Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

Karia is up. Sorry, but so many cultures in that strip of land, didn't help in keeping it brief :P

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Province: Karia

Traveller's Log

Sailing from the East, the traveller encounters the Chelidoniai, rugged and barren islands of Lykia. Tradition has it that the Tauros Mountains begin with these very islands. While on the opposite Lykian coast stands Limyra, which started as a Dorian colony and later became the seat of Eastern Lykia's rulers. Indeed in the countryside their Nekropoleis can be found, currently a Ptolemaion is being built in honour of the Basileis of Aigyptos. Further West down the littoral the traveller comes to Myra, a town with remarkable rock-cut tombs. Leaving the eponymous Myros River behind, facing the southermost Lykian coast are numerous islands. Chiefs among them are Megiste, named after the homonymous Dorian harbour, and Kisthene. Sailing North this time the traveller arrives at the beautiful port of Patara. Founded by Apollon's own son, it holds a renowned temple and oracle. This major harbour stands near the mounth of the Sirbis River, which can be rowed upriver to the largest settlement in Lykia: Xanthos. This was the capital of Western Lykia, ruled by Sarpedon himself, whose temples are most revered, chief among them is Letoon dedicated to Leto and her twins, Apollon and Artemis. The Persian official Arbina resided here and built an exquisite tomb, overlooking the area. To the West stands Mount Kragos, at its foot the large town of Pinara, rising from a round rocky cliff. Inland the landscape is mountainous, dotted by Lykian towns, and certain peaks vent flames that never die. Indeed it was in this neighbourhood that Bellerophontes killed the Chimaira. The largest and most important of the hilltop settlements is Tlos. This is Bellerophontes' fortress, his resting place is among the rock carved temples and tombs. Back on the coast, to the North, there is the prosperous harbour of Telmessos. Famous for its diviners, is overlooked by Mount Daidala and the homonymous town. These last places were named after the builder of the Labyrinthos of Knossos, who died on that very spot bitten by a snake. It also marks the boundary with Karia. Crossing the Kalbis River, a deep stream where merchants vessels can sail into, the travellers comes to Kaunos. This polis possesses a harbour that can be closed and it is famous for its dried figs, exported throughout the Mediterranean. The Kaunaioi are an unique people, with customs that differ from any other, claiming to hail from Krete. They cherish this and once expelled every foreign deity from their polis. Interestingly their men, women and children all mingle in their entertainments. To the West lays the harbour of Physkos, the ordinary landing-place for Rhodian merchants. It holds a sacred precinct of Leto, the mother of Apollon and Artemis. The rest of the coast is a rugged peninsula, called Triopion, with strongholds over the mountain tops. It marks the beginning of Doris, the land of the Dorieis. At the promontory of this peninsula the polis of Knidos can be found, with its two harbours separated by a sandy isthmus. This also connects to a small island, where other structures were built, making Knidos a double city. There was erected the temple of Apollon Triopios, serving as centre for the Pentapolis, the Dorian confederation. Off to sea lays the rocky island of Nisyros, the homonymous polis has a harbour and a temple of Poseidon. It also boasts quarries of millstones and excellent wine, but most famous are its hot springs, with hot vapours constantly issuing from a chasm in the rock. To the North the island and polis of Kos are located. A beautiful place well supplied with fruits and producing a precious wine and purple dye. Light transparent dresses are also crafted in this island. The colonists came from Epidauros and brought their cult of the healing god Asklepios. Hippokrates was native of Kos, where the exceedingly famous Asklepieion was built after the physician's death. To this day its school and its great collection of votive models are a cornerstone for studies in medicine. Kos is also the birthplace of Ptolemaios II Philadelphos himself and here the Basileus was tutored as well. Farther to the North lays the island of Kalymna, where Argeioi shipwrecked after the Trojan war. Few small towns are situated on this island, producing figs, wine, barley, oil and copious amounts of honey. All these islands stand at the mouth of the Kerameikos Gulf, enclosed by the promontories at Knidos and Myndos. The latter is a polis with a good harbour and the wine grown in its district is particularly good for digestion. The peninsula holding Myndos could be considered the end of Doris, because the next polis, Halikarnassos, was expelled from the Dorian confederation. Indeed this used to be a Hexapolis, whose games in honour of Apollon Triopios offered brazen tripods to the victors. Who in turn dedicated them the temple at Knidos, but a Halikarnasseus disregarded this law and nailed the tripod he won to his house. Prompting the penalty imposed on his polis, excluding it from the Dorian confederation. In any way Halikarnassos grew to be the largest and strongest of any settlement in Karia, with its Akropolis situated on precipitous rocks. It has a great harbour, its entrance narrowed by piers, and a smaller one to the southeast of it. After its exclusion by the Dorieis, a Karian dynasty took power and acquired dominion of all Karia. Unfortunately Halikarnassos suffered a large conflagration, during the siege by the Makedones. Its Akropolis, Salmakis, was never captured, but the polis has never really recovered from it. Despite Basileus Ptolemaios I Soter donations for a gymnasion and reconstruction of the polis, today is simply a Ptolemaic garrison. To the North there is a town called Bargylia, said to be founded by Bellerophontes. Interestingly its temple of Artemis Kindyas is never touched by the rain. Farther North lays Iasos, a harbour well supplied with fish, which sustains the inhabitans, since the soil is rather poor. However the mountains in the neighbourhood furnish a beautiful blood-red and livid white marble. To the North-east lays Herakleia, built on a steep slope of Mount Latmos. Its massive walls were erected during the brief rule of Pleistarchos, son of Antipatros. While inland the splendid town of Mylasa stands at the foot of a steep overhanging mountain. This abounds in white marble and the surrounding plain is very fertile. Mylasa is famous for its many temples, like those to Zeus Osogollis and Zeus Labrandenos. The latter is actually located in a neighbouring village, but it is part of the Mylasan territory and a sacred procession is conducted to it. The priests here hold their office for life and indeed the Karian dynasty of Halikarnassos hailed from Mylasa, where it held this esteemed position. There is also another temple to Zeus Karios, which is a common possession of all the Kares. The Lydoi and Mysoi are also allowed to share it as brothers. Deeper inland there are the town of Idrias and the temple to Zeus Chrysaoreus, but these are said to be Lykian foundations. To the North, by a tributary of the Maiandros River, is located the town of Alabanda, founded by an eponymous Karian hero. A peculiarity of this region is that is full of scorpions. Nevertheless a fusible stone is extracted, it is worked into glass and used to glaze vessels. The rest of the Karian interior is mountainous and has few villages.

Geography

Karia, Doris and Lykia are essential rocky coasts, with much maritime traffic and mountainous interiors where quarring and pastoralism were the main activites. Although the Maiandros River and tributaries separate Karia in three valleys, they make the neighbouring land fertile, allowing a great deal of farming. But the main features were the islands, coasts and sea routes. Lykia possesses a particularly fruitful soil, well watered by many rivers and melting snows. A good deal of timber grows in the hills, firs, oaks, cedars, cypress and plane trees. The territory of Halikarnassos was also noted for the abundance of fig, orange, lemon, olive and almond trees. The variation in altitude, across Karia, causes a great difference in climate. The highlands being wintry and snow-covered well into March, while the lowlands are hotter. Otherwise the summers are hot and humid, while winters are mild. Heavy rainfall in late autumn can cause flash floods. Most striking is the volcanic character of this region: being the cause for the formation of the surrounding islands and noticeable in the many hot springs, some issuing inflammable gas.

The People, Society and Government

The Kares used to inhabit the whole region named after them and beyond. But the Iones and Dorieis drove them away from places like Mykale, Myous, Miletos, Halikarnassos, Knidos and Kos. This kindled a religious confederation, the Koinon Karon centered in Mylasa. But many Kares were integrated in the Hellenic colonies. Indeed Homeros uses the epithet Barbarophonoi in association to them and it might indicate that the Kares were the first foreigners to live with Hellenes. But Karian pronunciation carried such inflections that the newcomers onomatopoetically identified them as 'speaking like bar bar'. Such contacts could very well predate any Hellenic migration, for the Kares were among the first mercenaries of the Aigaion during the Bronze Age. Archaeology has recognised a shared culture in Karia and the Sporades Islands during the Middle Bronze Age. In fact Mycenaean findings were always branded as Karian by the ancient Hellenes. This could explain why the Kares were thought to be the inventors of plumed helmets and round shields with arm bands. They were considered incredibly warlike, indeed since early in the 7th century BCE the Kares experimented with heavy armaments and wooden shields. Their youths served as mounted Orophylakesantes (patrols of the mountains), both as a social initiation and to develop military skills. Under Seleukid patronage Idrias was refounded as Stratonikeia and the temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus became the centre of a league. This was the Chrysaorikon Systema, a federation of both Karian and foreign communities to futher trade and offer a united military defense. Demographics determined the number of votes carried by the members in the assembly. Although their deities were recorded with Hellenic names, they carried different attributes. Their chief god Tarqud, was a weather and storm, warrior diety and his many forms were distinguished by his primary weapon: an axe, a spear, a trident or a golden sword. More broadly he was known by the epithet Stratios: Zeus of the Army. However the Kares were also great builders, seen in all their marvelous monuments and sanctuaries. Dārayavahuš I of Pârsa boasted of employing Kares to build his palace at Susa. Nevertheless Kares were always depicted as being muscular and carrying weapons: being Karian was a byword for being a man of war.

