<name>Province: Paphlagonia</name>
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<h>Traveller's Log</h>
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Entering Paphlagonia from Amastris, the traveller encounters a long stretch of coast with a harbour called Krobialos. It is particularly noteworthy, because its promontory, Karambis, stands exactly opposite Chersonesos' promontory Kriou Metopon, diving the Euxeinos Sea in two halves. Sailors claim that on a good day it is possible to see both promontories when out at sea. Krobialos is part of the Sinopean sea-trade network, which is protected by the surrounding mountains in the hinterland. This mountainous region experiences frequently earthquakes, but these also allow opportunistic mining of copper and arsenic. Therefore the valleys are inhabited by seasonal workers and artisans under the protection of the local elite. It is by boarding a vessel that the traveller can then visit all the other harbours: Abonouteichos, Kinolis and Harmene. The last one belongs to Sinope itself, whose inhabitants erected fortifications around it. These safe anchorages were established each at a day's sailing from the other, allowing refuge in adverse weather. Then comes a marvelous peninsula, upon whose neck Sinope lies. A Milesian colony built by an isthmus, famous for its fisheries, said to be even better than those of Byzantion. The site of Sinope was cleverly selected, because the shores are surrounded by a chain of rocks and cavities, while the landscape is covered with sharp-pointed stones. Thus the settlement is well defended, moreover inside the walls the land is higher and has a particularly good soil, bearing fruits. A most precious possession of the Sinopeis is a statue of Autolykos, Who joined Herakles against the Amazones and later also the Argonautai. The citizens regard this adventurer as a founder and honour him as a deity. Sinope is a major trading center, owing to its control of ore deposits and arable land in the hinterland, allowing seasonal exports of timber, copper, olive and realgar pigment. Farther South, beyond Mount Olgassys, flows the Amnias River. This is fairly good territory, called Blaene and Domanitis. Noticable are its temples and sancturaries cut into the rock, which are held by the Paphlagones. Beyond, however, live Galatai and communities allied to the Pontic Basileis.
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<h>Geography</h>
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The landscape of Paphlagonia comprises narrow linear valleys, alternated with sedimentary basins. This is the result of tectonic processes causing fault lines, which form sheer cliffs. Nevertheless the Amnias River cuts this province in half, establishing a pathway between Mount Olgassys and the mountain ranges by the Euxeinos Sea. This division coincides with different climates: the northern area hosts deciduous forests with beech and fir trees, together with rhododendrons at higher elevations. Here the rains moderate the winters, granting a milder climate, albeit moister. While moving southwards it is possible to encounter oaks and pines in greater numbers, until Mount Olgassys, which marks an area of arid continental climate joining the warmer steppes of the Anatolian Plateau. Overall the province is rich in wildlife like red deers and roe deers, along with lammergeiers, griffon vultures and booted eagles. While the most common predator is the gray wolf.
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<h>The People, Society and Government</h>
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The Paphlagones came in contact with the Hellenic world very early around the 7th century BCE, possibly even prior to that during the late Mycenaean period. One of the first descriptions of them, corroborated by archaeology, seem to depict a society characterised by various elites in competition. The social phenomenon encompassing military conflicts, but also feasting, burial practices and trading agreements. Specifically with the Hellenes, due to a false etymology of Paphlagon from the Hellenic verb Paphlazein, meaning "to stutter, bluster, stammer", the Paphlagones came to embody the typical stereotype of the barbarian being unscrupolous, violent and prone to anger. However this people was preserving customs, or at least ideologies, which stretched back to the Bronze Age connected to the people of Pala. Indeed Nergal, a deity of the Underworld borrowed from Sumer in the Hittite Pantheon, was still depicted in the Hellenistic period, being honoured as a patron of miners and smiths. Also Sinope was recently identified, by excavations, as a continuously occupied site from the late Bronze Age, at that time known as Shinuwa. It would seem that the settlement of Hellenic traders was achieved thorugh negotiations with a local Paphlagonian leader. Actual urbanisation occurred only at the end of the 6th century BCE, when these trading settlers adopted local building techniques in what by that time were mixed communities. Similarly during Persian suzerainty, Sinope came to be incorporated into the imperial administration only in the 4th century BCE, when Datama of Katpatuka, himself half Paphlagonian, conducting satrapal military operations against Sinope, negotiated a military alliance. Remarkably these events coincide with agricultural and settlement densities expansion, meaning that both partners of the treaty benefited, possibly even more so Sinope, as it came to control a territory it had never held before. This cultural encounter brought the subtle syncretism of local motifs with Hakhamanishiya imagery, particularly apparent in rock-cut tombs featuring bulls and lions, the forms taken up by Nergal. Moreover this deity was interpreted by the Hellenes as Herakles, which allowed even further inclusion and the establishment of shared practices. The cultural exchange operated in both directions, for even the Paphlagones looked back at Hellenic epics to enhance their status and the Homeric Pylaimenes, which meant "gatekeeper", became the official title for the ruler of Paphlagonia. Interesting to note, however, is that Nergal himself was the keeper of the gates to the Underworld, so there might be a connection. Overall the Paphlagones were known as great horsebreeders and riders, who were readily hired by neighbouring larger polities.
