held in the eyes of God!



Then did our lancers break the sides of the enemy and rout his many skirmishing bowmen from behind, who in their constant screams and shouts dismayed their fellow pagans, fighting on the slope.

No, it was not long, and not without reason, before these men of sterile and artless homelands turned their backs shamefully upon those they came to defeat, and sought to save their damned lives by fleeing out east again.



But this was not allowed them, and even as the princes and their cohorts came marching over the eastern horizon, so did they see the many slain and lost souls scattered out in the plain and the forestry, and the guard itself of Mehmed ibn Hejaz surrounded and taken by our own band of muslim raiders, paid well to conduct such mischief and outrage against their similarly misguided countrymen.



And on seeing this, the heathens fled as they were wont to, back to the sandy wastes which surround their Antiocheian base of operations.

----------------------

We were confirmed and of course rejoicing in our rewarded faith as we set about the task of repairing what damage had been wrought upon the lands of Kilikia by muslim and catholic heathens alike.

What was so much more vindicating was the reports of major revolution in the south. For the princes, disillusioned and unsupervised by suitable members of their father's staff, had returned to Antioch and found that their father the Khaliph was cut off from the north in Arabia, since Mesopotamia was in a state of anarchy as our beloved Angelos retreated thence, since Syria was overrun with masses of catholic rebels, and Palestine firmly in Norman hands. This filled them with impish audacity, and each took a group of 750 men and separated themselves from the loyal General Mohammed al Aray's camp, declaring a new joint Khaliphate in Antioch.

No other provinces chose to join these two rogues, but with them rebelled more than three quarters of the muslim forces. We are saved any struggles with this enemy of the faith for the forseeable future now, and I praise God for his prudence in bringing together these many incidences which brought about the demise of that devil, Khaliph al Adil.

One part of the muslim plan succeeded however, as we discover that those horsemen of the migration, seeing our struggles, surged into Armenia and forced this year the Turkish peoples to hole themselves up in fortifications like the Mossynoikoi of old, and they have in great force run amok over the northern colonies, unprotected by ourselves for some time, and claimed presidency over Trapizond herself.

But these are lesser folk than even those recently fled from our land, as I hear they do not sleep beneath roofs and are inclined to feed like wild animals. Such herds of primitive men are not equal to the strengths of civilised men and they feel also threatened by the culture of such as our empire's. This is of course to our advantage together with the unwavering guidance of God, who will see these scavengers disintegrated and returned to oblivion ere long.

Lord Melissenos, Duke of Rum, 1235 Kilikia.

[gollum]

Epic. Great screens too.

[gollum]

Glenn i really think you should do this till its "done", whatever that means (you have become too big, you lose interest, you have met the goals you have set etc).

This AAR is splendid and also at the same time by postponing to play Caravel mod you'll get the chance to play v2.2 (early/mid coming week) if and when you do, which is a tiny wee bit better than v2.1

Of course its all up to you :)

[huth]

Great AAR with very very nice pictures, for me it's great surprise to see this here, but why are the units so blured? I thought Tyberius makes units to look better?

[gollum]

It absolutely does huth, Tyberious addon for XL has absolutely great top notch graphics.

Its because the screens are taken with moving the camera too close to the action (using that -ian thing we were talking about). The cameragoes so close that they seem blurred, but on the other hand this is why many of those screens look like from a 1st person perspective.

[Stazi]

It's not about camera zoom. I mentioned some possibilities here.
Something to compare - this is how the Abyssinian Elite Guard should look like:

[Durango]

Also compression from .tga to .jpg perhaps? Some image hosting sites have that checked as default. And it could also be that
the game is running in a non native resolution. Due to how the flatscreen technology works, the monitor has resolution options that
will make the game appear fuzzy. My monitor for ex. blurs the graphics inbetween 1024x768 and 1280x1024 (which is the native res).

[huth]

Banners aren't blurry, so it applies to units' sprites. Images with camels show it plainly. Maybe slider 'AGP memory' in performance settings has something to it?

[gollum]

I stand corrected. Thank you Stazi.

[PershsNhpios]

This is an interesting development!

Thank you for your support, if it will improve the screenshots significantly and will not slow the game then I will look into fixing this problem. I had simply become accustomed to the idea that MTW looks that way. PMTW even has units flashing and disappearing on my system.
It is very old.

Acer Extensa 2303LC
Intel Celeron M 340 processor
(1.5 GHz, 400 MHz FSB, 512KB L2 cache)
15.0" XGA TFT LCD
120GB HDD
256MB DDR

Although very laggy at times, I can run Europa Barbarorum and other high resolution RTW mods on this machine without trouble.

Now I just went into XLTYB and changed battlefield resolution to 1028X768, the only other option from 800x600, and this made a significant improvement over many models in battle, but did not bring any to full focus as shown by Stazi.

The AGP slider will not move higher than 0. It is stuck.

There is a slight blur when converting to JPG, but what you see is very close to what I see.

I am sorry I had not yet replied to your offer, Stazi, I was very pleased by it and intended to give you a full answer in PM as the first step to sorting this out, if possible.
It annoys me that I may have given a much lesser effort in the screenshots of these AARs by neglecting this, though I was before entirely ignorant of it.
Please lead the way if you can Stazi and I will follow any suggestions you have, in order that we might give the Byzantines a more glorious perspective.

Also Gollum, you should have no fear of this AAR finishing before it is done. It is your comment in the Caravel discussion that caused me to close my English campaign and write the next little chapter which I had sitting aside.
The Byzantine tale will not go quietly as the Irish, and I have already an idea for the next AAR. I've never fought Mongols before though!

Thank you all for your interest!

[gollum]

I'm glad you did and this AAR is continuing. Its really worth it.

As for the Mongols don't worry: there is a first time for everything :)

[Stazi]

PMTW even has units flashing and disappearing on my system.

Gfx files are good but PMTW has some mistakes in txt files defining animations for the new units.

Acer Extensa 2303LC
Intel Celeron M 340 processor
(1.5 GHz, 400 MHz FSB, 512KB L2 cache)
15.0" XGA TFT LCD
120GB HDD
256MB DDR

I don't have good news for you. Your laptop has very old video card: INTEL 828/82855 GM/GME with max of 64mb video ram (shared with system memory). 256mb RAM - it's not good too. This laptop has probably hard time running the win XP alone. Video card takes 64mb so it's only 192mb of ram left for the system. I'm afraid I can't find any solution for you. You can try install Win 98 which uses the least ram and can still run MTW but I doubt it will help. You can probably add some ram (512 instead of 256) but investing any money in this laptop is imo worthless. In the end, 64mb for video card is the biggest bottleneck.

[gollum]

You also don;t have good news for all of us though, Stazi.

It would have been nice to see Glenn's great screenies less blurred. But we'll live through and with it anyway ;)

[PershsNhpios]

Thank you anyway, Stazi, I think the rest of our Hall should bestow upon the name of 'Spanner' - agreed?

If it doesn't bother all of you, it definitely doesn't bother me - I spend plenty of time sifting through replays for a good shot.

On with the campaign!

[gollum]

Kataphraktoi: Charge(!) :)