The Lykioi ethnogenesis is thought to originate with the late Bronze Age Lukka people of Karia. Who, during the Dorian colonisation, migrated to Lykia, where they joined other intrusive populations from the 1st millennium BCE. By the 8th century BCE, in the Sirbis Valley, a new civilization developed attaining a single political organisation in the late 6th century BCE. These people defined themselves as Trm̃mili well into the Hellenistic Period, but the Hellenes preserved the name Lykioi from their oral tradition to describe them. Xanthos, or Arñna as it was called by the locals, was the focal point of the Lykian genesis. The communities of its valley were independent until the advent of Persian armies. The capture of Arñna was sufficient to firmly establish Persian suzerainty, but this was not a destructive event. From 520 BCE Arñna exercised authority over much of central and western Lykia, minting coins as a dynastic capital. Rock-cut cult centres were built and pillar tombs were reserved for people of a certain political rank. However from the early 4th century BCE Lykian 'dynasts' emerged challenging the rulers of Arñna's status. Nekropoleis of house-tombs were carved for the whole families of the various rulers, resembling their living dwellings. This happened when Lykia severed contacts with Athenian hegemony and the Trm̃mili now combined cultural elements from the East and West, keeping something of an appeasement policy even with Pârsa. Indeed the 'dynasts' combined foreign traits with Lykian ones and presented themselves in heroic hunting or funerary banquet motifs. This was done to emphasise their achievements and leadership, within an Hellenised Lykian culture. Lykian deities were progressively assimilated to Hellenic ones and eventually sarcophagi were employed to accomodate the dead. It is thought to be an indication towards a more egalitarian society, for now cults and processions were firmly established. These were now centered on a generic and encompassing Lykian hero, Sarpedon, associated to relevant events for the Trm̃mili. They were now employed as mercenaries and would side with polities as long as their autonomy was not disturbed. Indeed Lykioi serving the Ptolemaioi were often allowed to form associations, so that they could perform their rituals, keeping their customs in foreign lands. When Rhodian overlordship weighed heavily on the Trm̃mili in the early 2nd century BCE. They formed the Lykiakou Systema of Lykian poleis, with demographically defined votes in a Synedrion. Which in turn elected a Lykiarchos, sharing political and economical resources among the members. The Lykioi, like other Anatolian peoples, identified themselves by matronymics and their customs were similar enough to Hellenic ones. Prompting their description as civilized and brave warriors, who valued their traditions above all else, even their own lives.

The Dorieis migrated to Mikra Asia from the 9th century BCE in several waves. Making common cause against the Kares, they were joined by other Hellenes, who heavily influenced them. Indeed it is hypothesised that Halikarnassos was actually ousted by the Dorieis because it had lost its Dorian identity. Nevertheless Doris maintained its Dorian customs. Namely the division into three tribes, the worship of Apollon and Herakles, and the principal festivals of the Hyakinthia and Karneia. The Dorieis considered Argos, Sparte and Epidauros their main metropoleis, but they quickly developed their own local identity. Three poleis from Karia and three from Rhodos formed a religious confederation, that specifically excluded other Asiatic Hellenes. Maritime enterprises became their main activities and Dorieis were generally seen as the ordinary uneducated Hellenes. Nevertheless they proved excellent sailors and merchants. Throughout the Hellenistic period they were particularly friendly to the Ptolemaioi, playing on Ptolemaios II Philadelphos birth and education on Kos, expecting preferential treatment.

History

Karia, Lykia and Doris were recognised as crucial possessions, for Thalassokratic purposes, very early in their history. As such various powers fought to control them or established influence to ensure safe harbours. Following the death of Alexandros Megas, Diadochoi mounted personally expeditions to such aims. Whenever a clear winner was not in sight, diplomatic compromises set minor Hellenistic rulers in Karia. However subsequent military reverses made sure that these solutions were short lived. After Seleukos I Nikator's assassination in 281 BCE, Ptolemaios II Philadelphos managed to secure both Karia and Lykia. While the seas were under the protection of friendly Dorieis. However following the war with Antiochos I Soter, inland Karia by the Chrysaorikon Systema around 270 BCE. This was done to keep at least the land routes hostile towards the Ptolemaioi, since any attempt on Doris without naval superiority would have proved futile. The Ptolemaic Basileus' response was to name his adopted son Ptolemaios as co-ruler in 267 BCE and grant him command in Mikra Asia. This Ptolemaios was the natural son of Basileus Lysimachos, who had already attempted twice on his own to succeed his father in Makedonia. However the subsequent war against Antigonos II Gonatas ended in defeat and Ptolemaios in 259 BCE decided to revolt. His plan was to use his contacts, he had been educated at Ephesos, to be hailed as Lysimachos' successor in Mikra Asia at least. The Tyrannos Timarchos of Miletos sided with him, but the Arche Seleukeia saw this as a too perfect occasion. Antiochos II rushed with his army the following year, defeated them, earning godlike honours and capturing western Karia as well. A vital ally for this lightning campaign was Rhodos, disenchanted by the Ptolemaic effort in the war against Makedonia. It is unclear how far Antiochos II Theos' new domain extended, but it is possible it reached the Aigaion at Herakleia under the Latmos and Iasos. Ptolemaios, son of Lysimachos, had however survived and retreated to Telmessos. With a common enemy reaping the fruits of their discord and neither party able to remove the other, father and formerly adopted son reached an accomodation. Ptolemaios would be spared in exchange for renouncing any of his claims, really an acknowledgement of their impasse, for Telmessos had good fortifications and Ptolemaic Thalassokratia was waning. Paradoxically Ptolemaios proved to be capable of loyal service and set up a dependent dynasty in Lykia. The death of Antiochos II Theos in 246 BCE collapsed the Seleukid ascendancy, due to a dynastic strife between his sons: Seleukos II Pogon and Antiochos Hierax. The latter around 240 BCE sold Stratonikeia to Rhodos, which incorporated Karian possessions in a territory called Peraia under a Rhodian Strategos. While Ptolemaios of Telmessos had supplied the base from which Ptolemaios III Euergetes' forces retook Pamphylia and Kilikia, being praised by the Basileus of Aigyptos right before his death. Karia on the other hand had become a buffer zone, but in 227 BCE it suffered along with Rhodos a severe earthquake. Every Hellenistic Basileus sent resources and financial aid, while Antigonos III Doson of Makedonia was even invited by Rhodos to arbitrate in Karia. This allowed Makedonia to diminish Ptolemaic influence, which permitted locals to detach themselves from the Aigyptian suzerainty. However Philippos V of Makedonia led attacks against several islands of Doris and Karia around 202 BCE, this time against both Ptolemaic and Rhodian interests. Lysimachos of Telmessos, son and successor of Ptolemaios, initiated cordial relations with Antiochos III. In 197 BCE the latter launched a campaign that re-established Seleukid rule in Mikra Asia and the Telmessian princess Berenike was appointed priestess for the royal cult of the Seleukid Basilissa Laodike four years later. Indeed Antiochos III Megas was successful because he established friendly relations, without imposing direct control, but rather settling his loyal veterans that became part of the local communities. However his war against the SPQR allowed Rhodos to retake the Peraia and even purchase the last Ptolemaic garrison at Kaunos in 191 BCE. Two years later the peace of Apameia granted Karia, Doris and Lykia to Rhodos, which now controlled them by the appointed Strategos. Directing three Hegemones, one for Peraia under direct rule, one from the subject locals and one from Kaunos. This disposition, based on lesser officials and mercenary garrison commanders, proved effective and acceptable in Karia. But Lykia entered a state of rebellion and acted independently, Ptolemaios II of Telmessos likely died without a male heir, as the Lykiakou Systema. Which the Romani recognised and allied with it in 168 BCE, having fell out with Rhodos due to its expansion. In 129 BCE Karia was put under the Provincial administration of Asia. When Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos in person invaded Karia and Lykia in 88 BCE. Both resisted them to the best of their abilities and the Lykioi, who actually repulsed the Pontic army, even helped Rhodos while under siege by the Pontic Basileus. The Liberatores, the pro-republic conspirators, brought much destruction to Karia and Lykia during the late 40s BCE. But Marcvs Antonivs financed repairs and Lykia would be annexed as a Provincia only in 43 CE.

Strategy

The coasts of Karia, Lykia and Doris control the sea corridor between the Aigaion and the eastern Mediterranean. Therefore their harbours must be protected. The province is not particularly rich, but possesses valuable resources and local tribes make excellent mercenaries. Although mountains offer some protection, the Maiandros Valley is particularly exposed. Any ruler would be wise in keeping good relations and defending the inland routes.

So, I'm putting the finishing touches on Kush and as of right now, it is about two pages. Is that a acceptable length, or should I shorten it, lengthen it etc.?

How many words? Probably best to post it as it is, then we will be in a better position to advise...

Here's Rhodos:

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Province: Rhodos

Traveller's Log

Sailing from Krete the traveller sights the island of Kasos. A small port-town, with a small fertile plain surrounded by ridges. It is the first of Rhodian dependent islands, next is Karpathos. This is rather important island for it allows to resupply during a voyage to and fro Krete. That is why the sea here is called Karpathion Sea, however the island is mostly bare and steep. But it contains three towns: Nisyros, Poseidion and Arkesine. To the North is the island of Rhodos and one of the most ancient and important settlements in it: the port of Lindos. This was the centre of one of the Dorian tribes of the island and a member of the Pentapolis. But joined the common Rhodian government at Rhodos. It is however an importan religious site, housing the temple of Athena Lindia and one to Herakles. The latter is characterised by vituperative and injurious language with which the worship is conducted. Famous pantings are kept at Lindos and its district produces wine and figs. To the North-West stands Mount Atabyris, the highest of the island, which is sacred to Zeus Atabyrios. Nearby on the coast is Kameiros, another member of the Pentapolis. It was built on terraces, housing several temples and a fountain house. Then to the North lays Ialyssos, home to the last Dorian tribe of Rhodos. Its Akropolis, Orychoma, is said to have been a fort and the first settlement of the island. Currently all these settlements have become less than what they used to be, but they still are the centres for the tripartite local administration, for on the north-easternmost promontory of the island Rhodos was founded. Indeed as Athenai and Sparte were fighting the greatest war of their time; Lindos, Kameiros and Ialyssos conjointly erected a capital for all the communities of Rhodos. Hippodamos of Miletos, the architect who envisioned urban centres as are known today, planned the new polis of Rhodos, in the form of an amphitheatre rising from the coast. Protected by strong walls and towers, while nature provided two excellent harbours and a military one that could be closed. Soon the Rhodioi developed a love for splendour and luxury, commissioning paintings and statues. The Akropolis, unlike most, was not fortified and consisted of several terraces. Full of fields and groves, including public buildings and monuments. The temples of Athena Polias, Zeus Polieus and Apollon Pythios were also located at the Akropolis. There is also a Ptolemaion, erected in honour of Ptolemaios I Soter, holding festivals every year. Otherwise the heart of Rhodos are its workshops, in fact Rhodian chief productions are ships, arms and military engines. Although commerce is what makes Rhodos rich, the island is also esteemed for its dried raisins, saffron, oil, marble, achate, sponges and fish. West of Rhodos, in the Karpathion Sea, are located two more rocky islands. Telos, celebrated for an expensive ointment, and Chalke, both being strategic small harbours.