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<h>History</h>
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It could be said that Paphlagonia entered the Hellenistic period around 314 BCE, when the nephew of Antigonos Monophthalmos, Polemaios, was sent with a large force to establish Makedonian rule there for the first time. However it did not last long, because the establishment of the Pontic Dynasteia allowed the Paphlagones to assert their independence. Nevertheless their rulers did not lose track of the events unfolding, especially the Tyrannos of Sinope, Skydrothemis, who realised how Pontic alliances were isolating him and opted to establish good relations with Ptolemaios I of Aigyptos. Trading and possible naval assistance from Sinope were important for Ptolemaic operations in the Aigaion Sea and the alliance was upheld even by Ptolemaios II Philadelphos. This delivered Sinope from Ariobarzanes and his troops in 275 BCE, because as they were besieging the polis, the Ptolemaic fleet disembarked troops and managed to repel the attackers. Sinope could then keep on expanding its trading network in the Euxeinos Sea, while at the same time intensifying agricultural production. However such a strong commercial position made Sinope the prime target for Pontos, whose Basileus Mithradates II opted to build the first Pontic fleet in order to win the polis. By 220 BCE everything was set for the concerted attack, which however was carried by Mithradates III, because his father had just died. Despite the naval assistance, the Pontic army still failed to capture Sinope, as the latter had sent an embassy to Rhodos and received troops with 10,000 jars of wine, 300 talents of prepared hair, 100 talents of bow-strings, 1,000 suits of armour, 3,000 gold pieces and four Katapeltai with their professional artillerymen. Success was achieved only in 183 BCE, when Pharnakes I exploited the confusion in the Hellespontos during a conflict between Pergamon and Bithynia. Since the Rhodian fleet was occupied there, it could not come to help Sinope, itself not expecting an attack as Pharnakes I feigned to participate in the campaign against Pergamon. Instead he suddenly stormed Sinope as other war came to a conclusion. Unfortunately for the Pontic Basileus his clever plan alarmed Eumenes II Soter of Pergamon, who simply continued the conflict, which Pharnakes I had joined only nominally. This forced the Pontic army to fight alone, but at the same time Pontic envoys were hard at work in Roma and managed to secure favourable peace terms, Indeed the SPQR wanted neither side to prevail over the other and was glad to accept even Pharnakes I as an Amicvs of the Roman people in 179 BCE.
