Ah, there's another one of those patronizing, clichéd little phrases that washes away a multitude of sins.
Unfortunately, the West is living in a fantasy world.
In our fantasy...
We believe that Britain and France are still relevant players on the international stage. They can still entertain neocolonial fantasies under fun new monikers like R2P, despite near complete military impotence. They believe that they have set an important precedent for future intervention, when in fact, from a geopolitical level, the most important impact of this action is the perceived futility and danger of acquiescing in the West's nuclear non-proliferation efforts among the world's dictators. It will be difficult to launch future freedom missions as every tin pot colonel with an ounce of common sense runs to North Korea to buy their own reactors.
We believe that the United States has learned 'valuable lessons' from Iraq and Afghanistan, when in fact the most important lessons have been completely ignored. Instead of relying on careful, objective analysis of a given situation, America is still willing to go to war based on thinnest of evidence, most of it very obviously manufactured by the opposition. And after making the grave decision to go to war - to take ownership of the conflict and its externalities - America has apparently decided that instead of committing enough forces to ensure the freedom and security of every poor bastard we're supposed to be freeing, we'll go the opposite direction and let the locals sort it out themselves as to ensure plausible deniability when the inevitable slaughter ensues.
We believe that NATO is still a viable fighting force, instead of an underfunded, decrepit organization barely capable of ousting the weakest of regimes. We envision a bright future of continued interventions in the name of freedom for all, instead of freedom for select groups to the extreme detriment of many others as has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, and now Libya.
We believe that we've rid the Arab Street of a vicious dictator and a committed enemy of the West, when in fact our governments were more than comfortable in bed with him, sucking the oil from his teat, until it ceased being convenient. Further, we breathlessly repeat wild stories of a mad man slaughtering his people and on the precipice of genocide, despite absolutely no evidence of any of it. All the while, there is real evidence that dictators across the region actually are using overwhelming military force against defenseless protestors, and our governments struggle to even formally denounce them.
Most regrettably, we've bought into the good versus bad narrative to such a degree that we actually believe we've brought freedom to the Libyan people, instead of picked sides in a sectarian civil war fought largely between elements of the very same regime that we're supposedly fighting against. Our glasses are so heavily rose tinted that they only allow us to see only academics instead of regime henchmen, Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans, and tribal leaders looking to settle scores. Those glasses are so tinted, so thick, that they allow us to excuse our own complicity in the harassment, marginalization, oppression, and misery of millions as simply the normal occurrences of 'the real world'.
What is happening in Libya may be representative of the real world, but it is a world we chose to jump in to, feet first and with no thought to the negative consequences. Real people are dying, and their blood is on our hands - not by necessity, but by choice.
(Here is the text of the Financial Time's piece posted earlier. I did not realize it was subscription only. I hope I'm not breaking any rules by reproducing it.)
Sub-Saharan Africans bear brunt of rebels’ ire
By Katrina Manson in Nairobi
Published: March 29 2011 23:57 | Last updated: March 29 2011 23:57
As rumours of black mercenaries flown and trucked into Libya in their thousands have swirled about the country, poor sub-Saharan African migrant workers have borne the brunt of rebel outrage at the claims.
Aid groups, long barred access to the country, estimate anything from 500,000 to 1.5m black Africans may be based in Libya, many of them illegally.
United Nations agencies have set up hotlines for those trapped inside the country and have so far chartered flights for 59,000 people who have managed to escape to the border.
“Even before this, black Africans in general are not liked at all, but this [mercenary] theory has made the situation tremendously worse,” one black African man, holed up at home and too worried about reprisals to be identified by name or nationality, said by telephone from Tripoli.
Like many black Africans, he speaks of rebel sympathisers in the capital Tripoli clamouring outside his door at night, warning him he will be the first to be killed when the regime falls. For a while, he fled to a farm on the outskirts of the capital with a dozen or so others, until the farm owner found them and chased them out. His job stopped with the crisis, and this week he was robbed of all his rent money at knifepoint in a bread line.
The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, said it has become a “poisonous” atmosphere for sub-Saharan Africans in Libya, noting youth gangs this week broke down the doors to threaten an Eritrean family in hiding for three weeks, and that there are unconfirmed reports of some killed.
The UN migration agency said: “So far the advice we’ve been giving is if you’re in a safe place, then stay for the time being.”
The threats mean that some among the poorest and least respected of Libyan society are now rooting for Gaddafi’s regime to prevail.
Says the man in hiding: “Some people here among the black African community tend to support the regime purely on the basis of wanting to survive. If the rebels win, they’re going to unleash their terror on black Africans.”
It is a sorry development for many who sought sanctuary in the country, fleeing war or political persecution at home. Five years ago, aged 32, the man walked across the Sahara desert, exhausted as some of his fellow travellers’ legs gave way, in the hope of reaching respite in Libya. His salary of $300 a month was three times what he might make back home, but his longed-for better life was characterised by constant racist abuse, being beaten on the streets and eventually being taken on by employers who purposefully kept his status illegal so he could not leave.
As well as a bulk of Egyptian, Tunisian and Bangladeshi workers, UN agencies have flown people home to Burkina Faso, Chad, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Nigeria, Sudan and Togo. Some African embassies have managed to escort their citizens out, hundreds at a time. In all, nearly 330,000 people have made it to Libya’s borders in the past month, crossing into Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria and Niger.
Many more are waiting. The UN migration agency has received reports of tens of thousands of Africans stranded in Sabha, for example, a desert airbase rumoured to be receiving mercenaries from Algerian-flown planes, claims denied by Algeria. Tripoli’s most popular black neighbourhood is still full.
“I regret crossing the Sahara,” said the man in Tripoli. “I would rather starve than try to cross the Sahara again on foot.”
Not properly backed up? Racism in Libya is
very well documented. It amazes me that the most ardent proponents of this conflict often know the least about the intricacies of Libyan society.
'They call you a slave'
Hussein Zachariah, a welder from Ghana who worked for a Turkish construction company in Benghazi for three years before conflict began, says he was often verbally abused on the street and had stones thrown at him.
“They say a lot of things about you,” says Mr. Zachariah, no relation to Ibrahim Zachariah. “They call you a slave.”
He claimed that his friend was accused of being a mercenary fighter and that he witnessed him being severely beaten by “protesters” on the street.
Racism nothing new in Libya
Racism toward migrant laborers from sub-Saharan Africa is not a new phenomenon in Libya.
In 2000 the Brussels-based International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) condemned attacks and alleged killings of migrant workers from Ghana, Cameroon, Sudan, Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad and Nigeria allegedly by young Libyans targeting black migrants particularly in the East of the country, after the government ordered a crackdown on illegal migrant workers. According to a statement made in 2000 by the ICFTU the attacks “were provoked by news portraying African migrants as being involved in drug-trafficking or dealing in alcohol.”
Human Rights Watch also documented racist attacks on migrant workers and asylum seekers from sub-Saharan in Libya in 2006 and 2009. The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) has long put pressure on Libya to address the issue of racial discrimination against black African migrants. The issue of racial discrimination against black Africans was most recently raised at the United Nations Human Rights Council in February of 2010.
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