Geography

Rhodos is thought to mean 'island of rock roses', for pink and white Cistaceae blooms appear in spring. Indeed such flowers became the Rhodian official symbol shown on minted coins. It was also related to Helios, sun deity and patron of Rhodos, one of whose wives was the nymph Rhode. The island was blessed by a fruitful soil, albeit the arable land was limited, producing delicious fruits and exquisite wines, that were considered too good for mortals. It was said to be so serene, that no day ever passed without sunshine. Although there are no permanent rivers in Rhodos, dry beds become torrents with rainfall, which is quite copious during spring and autumn. Summers are particularly hot and dry, while winters are relatively mild. The landscape is mountainous, the interior being covered by pines and cypresses. There are also meadows roamed by fallow deers. However, throughout history, this little paradise suffered greatly from storms and earthquakes.

The People, Society and Government

The Rhodioi, like most Dorieis, organised their communities according to oligarchic and aristocratic principles. Facing foreign domination and influence, the Rhodioi first united with a single capital polis. However external powers kept on fomenting civic stasis, but the stability imposed by a Makedonian garrison allowed the Rhodian parties to compromise. Indeed in the Hellenistic period, Rhodos was praised as the best-governed polis of the Hellenes, owing to its moderate constitution. Sovereign power belonged to the Ekklesia, but nothing was brought before it unless the Boule had already discussed it. Five Prytaneis held the executive, for six months and one of them represented the state. Next the Nauarchos possessed the most extensive power, being a plenipotentiary figure abroad, followed by a hierarchy of lesser officers. The richer citizens were appointed by rotation to support the poor and needy, personally paying all the expenses connected with their offices. This was done to make sure the state would not run short of manpower, especially for the fleets. Indeed as Trierarchai, these rich citizens could fund warships, that they would command or appoint a captain as a substitute. Private ships were also employed, in return for a fixed sum of money from the state. The Rhodian navy was definitely the most professional of the Hellenistic period, having aboard any ship up to 46 people with specific duties. It became proverbial to say that a Rhodios on one's side, meant having a ship. In addition the Rhodian state struck several treaties, usually with Kretan poleis, to demand auxiliary naval forces and mercenaries. Rhodian maritime dominance did not end with military matters. Colonies were founded from Iberia to Kilikia; the Rhodian merchant marine sailed to the entire civilized world, establishing a commercial monopoly essential to the Mediterranean economy and the Nomos Rhodion Nautikos became the international standard for maritime laws, well into the Byzantine period. Rhodos became also an acclaimed cultural centre, with schools of philosophy, science, literature, rhetoric, sculpture and astronomy. The Rhodian identity developed from the foreign attempt to subdue the island, indeed such events were always inscripted whenever a timeframe was needed. The Rhodioi were also remarkably respectful of sanctity, for example keeping the fallen Kolossos as it was, according to an oracle's instructions. They also held in esteem didactic and moralistic aspects about dedications, often erected in relation to the enemies of the island. Much like the statues of Antigonos I Monophthalmos, his son Demetrios I and Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos, the Rhodioi appreciated thinking of the time when they were set up and of the time when they fought their opponents.

History

Although Dorieis inhabited the island since the beginning of the Iron Age, Rhodian history, in the sense of an unique common identity for the islanders, began around 490 BCE. A failed Persian attack at Lindos, by the force on voyage to punish Athenai and Eretria, mostly due to bad weather became a pivotal moment for the locals. Later it was attributed to the manifestation of divine powers, but it initiated a cultural genesis. For the next two centuries the Rhodioi were the object of contention between Athenai, Sparte and Pârsa, to secure maritime superiority in the Aigaion. In 408 BCE during a pro-Spartan Oligarchia, but with the support of Demokratikoi, the Rhodian poleis founded a federal state at Rhodos. Its final constitution, however, came to be during the lifetime of Alexandros Megas, by Rhodioi all too conscious of what meant to live under oscillating foreign influence and internal strife. Following the death of the Makedonian Basileus in 323 BCE, the expulsion by the locals of the imposed garrison ushered the beginning of Rhodian independence. The Rhodioi pursued a policy of neutral friendly relations, favouring commercial enterprises. In fact the trading links had already been established during the 5th and 4th centuries, especially to the Aigyptian port of Naukratis, but now the Rhodioi were free from political and military limitations. For example in 306 BCE they formed trading pacts with the SPQR, but theses never grew beyond a diplomatic recognition between the two states. Specifically pertaining the Diadochoi, Rhodos had become the central harbour for imports from the eastern Mediterranean. Antigonid demand for the manufacture of warships also provided a most lucrative opportunity for the Rhodioi. Albeit it indirectly hindered their neutral policy, but this could not be avoided and indeed Antigonos I Monophthalmos attempted a formal alliance. This, from the latter's point of view, had to stand on Hegemonic leadership, that when refused prompted an armed response by a full Antigonid army under the co-ruler Demetrios I. The mere sight was enough for the Rhodioi to accept the alliance, but the situation had escalated for it touched the Basileis' prestige. Who now demanded military access to the harbours, which was tantamount to direct submission and rejected by the Rhodioi in 305 BCE. The following siege saw the strongest of the Diadochoi, as far as manpower and resources were concerned, against a single Hellenic polis. Thanks to supplies from Kassandros, Lysimachos and Ptolemaios, the latter also sent few thousands troops, bad weather, Rhodian ingenuity and will the Antigonid invasion failed. This unprovoked attack on a small and hitherto friendly state, not only undermined the credibility of the 'liberators' of the Hellenes, but allowed reverses in Hellas and Asia, which would bring the end of the Antigonid empire. What Antigonos gained was an alliance, that was less than what the Rhodioi willingly offered before the siege. But what the Rhodioi obtained was the international recognition as the most important of the 'minor' states in the Hellenistic world, capable of enforcing their own policy on two Basileis. Moreover Rhodos was now seen by the Hellenic communities as an actual protector of independence: providing gifts, interests free loans and active military support against invaders. Rhodian prestige throughout the 3rd century BCE grew immensely, its fleet filled the Thalassokratic vacuum in the Aigaion, patrolling against pirates and Rhodos became the foremost Hellenic peacemaker. The Rhodioi depended on the balance of power to keep their independence and commercial monopoly, while the peripheral polities needed a neutral Rhodos for its international harbour. The exeception being Attalos I Soter of Pergamon, who was the onlt one to refrain from sending aid to Rhodos, in the aftermath of the earthquake of 227 BCE. The Attalidai had plans for the Aigaion, being their only viable space for expansion and thus became natural enemies for the Rhodian state. Ironically the proxy wars waged by Philippos V of Makedonia in 220 BCE and the subsequent direct Makedonian actions in the late 200s BCE, forced Pergamon and Rhodos into an alliance. While naval engagements were possible, indeed victorious for the Rhodioi, facing the Makedonian army on land was a physical impossibility. Attalos I only option was to employ a scorched earth tactic, since Makedonian and Bithynian forces together were overwhelming, and then hole up in the formidable Pergamon. The Rhodian troops were already strained fighting in the Karian Peraia. With the Arche Seleukeia leaving carte blanche, as per agreement, to Philippos V and the Ptolemaioi fully invested by Antiochos III Megas, the allies looked to the last remaining 'superpower' of the Mediterranean: the Senatvs Popvlvsqve Romanvs. The decision paid off effectively in 197 BCE for Rhodos, who acquired the leadership of the Aigaion through the Koinon Nesioton and was granted oversee of Ptolemaic garrisons to avoid them falling in Seleukid hands. Pergamon was kept in check and Makedonia was not eliminated, given time the geo-political situation would settle for balance. Moreover Rhodos emerged as a major figure, introducing Rhodian constitutional and social institutions to its subjects. Cults of Helios, Rhodos and its demos as well made their appearance in the Peraia. However the Romani were now committed to the eastern Mediterranean, whereby previously they acted in response to possible threats, and together with the ambitious Antiochos III Megas polarised the equilibrium. Which was exacerbated by Aitolian and Pergamene forcible diplomacy and caused another war, forcing Rhodos to support Roma once more to preserve its economic leadership. In 190 BCE, thanks to the Rhodian navy, the way to Mikra Asia was clear and land troops took care of Antiochos III Megas. Although victorious the Rhodioi, and the eastern Mediterranean, had lost what they needed most: superpowers capable of acting as counterweight to one another, everything now rested on Roman goodwill. A misunderstanding brought an open revolt in Lykia, which had been legally made subject to Rhodos by the SPQR. But envoys from Ilion, overestimating their importance, had informed the Lykioi that they were to become allies, firing up over a decade of counter reactionary conflicts. While Pergamon resumed its hostile, especially economically speaking, stand towards Rhodos, eventually supporting openly the rebels in Lykia. In the mean time the Rhodioi were going back to their peacemaking activities, acting as intermediaries between Makedonia and the Arche Seleukeia. Which brought Roman resentment and, since the SPQR could afford to disregard legality, the Senatvs now voiced in favour of the Lykian status as an allied federation. Nevertheless Rhodos was up to the challenge and alone secured all its possessions, crushing the Lykian revolt. On top of all this, between 171 and 168 BCE, a new war with Makedonia ended any possibility for recovery and political balance in the eastern Mediterranean. With Aigyptos in a state of anarchy, due to popular uprisings, a dynastic struggle and Seleukid occupation, Rhodian grain imports plummeted and the island was forced to depend on the Roman controlled western Mediterranean. However the Senatvs now relinquished Karia, Lykia, Kaunos and Stratonikeia from Rhodos. Adding insult to injury the SPQR made Delos a free port in 166 BCE, falling Rhodian annual harbour dues from one million to 150,000 drachmai. What used to be the richest independent polis of the Hellenistic period and the only polity actively seeking to preserve the freedom of the Hellenes, had been brought to its knees. Nevertheless the incorporated Peraia and the merchant marine were still intact, moreover the Rhodian harbours were still the best suited to deal with massive commercial traffic. But the political uncertainty was too much for Rhodian economy, in Roma there even were advocates for open war against the island. So the ever rational Rhodioi, who had been asking for a Foedus with the SPQR since the fall of Makedonia, were allowed to submit to Roman suzerainty in 164 BCE. The Senatvs, however, would soon learn how vital Rhodian power was: several communities appealed to Rhodos for help and support, even requesting the latter's suzerainty back. But all these actions had to be reviewed by the SPQR, while Delos rather than improving trade, brought about a surge in piratical activities. Even Pergamon now supported Rhodos, attempting to fix the system it had helped destroying. Already from 155 BCE the lack of Thalassokratic power in the Aigaion allowed Kretan pirates to constantly raid. A politically and economically crippled Rhodos could not take care of it single-handedly, which nevertheless supplied naval contingents to both Pergamon and the SPQR. Rhodos also offered a safe haven for the Romani and Latini fleeing from Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. Who in 88 BCE exploited the lack of leadership for the Hellenic freedom in his propaganda, but Rhodos successfully resisted him. In the subsequent Roman civil wars the Rhodioi were faced with something of a conundrum, attempting to pick the winning side. First they joined the Pompeian camp, mostly due to their previous cooperation against pirates. But eventually deserted him for Caivs Ivlivs Caesar, whom they masterly supported in Aigyptos outnumbered by the Ptolemaic fleet. Unfortunately one of the leading Liberatores, Caivs Cassivs Longinvs, later sacked Rhodos thanks to local aristocrats' assistance. Notwithstanding Rhodos was the only state to refuse a remission of its debts by Avgvstvs, still confident of their commercial activity and preserving its financial integrity. Indeed Rhodos remained prosperous, albeit as a changed society oriented on cultural achievements. Which became a popular resort and the favoured place for exiles during the Roman Principate.