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Now Sinope became the royal Pontic capital and started to enjoy the time of its greatest splendour: men of science, artists and philosophers were invited there, while the poleis of Chersonesos and Odessos looked at the Pontic Basileia as a protector and trading partner. Around this time possibly appeared in Sinope the sphere of Billaros, today known as the Antikythera Mechaninsm. Now Pharnakes I focused on setting up an infrastructure worthy of an empire and establishing his Dynasteia as a major power. He married the Seleukid princess Nysa, allying himself with Demetrios I Soter. Then he made a voluntary donation to Delos, honouring the existing friendly relations with Athenai and his family. Around 155 BCE Pharnakes I was succeeded by his brother Mithradates IV Philopator Philadelphos, who opted for a philo-Roman policy, sending dedications and benefactions to the people of Roma. He also sided with Attalos II of Pergamon and Ariarathes V of Kappadokia against Prousias II of Bithynia. While regarding internal affairs, Mithradates IV decided to marry his own sister Laodike, making her co-ruler. This move aimed at curbing the goodwill of their new Hellenic subjects, associating themselves with Zeus and Hera, while at the same time appealing to Zoroastrian subjects due to their sacred union, known as Khwedodah. Mithradates IV also started to draw attention to his mythic forefather Perseus, a Hellenic hero, displaying how the rulers of Pontos had an excellent Hellenistic pedigree, worthy of the royal diadem. Still the couple ruled only to 151 BCE, when Pharnakes I's son Mithradates V Euergetes became Basileus. For the time being he continued to be loyal towards the SPQR, sending ships and troops in 149 BCE against Qarthadast. Later on the death of Attalos III of Pergamon in 133 BCE, Mithradates V also fought against the pretender Aristonikos and for that was rewarded Phrygia. Even the Basileus of Kappadokia fought in this campaign, but died and was succeeded by the still minor Ariarathes III. His mother Nysa, a daughter of Pharnakes I, had poisoned her elder five sons to ensure a longer regency, but the Kappadokes had her killed. Thus in 130 BCE, to avoid losing control over Kappadokia, Mithradates V attacked and quickly bested the Kappadokian army, making certain to remove any strong figure. After that he married off his own daughter, Laodike, to young Ariarathes III. This policy aimed at keeping the SPQR satisfied, afterall both rulers Pontos and Kappadokia were Roman Amici, but at the same time maintaining Pontic hegemony. Indeed Mithradates V Euergetes now started to act as an important Basileus, with great ambitions, being the first Pontic ruler to launch recruiting expeditions in Hellas, Thraike and Krete. Alongside these activities, Mithradates V carried on the Philhellenic policy of benefactions, which likely earned him his epithet, showing particular devotion to Apollon Delios. The Pontic Basileus had definitely set the stage to achieve greatness, but much like Philippos II of Makedonia was assassinated in 120 BCE and left all his preparations to an ambitious thirteen years old son, who became convinced to be the next Alexandros Megas.
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Indeed portents accompanied the birth and youth of Mithradates VI. First for seventy days during the year of his birth a comet appeared and filled a quarter of the whole sky, almost outshining the sun. Thought to symbolise the length of his life, the extent of his conquests and his eclipse of Roman power. Also when still a baby, Mithradates VI was struck by a lightning, which earned him the epithet Dionysos, because the deity's mother Semele had been struck too when pregnant. This very experience also corroborated in Mithradates VI Dionysos' mind his connection to Alexandros Megas, because even the latter's mother Olympia dreamt that her womb had been struck by a lightning. Moreover the same comet of his birth showed up again when his father was killed in 120 BCE, as if to herald the beginning of the new reign. Nevertheless Mithradates VI Dionysos Eupator's beginnings were not easy, his mother Laodike became regent, and many suspected her involvement in her husband's assassination with Roman collaboration. Even more alarming was that, during her regency, Laodike set also her younger son Mithradates Chrestos as future co-ruler. Whether she planned to kill Mithradates VI is unclear, even though after a poisoning attempt he started to assume doses of arsenic to build immunity, but what certainly happened was that the Roman Senatvs now decided to revoke Phrygia from the Pontic Dynasteia. Already Euergetes' officials feared for the