Strategy

So long as a capable fleet protects Rhodos, whoever holds this island will be able to exert dominance over the eastern Mediterranean traffic to the Aigaion Sea. Direct and indirect Rhodian revenues will also supply its ruler great riches, to be invested in military enterprises.

Indirectly why Rhodos was in the "Koinon Hellenon" is stated, but I've avoided a clear description due to the "tampering" required with the dates. So unless that will be covered in the factional description, it might be necessary to add it...

I raise you a Kappadokia Pontika :P

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Province: Kappadokia Pontika

Traveller's Log

Sailing north-eastwardly from the Thraikios Bosporos, the traveller encounters the mouth of the Lykos River, which marks the beginning of Kappadokia Pontika. Specifically this is Mariandynia, a land belonging to the polis of Herakleia Pontika. This was founded in conjuction by Megara and Tanagra, possessing two harbours it soon grew to such prosperity to colonise and held sway over much of the Pontos Euxeinos. Not only that the Herakleotai also subjugated the local Mariandynoi, thought to be one of Thraikian tribes that settled in Mikra Asia, as serfs, increasing their power in the interior. Although Tyrannoi used to rule over Herakleia Pontika, it has recently obtained freedom as a Demokratia. A remarkable plant grows in its district the Akoniton Lykotonon, from which a potent toxin can be extracted. In the past the locals used it to eliminate wolves without a struggle and it was thus nicknamed 'wolf's bane'. In the vicinity lays a cave, called Acherousion, through which Herakles descended to confront Kerberos. It is said that the latter's bile caused the plant to become poisonous. As for the Mariandynoi, they live in villages on the surrounding mountains, but suffered greatly at the hands of Hellenic colonisation and Galatian attacks. Back on the coast to the North-East is Tieion, a Milesian colony standing near the Parthenios River. This is the birthplace of the Attalidai and the land is beautifully ornated by flowers, used to make garlands. Tieion is another free polis, but is closely allied to Herakleia. Beyond the Parthenios is what could be called Paphlagonia Pontika, because as far as the Halys River this land belongs to the Paphlagones. But recently part of it came to be controlled by the polis of Amastris, which was gifted to the Pontic Basileis, becoming their chief port. Situated on a peninsula, featuring harbours on either side of the isthmus, it was founded by Amāstrī, Dārayavahuš III of Pârsa's niece, when she was married to Lysimachos. In truth Amastris is the product of the synoikism of three towns: Sesamos, the main port-town; Kromna, a fortified centre on the coast; and Kytoros, the commercial centre for trade with Sinope. The Amastrian territory produces a great quantity of the best boxwood, growing around Mount Kytoros. Eumenes, Philetairos' brother, was put in charge of Amastris by Lysimachos, but following the latter's death the Attalid was embroiled in war against Herakleia Pontika. Recognising his impending doom Eumenes decided to present Amastris to the Pontic dynasty, at that time allied to the Herakleotai, before escapting. To the South-East, in the hinterland, are several Paphlagonian temples and fortresses dotting the contiguous peaks of Mount Olgassys. Chief among these settlements is Gangra, where the Galatian allies of the Pontic Basileis were allowed to settle. The landscape is extremely high and hard to travel, characterised by dangerous deposits of ruddle and realgar. While at the foot of the mountainous country, near the bend of the Halys River, is the strong fortress of Kimista. Which became the base of operations for Mithradates I Ktistes in his campaigns to establish his dynastic rule. To the East, beyond the Halys River, lays Kappadokia Pontika the heartland of Pontos. This is characterised by innumerable villages and strongholds, held in the name of the Pontic Basileis. First is Phazemon, surrounded by country producing copious amounts of grain. Then is Lake Stephane, rich in fish and watering pastures of all kinds. On its shores is located the fortress of Kizari. Farther are localed hot springs, which are extremely good for the health, near a high steep mountain. On top on it stands the stronghold of Sagylion, with its important reservoir of water. To the South-West there are other fertile districts, well supplied with trees and pastures for any animal. The most important fortress of the area is Pimolisa. While near the border with Kappadokia salt mines can be found. To the East, across the Skylax and Iris Rivers, lays a large and deep valley where Amaseia is situated. This has the advantage of both a urban centre and a fortress, for it is a high and precipitous rock, which descends abruptly to the river. Here is where the dwellings are concentrated and the rest runs up on either side to the peaks. Which are connected by natural ridges, offering not only protection, but they also supply water reservoirs. In the Pontic capital stands also a temple to Zeus Stratios, patron for the Basileis in war. Then the valley extends into a plain called Chiliokome, housing countless villages. To the North-East, at the foot of the Paryadres Mountains, lays the valley of Phanaroia. This is watered by the Pontic Lykos River, which marks the boundary with Pontos Paralios, the Skylax and the Iris Rivers making it extremely fertile. So much so that is always covered with grass, supporting herds of cattle and horses alike. Also the sowing of millet and sorghum in unlimited quantities, indeed the locals never suffered famine. While the country along the mountain yields so much fruit, like olives, grapes, pears, apples and hazelnuts, that those who go out to the forest at any time in the year get an abundant supply. Here many the catches of all kinds of wild animals are also possible. All of this makes the commanding stronghold, Kabeira, invaluable. In the vicinity there is also the estate of Ameria, housing the royal temple of Mên Pharnakou, 'Mên of the royal splendour'. Here the Pontic Basileis invoke the good fortune for their Dynasteia. To the South, along the Iris River, lays the fortress of Gazioura, followed by the temple estate of Komana Pontika, with its fotified citadel. This is a populous and a notable emporion as well, controlling the trade from Pokr Hayk. The high priest is ranked second in honour after the Basileus, being allowed to wear a diadem during the solemn processions of the warlike Mother Goddess Ma. In the countryside sacred slaves tend to the rich vines and also sacred prostitutes are found at the temple. While to the South-West, standing on a hill, lays Zela a small temple estate consacrated to Anāhitā. Although it is of modest size, it holds great reverence and here the locals swear their most important oaths. Its cult to the Persian goddess of water and fertility is also associated to the Persian guardian heroes Omanes and Anadates. This temple holds the festival of Sakaia, during which the participants wear Skythian clothes and drink copiously to commemorate victories over nomadic raiders. Here the Magoi Pyraithoi chant daily to the undying flame, performing sacrifices with a wooden club. Beyond, to the South, lay forests and the beginnings of the Kappadokian plateau.

Geography

Kappadokia Pontika is a land of mountains intersperded with rivers and their valleys. Scots and black pines are the most common trees, but oaks, maples and wild service trees also contribute to the forest cover. While at higher altitudes juniper and birch trees form open scrub or small closed patches. These offer habitats rich in wildlife like brown bears, grey wolves, chamoises, wild goats, red and roe deers. The mountains are also breeding grounds for bearded and griffon vultures, and booted eagles. Summers are quite hot and humid, while winters are generally cool and damp. Indeed precipitations are quite common year-round, especially during autumn and these can prolong throughout winter into heavy snows.

The People, Society and Government

The Pontikoi, as of the early 3rd century BCE, are more of an idea than people. Since the 5th century BCE Pontikos has been an exonym to describe anyone living in proximity of the Pontos Euxeinos. Pontos itself is thought to derive from an Anatolian root Pont- or Bent-, meaning 'way', 'road' or 'ford' across water, thus the origins of 'Pontikoi' are not so foreign. Anyway the Iranian Dynasteia of Mithradates I Ktistes assumed royal authority over Pontic Hellenes, Mariandynoi, Paphlagonian highlanders and Kappadokes. From then on the Pontic Basileis initiated a process of cultural syncretism, which would forge the Pontic identity. Moreover this was no imposition: Pontic communities had already recognised common interests, mostly economical, and in response often grouped in leagues for mutual assistance and common policy. Soon as Pontos adopted the Attic Koine as its official language, became a leading figure in this "Pontic Commonwealth". Indeed the primary objective for the Pontic Basileis was to take over this very economic world. While the Anatolian communities were grouped into regions, protected by fortresses, concentrating the local cult of Pylon, the keeper of gates, into that of Zeus. Thus Zeus Pyleios could be recognised as whatever local representation of the sky god protector, a tradition going back to the Hittite Empire, and its cult was centered in the very Pontic stronghold. Suddenly the Iranian administrative center was the guarantor of security and local religious cults. Similarly Zeus Epikarpios was the bringer of fruits, another Soteric feature for a sky divinity. While Zeus Stratios offered protection in war and it was a royal prerogative to intercede with him. The Basileus would pile up two timber mounds on a high mountain peak, pour milk, honey, wine, olive oil and incense on the upper pile. Then placed bread and roasted meat on the lower pile, to later set fire to the timber. The Pontic Basileis began also to be associated with Zeus Etaphore, enthroned holding a sceptre and eagle, symbols of spiritual and universal power, they coalesced several features on their person. These were respected by any ethnic group and when the Basileis were removed in the 1st century BCE, what was there in all but name, came to be expressed as being a Pontikos. Politically this was facilitated by the linguistic homogeneity brought by centuries of Satrapal unity. Indeed the Kappadokian estate owners rallied behind Mithradates I as he not only was a rightful Persian Khšaçapāvan and related to the Hakhāmanišiyā aristocracy, but had been one of the Paides Basilikoi. Who later served under Eumenes of Kardia, among other places, in Kappadokia and already proved himself. The various Anatolian and Persian highpriests were also receptive for Mithradates I's leadership and the Zoroastrian concept of Farnah, the manifestation of divine patronage, made natural the ascendancy to royal status. As for the Paphlagonian highlanders, there was a bilinguistic zone around Kimista, plus the Paphlagones were divided under many chiefs and priests. Of them little is known unfortunately, but they had been complacent for centuries so long as their autonomy was not undermined. The Pontic Basileis actually introduced Galatai to the area, who developed a common Paphlagonian leadership. The latter rested on the Homeric tradition of Pylaimenes, whose name inspired authority among the Paphlagones. Similarly the Mariandynoi were mostly concerned with their pastoral lives, worshiping Attis Poimen. And again through Galatian allies the Pontic Basileis managed to exercise authority over them. Although successful this policy could result in military confrontations, but this had been an accepted reality in Hakhāmanišiyā politics for centuries.

History

While the Basileis Lysimachos and Seleukos were dealing with Demetrios Poliorketes and the Antigonid remnants in the first decade of the 3rd century BCE, Mithradates I Ktistes had consolidated his postion in Kappadokia Pontika at Amaseia. With the complacency of Lysimachos and thanks to the existing administrative centres, dating as early as the Hittite Empire, Mithradates I managed to muster loyal forces which he used to subdue the mountain tribes, securing the fertile plains of what was now his Basileia. In 281 BCE, after the death of Lysimachos, his ally Mithradates I, defeated Diodoros, a Seleukid Strategos sent to capture Kappadokia. Thus Pontos in merely two decades had achieved stability, considerable regional power and issued gold coins with a helmeted Athena and Nike holding a laurel, copying Alexandros Megas' stater to showcase Pontic royal power. However this was done in an archaic formula (of Mithradates, a Basileus), designed not to collide with Hellenistic status, keeping a lower rank. It was also a matter of internal Pontic affairs, Athena Nikephoros was the Hellenic interpretation of Ma and Mithradates I apparently still needed her high priest's support. Later the Pontic Basileis would affirm their own royal supremacy, dissociating themselves from Ma. Around this time Mithradates I handed over to his son and heir, Ariobarzanes, command of the Pontic army as a co-ruler, while the old Basileus concentrated on the works at Amaseia. Especially, in typical Hakhāmanišiyā fashion, the construction of his rock-cut tomb. The subsequent assassination of Seleukos I Nikator also brought political independence to several Pontic poleis. In order to preserve this newfound condition, at the news of Antiochos I's coming, Herakleia, Tieion, Kieros, Chalkedon and Byzantion now saw in Pontos a strong ally and asked the Basileis to join their league. However Ariobarzanes was not going to merely assist them, Pontos had ambitions of expansion. Eumenes of the Attalidai, the Lysimachid governor of Amastris, found himself surrounded and without any sovereign or hope for reinforcements. In 279 BCE upon hearing of the incoming Herakleot and Pontic armies, Eumenes decided to hand over to Ariobarzanes his polis and flee to his brother Philetairos at Pergamon. This proved a clever ploy, probably backed by the Pontic co-ruler himself, for Pontos allied itself with Antiochos I, sovereign of the Attalidai. However the Arche Seleukeia was far more preoccupied with Ptolemaic and Antigonid forces, allowing Pontos to establish cordial relations with the Seleukidai. Indeed the Pontic Basileis had regional power and commanded Iranian loyalty, but internationally as an Hellenistic polity Pontos had little political influence and thus needed Seleukid backing. As for the Pontic league, it was not openly hostile to Pontos, but they parted ways, Herakleia's league sided with Nikomedes I of Bithynia and hired Galatai bands. With the southern borders secured, far from actively helping Antiochos I, Ariobarzanes struck an alliance with some Galatai settling them at the Pontic border. These bolstered the Pontic army led against Sinope around 275 BCE. However Ptolemaic forces, already active in the Propontis Sea, hastily intervened and were repulsed by Ariobarzanes. But the co-ruler could not prevent supplies coming from the sea and lifted the siege. Nevertheless Ariobarzanes, in the following years, managed to capture at least the port of Amisos in Pontos Paralios. From 266 BCE Ariobarzanes was the sole Basileus and managed to patch up relations with Herakleia Pontika. But at an unknown period of his reign, he ended up in a dispute with his Galatai. Worse still he died around 250 BCE, leaving his son Mithradates II a minor, probably elder siblings were female or dead. Fortunately for the young Basileus, Herakleia Pontika shipped much needed supplies that eased the Galatian destruction. Other Galatai were also hired for a succession crisis in Bithynia and once again Pontic communities coordinated their efforts in perilous times. In the following years Mithradates II came of age, reconciliating with his Galatian allies, and was presented an ambitious marriage proposal. In 245 BCE Seleukos II Pogon was setting up to face a massive invasion by Ptolemaios III Euergetes, and desired to secure Mikra Asia by marrying his sisters to the Basileis of the two Kappadokiai. Thus Mithradates II married Laodike, but before he could enjoy this gained equality of status, Antiochos Hierax claimed the Seleukid diadem as well. Put in a tough spot, Mithradates II decided to hand over her newborn daughter Laodike to Hierax, to be raised as a prospective bride. In reality she was nothing but a hostage, Antiochos Hierax had now mustered thousands of Galatai and stood right at the doorstep of Pontos. In the meantime Seleukos II, now called Kallinikos, was making his way back to deal with his brother and apparently enticed Mithradates II, promising Phrygia as a further dowry. This was a token offer for a land outside of Seleukos II's reach and a subtle way to tell the Pontic Basileus to take the field, what the Seleukid Basileus needed were Pontic troops. Although successful at first in his march, he was met by Antiochos Hierax, Mithradates II and Galatian allies at Ankyra in 239 BCE. They defeated Seleukos II Kallinikos so soundly, the latter was thought dead as he barely escaped alive. Now Mithradates II could return to Pontos as a Hellenistic Basileus in full rights, being related to a Makedonian royal family and having won such status on the field. As a recognised major political figure in 227 BCE he lavishly contributed for the reconstruction of Rhodos, five years later his other daughter Laodike married Antiochos III and two years after that the elder Laodike married Achaios, who claimed the Seleukid diadem at Sardis. Confident in his connections Mithradates II mustered an army to march on coastal Paphlagonia, however he died and his son Mithradates III carried on the planned attack on Sinope in 220 BCE. This indeed seems to have been a well thought out operation, marking the first appearance of a Pontic navy. Unfortunately for Mithradates III, Rhodos promptly dispatched a fleet, at the behest of Sinope, and yet again a Pontic Basileus had to give in to a superior naval opponent. Despite this Mithradates III now officialised the Hellenistic kingship of Pontos, he struck coins in his image with the proper royal formula, in association with Zeus Etaphore, the eight rayed star of Zeus Stratios and the crescent of Mên Pharnakou. Little to nothing is known of Mithradates III, who most likely kept a watchful eye on the developments of Mikra Asia, during the energic rule of his brother-in-law Antiochos III Megas. Around 189 BCE he was succeeded by his son Pharnakes I, who had bold plans. The following year Prousias I of Bithynia and the Tetrarches Ortiagon of Galatia started a war against Pergamon, which Pharnakes I promised to support. In fact Hannibal Barca had recently fled to Pontos and now joined the Bithynian court. Considering his recent naval background and future actions, it is possible this was part of Pharnakes I's schemes. For the Pontic Basileus exploited the chaos generated, especially in the Propontis, to capture unexpectedly Sinope and its colonies in Pontos Paralios in 183 BCE. Finally achieving what the Pontic Basileis had dreamt of for a century. This coincided with Prousias I's surrender and now Pharnakes I had roused the enmity of Eumenes II Soter. Who, fearing the Pontic expansion, continued the conflict which Pharnakes I had only joined nominally. Thus for the first time Pontic embassies reached Roma and battled their case against Pergamene and Rhodian ones. The Senatvs ordered an enquiry to investigate the situation in Mikra Asia. In the meantime Pharnakes I contacted his cousin Seleukos IV Philopator, offering him 500 talents to join him. The latter marched as far as the Tauros Mountains, but then decided that breaking the treaty of Apameia was not worth it. In 182 BCE the Roman envoy secured a truce, while the Pontic Strategos Leokritos looted the treasury at Gangra, the ancestral capital of the Paphlagones, where the Galatian Morzios had united the highlanders. The following year Pharnakes I raided Kappadokia and Leokritos captured Tieion, stripping it from Prousias II Kynegos of Bithynia. By 179 BCE the Pontic Basileus, although cornered, finally obtained acceptable peace terms by the Roman mediators. It seems that Pharnakes I's clever plan to take Sinope had been so sudden, that fired up a war he was not prepared for and the Seleukid refusal forced him to take resources wherever he could find them. Luckily all the SPQR wanted was securing the status quo and this happened to include Sinope as part of the Pontic Basileia. This polis became the capital of Pontos, whence Pharnakes I, a Roman Amicvs now, and his successors now looked to expand their influence across the Euxeinos. While pursuing a pro-Roman policy in Mikra Asia, albeit still an independent one for Pharnakes I married in the Seleukid family, until the time of Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos, when growing tensions brought nearly three decades of conflict. Still Mithradates VI promoted urbanism in Kappadokia Pontika, allowing civic mints and expanding settlements. Paving the road for Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs in 64 BCE to reorganise them in poleis, empowering these over the Pontic strongholds and establishing Pontvs as a Provincia in conjunction with Bithynia, but only after gifting several Pontic districts to loyal allies. In 48 BCE one of Mithradates VI's sons, Pharnakes II, by the altisonant Hakhāmanišiyā title Basileus Basileon Megas, attempted to recover Kappadokia Pontika. Although successful against three Legiones and Kappadokian Auxiliares, he was utterly defeated the following year by Caivs Ivlivs Caesar at Zela.