future of Pontos, envisioning a gradual bequeathal in favour of Roma, and opted to stay away from Sinope. However in 116 BCE the sixteen years old Mithradates VI Dionysos Eupator had returned from his training with firm resolution. He had shown great horsemanship and hunting skills, being able to cope with a particularly dangerous horse, something which fostered even further his comparison of himself with Alexandros Megas. Mithradates VI had been joined by other noble young men, who became his companions, led by Dorylaos, who used to serve Mithradates V Euergetes, and during his march to Sinope he gather armed bands with the intent to avenge his father. The coup was bloodless and did not meet resistance, but both Laodike and Mithradates Chrestos were imprisoned and soon found dead. Now sole ruler of Pontos, Mithradates VI gave his dead relatives a royal funeral, but also started to prepare a campaign beyond Thraike. Also news reached that Ariarathes III, now an adult, could not be controlled anymore and, as his first act in foreign affairs, Mithradates VI ordered his assassination by an associate of his Dynasteia called Gordios. Later in 115 BCE the citizens of Chersonesos called upon Mithradates VI, because the Skulata under Skiluros had just sacked their polis. Perhaps they expected some sort of military assistance, which would not resolve in any particular political change, but that was not to be the case. Diophantos, the Strategos sent by Mithradates VI, quickly defeated Skiluros' son and successor, Palakos, making Pontos the first Hellenistic and Persian polity to defeat and subdue Skythian nomads. Now Mithradates VI claimed to have avenged Kyros and bested Dareios, Philippos II of Makedonia and Alexandros Megas' Strategos, Zopyrion. Diophantos did not lose momentum and subdued the Tauroi as well, founding the town of Eupatorion, to then move towards Pantikapaion. There he engaged in diplomatic talks with Pairisades V of the Kimmerios Bosporos to persuade him to cede his power to Mithradates VI. It is possible that the Bosporan ruler had no heirs and was fearing an increase in Skythian influence, so for the time being he gave Diophantos positive signs. In the mean time the Pontic Strategos returned to Chersonesos and received the nominal submission of Palakos. However soon as he left Palakos rose in revolt and Diophantos was once again dispatched with an army. Despite assistance from the Raukhsalantæ, Palakos was again defeated and this time Diophantos assaulted and captured the strongholds of the Skulata. Only remaining task was to finalize the arrangements with Pairisades V, who had been rearing the Skythian Saumakos, possibly the leading man of the party that was vying for power with the Bosporan Archon and Basileus. When Diophantos reached Pantikapaion he found Pairisades V killed by Saumakos and he managed to escape only thanks to the help of vessels and their crew from Chersonesos. With the coming of spring, after having received reinforcements, Diophantos put an end to the rebellion, sending Saumakos to Sinope as a captive, and at the same time almost doubling the Pontic territory. To celebrate Mithradates VI Dionysos Eupator married his own sister Laodike, like his great-uncle did, but had no intention in sharing power. Quite the opposite, the pragmatic and paranoid Mithradates VI had all his younger sisters secluded under guard for life: no one, but himself could decide the fate of the Pontic Dynasteia. The following years would experience even further expansion around the Euxeinos Sea, notably Pontic armies fought against the Sauromatæ, the Bastarnoz and the coastal communities of Kolchis. Nevertheless the Pontic Basileus still had the time to tend to his gardens of poisonous plants and his flocks of ducks, obviously fed on baneful herbs. Thought to have the ability to live on poisons, Mithradates VI mixed the bood of his ducks into his antidotes. Collaborating with the Pontic Basileus were his royal physician Papias, a group of shamans from north of Lake Maiotis and Krateuas, an experimenter from Pergamon, who can be safely considered the first ethnobotanist and father of botanical illustration. Krateuas wrote detailed pharmacology manuals and Mithradates VI, thanks to his knowledge of over twenty languages, collected scientific treaties from other lands, which he studied, while corresponding with scholars about poisons and antidotes. Having secured the Euxeinos as a personal possession, Mithradates VI Dionysos Eupator had obtained a great amount of annual tribute, with which he financed the construction of several fortifications throughout his domain, all having hidden cisterns, caches of weapons and a treasury: everything was set for his next move.
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In 109 BCE, as news reached about humiliating defeats suffered by Roman troops in Numidia and at the hands of the germanic Himbroz, Mithradates VI left Sinope, travelling incognito through Asia. His intent was to gather intelligence and visit the places, which witnessed the deeds of Alexandros Megas. During his journey the Pontic Basileus also had occasion to form an alliance with Nikomedes III of Bithynia, planning to jointly invade Paphlagonia west of Mount Olgassys and split it among the two rulers. When Mithradates VI returned to Sinope, where some thought him dead since he had left in secrecy and been gone for a year. Right away he was greeted with news of the birth of another son. However to Mithradates VI it was clear that he could not have been the father, but without losing his calm and rationality, he embraced his sister-wife. In time he was informed that Laodike had started to rule on her own and now planned to have him removed, ensuring her safety. However the Pontic Basileus moved first, or even if he had been poisoned his daily routine of antidotes proved effective, seizing Laodike and her child, who was spared, but the mother and all her conspirators were executed. Thus in 108 BCE Mithradates VI could leave his capital to annex the remainder of Paphlagonia. Everything went smoothly and all the Roman Senatvs could do was sending ambassadors demanding to return Paphlagonia to a pristine condition. These were ignored and Mithradates VI sent envoys to Roma with bribes, while once again another ruler of Kappadokia, Ariarathes IV, had become an adult. His mother Laodike, sister of Mithradates VI Dionysos Eupator, started to fear for her life, knowing that her usefulness had ceased. Thus she invited Nikomedes III of Bithynia to invade Kappadokia, which this Basileus did around 103 BCE. However Mithradates VI would have none of that, and he did not care about who specifically ruled Kappadokia, so long as it was someone he could trust. As a result the Pontic Basileus invaded Kappadokia and restored Ariarathes IV. Soon he found that Pontic interests would not be upheld and insisted on Gordios, his Kappadokian associate, to be taken at court. Understandably Ariarathes IV refused the murderer of his father, even though there is no reason to believe that Mithradates VI would have had him removed as well, had he complied with Pontic policies. Nevertheless in 100 BCE Ariarathes IV met on the battlefield his uncle Mithradates VI of Pontos. However the latter did not want to waste time and valuable soldiers, opting to parley instead. Having ostentatiously layed down his weapons, Mithradates VI waited for his nephew as Kappadokian guards patted down the Pontic Basileus. After as Ariarathes IV approached his uncle for a private conversation, Mithradates VI reached into his Iranian trousers, pulling out a blade concealed alongside his penis and cut Ariarathes IV's throat. Everyone was left dumbfounded, while Gordios started to hail the new Basileus of Kappadokia: the eight years old stepson of Mithradates VI by his dead sister-wife Laodike. As a result in 99 BCE the Roman Senatvs sent Gaivs Marivs to investigate the possibility or likelihood of an attack on the Provincia of Asia. However the SPQR still did not know about the matter of Kappadokian succession, but were alarmed by the series of conflicts taking place at their borders. During Marivs' meeting with Mithradates VI, he is said to have told the Pontic Basileus to be stronger than the Romani or obey their commands in silence. A suggestion that Mithradates VI definitely followed on both counts. Everything was spoiled, from a Pontic perspective, when Nikomedes III of Bithynia put forward in 96 BCE a false pretender as Basileus of Kappadokia. Sending his newer wife Laodike to Roma, in order to testify that the child was a legitimate son of Ariarathes III. Now that the whole matter had come to the Senatvs' attention, as even a Pontic embassy showed up claiming the legitimacy of their own little Ariarathes, a single order was issued: leave Kappadokia and Paphlagonia, which had been declared free. The instructions were followed, but needless to say animosity between Bithynia and Pontos grew to a new extreme. Now Roman officials changed attitude and invited the rulers of Kappadokia, Paphlagonia and Bithynia to attack Pontos. Most ignored this, without a direct Roman involvement, except for the heavily indebted Nikomedes IV of Bithynia, who initiated in 89 BCE a conflict. The Bithynian army was easily taken care of by the Amnias River, where the Pontic scythed chariots and Sauromatian horsemen proved particularly effective. However this set in motion a series of events that escalated in major wars between Pontos and the SPQR. During the course of which in 70 BCE Sinope was besieged and nearly destroyed by Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs, who stripped it of its riches and sent them to Roma. From then on Paphlagonia ceased to be a center of power, even though it kept on being an important trading port. Its coastal settlements were incorporated by Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs in 64 BCE to the Provincia of Bithynia et Pontvs. Notably in 47 BCE Caivs Ivlivs Caesar refounded Sinope as the Colonia Ivlia Caesarea Felix.
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<h>Strategy</h>
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Paphlagonia stands right in the middle of the southern coast of the Euxeinos Sea. Protected by rivers and mountains, it is the natural center of power for a polity aiming at controlling the maritime trading routes.
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