Strategy

Kappadokia Pontika is geographically well protected, possessing good resources and military traditions. Its inhabitants can field numerous armies, while its position commands cardinal routes in Mikra Asia. Making this region a valuable asset for any ambitious ruler.

The historians might find something too speculative and want to edit it...

Yes! One of my favorites!

Going to play as them in EB2 first and also when I get Rome 2.

And Kappadokia is up too:

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Province: Kappadokia

Traveller's Log

Leaving the Euphrates River behind him, the traveller enters Kappadokia. Specifically Melitene, a fertile country planted with fruit trees, olives and vines, the latter producing the refined Monarites wine. From the homonym stronghold of Melitene, the local nobles hold sway over the region for the Seleukidai. Together with the fortress of Tomisa, this important region controls the Antitauros Mountains passes. Beyond them lays a wide plain, called Kataonia, which is surrounded by deep and narrow valleys. Although the locals speak the same language of the Kappadokes, they consider themselves a different people. The temple estate of Komana and its high priest of the goddess Ma command the independent Kataones. It is also a considerable settlement, which enjoys the revenue of the countryside worked by sacred slaves. The Saros River flows through Komana on its way to the Mediterranean Sea, while another river, the Pyramos, has its source in the middle of Kataonia and is navigable throughout the plain. Until it reaches Mount Amanos, which marks the Kilikian border, where a large subterraneous channel takes form for a great distance. Still in Kataonia are several hilltop fortresses like Azamora and Dastarkon, the latter holds a temple of Apollon, venerated throughout Kappadokia, whose model influenced all the other sanctuaries. As for the other regions, they too have strongholds like Kadena and Nora, while near the Tauros Mountains is Argos. This is a lofty fortress build at the foot of Mount Argaios, the highest Kappadokia peak, whose summit is always covered with snow. Farther to the South-West lays the large stronghold of Tyana, surrounded by fertile plains. Here also is situated the temple of Zeus Asbameios. To the West, overlooking the road to the Pylai Kilikiai, stands Herakleia Kybistra. To the North, at the Lykaonian border, stands the fort of Garsaoura, said to have been the capital of the country in ancient times. Nearby is rock-cut Korama housing fire temples, where the Athravanas chant every day, holding sacred twigs and with their faces covered except the eyes, to avoid tainting the fire. Further to the North, in the Kappadokian portion of Morimene, by a considerable body of salt water atop perpendicular hills lays Venasa. This is a most revered temple estate, its priest is appointed for life and is second only to Komana's, dedicated to an homonym mother goddess. Despite the salinous source, said to never increase nor decrease in quantity, the nearby tracts of land are very fertile. Quite different is the region to the East, where Mazaka is situated. For it is entirely barren and without water, but it stands near the most valuable resources of Kappadokia. Namely silver mines; red ochre, translucent marble and stone quarries; salt and iron deposits; premium timber by the Antitauros Mountains and fodder by the Halys River. So although the Kappadokes have to transport water and food to their capital, their Satrapes controls any other commodity. Nearly the whole of Kappadokia is without timber, so these woods are extremely important, but can be dangerous. Burning pits of fire are scattered in the mountainous region, in which cattle and unacquainted visitors often fall to their deaths. To the North the upper Halys Valley is extremely fertile and beyond stand Pteria on the rolling Kappadokian plateau, cut by mountains, isolates the area. While to the East, again towards the Antitauros passes, the fortresses of Gaurena and Herpa near the Karmalas River control the Royal Road, like their counterparts in Melitene.

Geography

Kappadokia, or Kappadokia Megale as it was sometimes called to distinguish it, is a plateau growing in altitude eastwardly. Its western portion is a nearly treeless steppe, characterised by a semi-arid climate with cold snowy winters and hot summers. The eastern half is generally cooler, but can get quite hot during summer. Standing in the middle of a tectonic plate, it is unaffected by earthquakes. But should a particularly violent seism occur in the neighbouring regions, Kappadokia might experience damage as well. Moreover this is a geothermic area, albeit very ancient, and the remaining evidences are hot springs in the mountainous East. Near Lake Tatta stood a second inactive volcano, Mount Hasan, whose ancient name is unknown, although there used to be a settlement called Mokissos by it, which might hold a connection. Throughout the year Kappadokia presents a desertlike vegetation, but spring rainfalls shine up endless plains of fresh green. Thankfully the river valleys are well adapted for grain, particularly wheat and make excellent grazing country for domesticated animals of all kinds. The well watered regions also grow apple, pear, apricot and plum trees, not to mention grapes of unsurpassed quality. Regarding wildlife, wild goats, foxes and wolves can be found, but by far cattle and horse herds roamed this province. In the Late Hellenistic period the Kappadokian Basileis discovered even further resources: a red arsenic sulfate pigment, crystals, onyx and alabaster. Thus Kappadokia reached such an exports volume to redirect Anatolian commerce to the hinterland.

The People, Society and Government

The Kappadokes are a very ancient people, who experienced several political shifts throughout their history. The Hellenes knew them by two ethnonyms: Kappadokes and Leukosyroi. Although later Hellenistic rationalised their name to denote complexion, archaeology has identified the use of Hittite hieroglyphs together with Anatolian art in Pteria, from the Early Iron Age. The latter depict mythological scenes, which have been associated to Ma and Mên. Moreover Pteria was a Syro-Hittite capital, thus it is rather likely that Kappadokia derived from a geographical term and Leukosyroi might have been an actual endonym. Recently it has even been hypothesised that it ideologically belongs to a widespread allegorical theme, whereby colours signified a geographical position. Leukosyroi, or White Syrians, would then describe the Western Syrians and Kappadokia was indeed the westernmost region of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Also if the local traditions about ancient capitals, situated somewhere in the Kappadokian hinterland, would fit quite nicely with places like Pteria or even Hattuša. Unfortunately the Luwian roots have not been identified, but the Persian Katpatuka and the Hellenic Leukosyroi appear to derive directly from the native words both for the land and its people from the 6th century BCE. However, while for the Hellenic speaking world these terms became interchangeable, two centuries of Persian suzerainty and Iranian acculturation elevated the prominence of Katpatuka. As already noted, the Kappadokian religious traditions are incredibly ancient, and their typical temple estate structure dates back to the Hittite Empire. Their divinities held fertility and creativity traits, these co-existed with destructive and warlike ones. Specifically Ma's followers would run around the streets in trance, holding double axes and hurting themselves. Smearing their blood on the goddess' figurine, whose most common epithet was 'invincible mother'. Her worship, in her various manifestations, was widespread throughout Anatolia and made its way to Roma itself in 204 BCE, where as Bellona, the goddess became protector of the Vrbs. Ma's high priests, down to the Hellenistic period, were expected to provide military service. This came with privileges, namely an exemption from taxes for the temple estate, and all the influence connected to the position. Therefore, when the Kappadokian Basileis secured Komana for example, they appointed their own kinsmen as high priest. The latter relied on Hierodouloi, sacred slaves, as workforce. However these were not ordinary slaves, they dedicated themselves to the deity and theirs was an important communal work, which pleased the gods. Thus they enjoyed inviolability and protection, the high priest merely acted as an administrator. Indeed he could not sell them and actually could set them free, in which case their descendants would enjoy the same rights of the Hierodouloi. These would keep on living in the temple estate and it has been argued that the Hierodouloi became such by their own will, especially because writers recorded that they were bounded by an oath. Katpatuka extended over a far larger area than Kappadokia: from the Euxeinos Sea to the Tauros Mountains and within the Antitauros Mountains. There developed a common culture, revolting around Anatolian deities, and very receptive to equestrian military traditions. With the Bronze Age Collapse Myso-Phrygian groups joined the local communities and these might have been the first to bring a rider-hero cult. Later with the advent of the Gamira, or Kimmerioi, the idea of a sky riding god was definitely well established in Kappadokian society. Every neighbouring community came to describe the pastures and horses from Central Anatolia as the best in the area. In fact for the Persian Hakhāmanišiyā this was the land of beautiful horses and in Tyana they established a temple to the highest local god, later the Hellenistic Zeus Asbameios. Like Pontika, life in what was distiguished as Kappadokia Megale was centered around hilltop strongholds. Held by the estate owners, they controlled the surrounding rural communities and trading routes. Iranian nobility took over such tasks, but did not interfere with local traditions. In fact the Khšaçapāvan and his subordinates, by arming and leading contingents of cavalrymen, protected the local communities from banditry and permitted a peaceful economic development. This turned the Kappadokes in staunchest supporters for their Khšaçapāvan, so much so that they supported open revolts against the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām himself.

History

Throughout Alexandros Megas' lifetime Kappadokia was a focal point of resistance and a staging area for an attempted reconquest of Mikra Asia. This was led by Aryārāta, the Khšaçapāvan of Katpatuka, whose family had been prominent in the 4th century BCE and claimed to be a Hakhāmanišiyā relative. Although repulsed, Aryārāta by 322 BCE managed to muster an army of 35,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry to face Perdikkas' invasion, but was defeated an executed at the age of 82. This brought Kappadokia under Makedonian power, but another Aryārāta, nephew and adoptive son of the former, was given refuge and assistance by Yervand I of Hayasdan. Thus around 301 BCE, with Seleukos I Nikator complicity, Aryārāta defeated the Antigonid Strategos Amyntas and became a pro-Seleukid Satrapes. This also split Kappadokia into two, with the pro-Lysimachid Pontika in the North. From then on Aryārāta's Dynasteia proved a loyal semi-independent supporter, securing the vital Royal Road, and was allowed to maintain local customs and kept Aramaic as official language. In 280 BCE Ariyāramna succeeded his father in Kappadokia and initiated a Philhellenic policy, which would become the mainstay of his family. Indeed he now minted coins showing himself with the Satrapal Tiara, his name in Attic Koine characters Ariaramnes and a galloping horseman in the reverse. The latter probably still depicting himself, but it could subtly recall Zeus Asbameios, the Kappadokian riding sky god. Courting Hellenistic friendship proved successful and Kappadokia was gradually accepted internationally. From 256 BCE Ariarathes became co-ruler with his father and annexed Kataonia to his Dynasteia territory. In 245 BCE Seleukos II Pogon gave recognition to the de facto Kappadokian independence, which was still supporting the Arche Seleukeia, by marrying his sister Stratonike to Ariaramnes' son. Who now assumed the royal diadem as Basileus Ariarathes I, featuring Athena Nikephoros, or rather the invincible mother Ma, on his coins. Perhaps exploiting its co-rulership the Kappadokian Dynasteia managed to keep good terms with the Seleukid brothers, Seleukos II Kallinikos and Antiochos Hierax, during their dynastic struggle. For Kappadokia was left untouched in the conflict, but at the same time Ariaramnes right before his death granted refuge to the fleeing Hierax in 230 BCE. Thus a neutral policy, whereby the Basileus officially dealt with his Seleukid counterpart and his father kept good relations with the pretender, left Kappadokia unscathed. Later in 222 BCE the Kappadokian Basileus also secured the good relations he enjoyed with the Arche Seleukeia by bethrothing his young heir to the newborn Antiochis, daughter of Antiochos III. Two years later, still a minor, Ariarathes II succeeded his father and in 193 BCE finally married Antiochos III Megas' daughter. Although he later supplied allied contingents to the Arche Seleukeia against Roma and its allies, Ariarathes II Eusebes quickly aligned his foreing policy in favour of the SPQR in 189 BCE. His daughter Stratonike married Eumenes II Soter of Pergamon and from now on Kappadokia would uphold pro-Roman interests in Mikra Asia, even supporting wars in Makedonia, while preserving its independence. At the end of his long reign, Ariarathes II also successfully repulsed an invasion by Basileus Ptolemaios I of Kommagene, a former Seleukid Strategos supported by Armenian Basileis, who sought to annex Melitene in 163 BCE. However the same year Ariarathes II died and was succeeded by his son Ariarathes III Eusebes Philopator. He had studied at Athenai, where he befriended Attalos II Philadelphos of Pergamon, and cultivated intellectual interests, which brought him much consideration in the Hellenistic world. However in 161 BCE Ariarathes III refused a marriage proposal from the Seleukid Basileus Demetrios I, to avoid Roman enmity and married instead Nysa, the daughter of Pharnakes I of Pontos, but this caused him to lose his position momentarily. Indeed Demetrios I was looking to reassert Seleukid authority and now supported Orophernes, Ariarathes III's brother, who became Basileus in 158 BCE. The Roman Senatvs even ackownledged the two brothers as co-rulers. Nevertheless with Pergamene assistance Ariarathes III managed to exile his brother in 156 BCE. In the following years the Kappadokian Basileus continued his support to Pergamon, according to his father's alliance, and even joined a coalition that installed Alexandros I Balas as Basileus in Antiocheia. During his reign Ariarathes III refounded Mazaka and Tyana both as Eusebeia, promoting urbanisation in Kappadokia and engaged in benefactions towards Athenai, earning him its citizenship. However in 130 BCE he died on the field of battle against the Pergamene pretender Aristonikos. In gratitude the SPQR granted his successor Lykaonia, but this turned out to be just a child: Ariarathes IV Epiphanes Philopator. For the Basilissa Nysa had been killing her five eldest sons, to ensure a lengthy regency, but the Kappadokes enraged had her executed. Offering a nice pretext for her brother, Mithradates V Euergetes of Pontos, to intervene. However the Pontic Basileus, careful not to offend the SPQR, limited himself on marrying the royal child to his daughter Laodike, to expand his influence. This episode would set the trend for Pontic-Kappadokian relations in the following decades. Indeed foreign intervention, and especailly Pontic one, would now eliminate and install whatever Ariarathid family member favoured the invader. By 95 BCE this brought an end to Aryārāta's line and caused the SPQR to intervene, offering the Kappadokes to govern themselves. However they refused, in the hope that a strong military leader would fare better than children Basileis. Thus they elected a nobleman as Basileus Ariobarzanes I. But the political situation did not change: Pontic, Armenian and Roman forces kept on ousting and install what really were puppet rulers. On top of this instability, each side ravaged the country and demanded tribute, bringing Kappadokia on the verge of bankruptcy. Until Marcvs Antonivs, charmed by the Hetaira Glaphyra, made the latter's son Archelaos Basileus of Kappadokia in 36 BCE. A descendant of the homonym Pontic Strategos, whose family came to hold the position of high priest at Komana Pontika, Archelaos I Philopatris Ktistes proved a capable ruler. Enjoying patronage from the Trivmviri he managed to rebuild Kappadokia and expand it, being granted Kilikia and Pokr Hayk by Avgvstvs. But in 17 CE, with Tiberivs Avgvstvs in need of funds, the old Archelaos I was summoned to Roma to die and Kappadokia was annexed as a Provincia.

Strategy

Kappadokia controls the choke points to Mikra Asia, making it an extremely important province. This strengthens commerce, fueled by several natural resources. Thus a wise ruler will find both great revenue and a strategic position in Kappadokia, which can be easily secured thanks to the local military traditions.

As a note I've listed the Kappadokian Basileis with regnal numbers from the first to assume the title, instead that from Satrapal rule.

Arjos slow down, you are making everyone else look bad!

Excellent work sir.

Karmania

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Traveller's Log
After a tiring journey over the mountains from Gedrosia, the traveller alights on the warm, fertile soils of Karmania, a land famed for its valuable woods and grapevines which yield clusters longer than a man's arm! The dusts of the east can be washed off in water from the province's abundant rivers before entering Karmana – the capital and seat of satraps. To the south of Karmana lies Hármouza, the staple port of Karmania. Only a day's journey over the Persian Sea lies Maketa, a mysterious country of scents and spices, and the merchants of Karmania profit from the proximity. To the north of Karmana stretches the formidable Karmanian Desert, so vast that it borders on Parthyaia and Aria. Over the western mountains rests Persis, a land inhabited by a people similar to the Karmanians in language and culture. In fact, at times Persis and Karmania were considered indistinguishable, but now a satrap rules from Karmana.

Geography
In ancient times, Karmania or Carmania, as it is more frequently known, rested between arid mountains to the west and east, "hē érēmos Karmaníā" to the north and the Persian Gulf to the south. Achaemenid records don't mention Karmania, suggesting it was part of Persia or Gedrosia. However, by the time of Alexander the Great's invasion, Karmania formed a separate satrapy. The core of the province consists of productive, river-fed plains. Greek sources tend to over-emphasise the scale of fertility, especially Nearchus. The region does support a wide variety of crops and plants - such as grapevines and "yakâ" trees (likely teak) - with the notable exception of olives. Strabo relates that "the Carmanian," a variety of grape purportedly native to Karmania, grew in "clusters of even two cubits," although he neglected to record whether by length, diameter or circumference. Gold, silver and copper were extensively mined.

People, Society and Government
Direct written evidence for the culture and language of Karmania is scarce, apart from sporadic, topical and probably apocryphal facts. For instance, Strabo claims that prior to marriage the tongue of a fallen enemy must be minced, mixed with flour and eaten by the bridegroom's family. Nearchus states that the Karmanians closely resembled the Medes and Persians in customs and language. Herodotus lists the "Germánioi" as a Persian tribe, further buttressing the similarities between Persia and Karmania. Politically, Achaemenid inscriptions and administrative records mention Karmania primarily for exporting valuable woods and the high volume of official traffic between Karmana and Susa, perhaps indicating extensive trade contacts. The records allude to a "Karkiš," generally considered to be a high functionary of Karmania. By the close of the Achaemenid empire, though, Karmania had diverged into a separate satrapy.

Archaeological excavations shed perhaps more light on the period of human habitation. The recently discovered site of Jiroft pushes back the boundary of civilisation to circa 2500 BC. Examples of writing found there show influences from ancient Elam to the west but also the Indus valley civilisation. Karmania likely experienced a gradual infiltration of Iranian pastoralists concurrently with Persia from about 1300 BC onwards. By the rise of the Achaemenid empire, the socio-political situation in Karmania reflected a pattern common throughout Iran: a tentative division of power between nomadic herders and sedentary farmers and city-dwellers. Numerous fire temples discovered indicate a largely Zoroastrian populace, though the popular form of the religion often fused with local customs and beliefs.

History
Karmania first enters the written record as a distinct entity during Alexander the Great's march to India and again after his punishing march through the Gedrosian Desert. On the way east, he reinstalled the Achaemenid governor as satrap but executed and replaced him on the return journey. Alexander's subordinate commanders recorded many geographic descriptions, which constitute the majority of written accounts on Karmania. Afterwards, the written record again darkens. During the breakup of Alexander's empire among the successors, Karmania fell under the control of the Seleucids for almost two centuries until succumbing to Parthian expansion under King Mithridates I the Great (171-138 BC).

Strategy Guide
Karmania is a fertile province protected on all sides by barriers - mountains, desert, the sea - and produces valuable metals like copper, gold, silver, arsenic etc. It is a solid addition to any growing empire.

It's shorter than Persis. I may add more later.

I am sorry it took me so long to post this but I have been distracted of late with my classes and personal problems etc. I know I did not do Kush the justice it deserves as a remarkable region but I love EB and wanted to contribute in any way I could. So here it is. Feel free to edit, correct, or trash the whole thing as you wish. Also, I don't have any access to archives or experts that have specialised information on Kush so there will probably be corrections necessary.

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Traveller's Log
As the traveller journeys from the northern Triakontaschoinos via the upper Nile, he enters into an exotic land where a tall, regal, red-black skinned people worship barbaric gods and construct pyramids that rival their Egyptian neighbour's. Traversing the Nile is not easy for the traveller in this Kingdom of Kush and is downright perilous. As the traveller continues upstream, he finds himself in the 'Belly of Rocks', where erosion-resistant rocks partition the Nile and make travel difficult during the dry season when the Nile has not yet flooded. With three cataracts behind him, the traveller continues downwards on the Nile before taking a north eastern turn. He comes upon the old capital of Napata which hosts pyramids not unlike the ones at Giza. The traveller passes through and continues on the Nile at a north eastern angle before traversing sharply downwards and arriving at Meroë, the new capital, situated at a junction where the upper Nile splits into the Blue Nile and White Nile, with each branch traversing southward at opposite angles. Within Meroë, the traveller finds the Northern Cemetery, a collection of pyramids where royalty were laid to rest.

Geography
Historically, the Kingdom of Kush stretched from a little before the first cataract of the Nile to a little beyond the sixth cataract. This region is generally divided into upper and lower Nubia. Lower Nubia was the region that lies in modern day southern Egypt and Upper Nubia in northern Sudan. Kush was both a fertile and harsh land. To the west was the Nile, which permitted agriculture, and to the east is an arid desert in which no farming could take place. Instead, this arid region was rich in gold and as such was mined extensively in ancient times. Dotting the Nubian landscape were, and still are, acacia trees - the signature tree of the savannah, as well as elephant grass. In addition to the rich plant life, fauna also thrive within the notoriously harsh environment of Kush. Crocodiles and hippopotamuses thrive within the rivers, as well as elephants in the southern forests. Giraffes are plentiful in the savannah and exotic birds are as plentiful across the whole of Kush.

People, Society, and Government
The people who inhabited Kush were the Nubians, or Kushites. The ancient Nubians were in many ways similar to their ancient Egyptian neighbours in customs and lifestyles, perhaps due to geographic closeness. This is not to say Nubians did not have distinct differences from that of the Egyptians. In appearance, many Nubians practised scarification, which was common to central Africa. Furthermore, Nubians were renowned for their The religion of the ancient Nubians shared many characteristics with that of the Egyptians including several of the same gods and goddesses such as Isis, Amun, and Horus, in addition to their own local gods, Bes and Apedemac. Woven into their religion was a rich mythology. In their story of creation, the Earth was covered in water, out of which a mound of Earth had risen. On this mound of Earth, the first god, Atum, was born. Atum then birthed the first man, Shu, and the first woman, Tefnu. Shu and Tefnu married and had Geb and Nut, the god of earth and the god of the god of the skies. Geb and Nut were charged with birthing Osiris, god of the pharoahs; Isis, goddess of motherhood; Seth, god of devastation; and Nepthys, protector of the dead. This creation myth greatly influenced Nubian religious life. In fact, one might say it was centred around it. In Napata stood, and still stands, the Holy Mountain where life, according to both the Egyptians and Nubians, first began. At this mountain, many temples had been erected and to this mountain, many pilgrimages from wide and far had been undertaken. Furthermore, so important was this mountain that religious festivals were held there as well as anointments of pharoahs. As in many societies, religion is often interlinked with government. This was the case for the Kushites. In Nubian religion and society was the concept of Maat, the principle by which both ruler and common folk alike must conduct themselves righteously with order and morality. If a ruler were to neglect Maat, then they might be ordered by the priests to commit suicide. Also, as in many early societies, the government of the Kushites was a kingship system. In it's earliest stages, there is archaeological indications that Nubians consisted of tribes or chiefdoms, in which government was hierarchical in nature. Elders of subsections headed extended families which in turn headed single households. Around 2500 BC, a more complex form of government, a monarchy, developed in Kerma. Though historians are certain of the existence of a monarchy around this time, there is little indication of how the government functioned. More is known of the Kushite government during the Egyptian colonial period as well as in later times. Under Egypt's rule, a Viceroy was assigned to administrate the parts of Kush that were conquered. Two deputies were appointed to serve under the Viceroy, one administrating to Lower Nubia, and one to Upper Nubia. Further administrative powers were given to Kushite 'chiefs'. During this period, states developed below Egypt-controlled Nubia, which took power over Kush after the decline of Egypt and Kerma. Under this government, the monarchy did not have absolute power. Rather, they had to please the people and priests or else they would be ordered to suicide. Furthermore, kings, or pharoahs, were elected in the first place by the priests from among the royal family.

History
Archaeological excavations of the upper Nile have suggested human habitation within Kush as far back as 60,000 years. By 8000 BC, Neolithic peoples began to settle on the Nile in mud brick villages. These peoples most likely used pastoralism for subsistence, supplemented by gathering grain, hunting, and fishing. Kush first appears in written record when mentioned by Egyptian sources, which described the land as being 'wretched'. Be that as it may, Kush is nonetheless rich in history and culture. Some historians even so much as say that Kush hosted the earliest civilisation in black Africa. This idea is supported by archaeological finds, such as ceramic figurines, bowls, and funerary objects dated to as far back as 8000 BC, predating Egyptian finds by about 3000 years. In order to understand the history of Kush, one must also understand the history of ancient Egypt as the two's history were often interlinked. During the New Kingdom (about 1570-1100 B.C.), Egypt colonised much of Kush, inevitably exerting cultural influence in addition to political control. Chiefs were expected to pay gold and slaves to the Egyptians in tribute. To ensure the loyalty of the chiefs, Egyptians required them to send their children to serve the Egyptian monarchy as pages. This period saw the adoption of religious and cultural values by the Kushites who still championed these values even after the decline of Egypt which came in the the eleventh century BC. While Egypt fell into an internal power struggle and inevitably civil war, Kush flourished in it's independence. By the eighth century BC, the Kush monarchy ruled from Napata in northern Kush. About 750 BC, the tables turned when a Kushite king conquered upper Egypt. His successor succeeded in uniting all of Egypt under a twenty fifth dynasty. The dynasty, which lasted for a hundred years, came to an end when the Assyrians invaded Egypt. After the invasion, the Kushite rulers retreated back to Napata. The previous conquest of Egypt was not forgotten by the rulers of the twenty-sixth dynasty who launched unsuccessful attacks on the Kushites. In about 270 BC, the capital of Kush was moved south to Meroë. The motive for this move is not certain though it may have been the eventual success of an attack on Napata by Egypt, or perhaps the strengthening of the mining industry around Meroë.

Strategy
Kush is well placed to bridge trade between Sub-Saharan Africa and the Mediterranean and, for much of its history, exploited this advantage. In the more arid regions of Kush are mines rich in gold, enough to make a ruler very wealthy. It would be wise to invest in mining as it would in trade. If the ruler is feeling lucky, they might look north. It is not too late to reunite Egypt and Kush in a thirty first dynasty.

I still want to add a few things such as information and transitional sentences so it is still a work in progress unless anyone has any objections.

Pontos Paralios:

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Province: Pontos Paralios

Traveller's Log

Crossing the mouth of the Halys River the traveller enters Pontos Paralios, a land of legends and tales, following the steps of the Argonautai. First he comes accross Gadilon, a fortress overlooking plains, which produce every kind of fruit. These afford also pasture for deers and flocks of sheep, whose soft wool is rarely found in Kappadokia and Pontos. Next is the port of Amisos, an old foundation claimed by several communities. Among the first settlers were the Milesioi, who erected a sanctuary to Apollon Didymeis, but the Phokaieis state that it was their colony. However Athenian Klerouchoi eventually took over the this trading center and expanded it so much, that today Athenai is considered as metropolis. Nevertheless it was only with Alexandros Megas' victorious march in the South, that Amisos took its current name. The surrounding plain is called Themiskyra, standing at the foot of a mountainous and well wooded country, which is traversed by the Thermodon River. Themiskyra is constantly covered with herbage, feeding herds of cattle and horses. Panic grass and millet also grow in Themiskyra, which used to be the capital of the Amazones. Past the Iris River, on the coast, are a serie of strongholds: Side Pontika, Chabakta and Phabda. Following the Herakleion and Iasonion Promontories, at a small bay, lays the first Sinopean colony of Cotyora. This harbour is surrounded by the highlands belonging to the friendly Tibareni. In the vicinity there is also Ischopolis and another Sinopean colony, Choirades. In the latter's district sweet cheeries grow copiously. However fishing is the main enterprise, especially delphinoi, whose fat is used for all purposes. Off the coast lays the island of Ares, so renamed by the Argonautai. The Hellenic inhabitans also trade their catches of fish with the Mosenakebi and their subjects the Khalybi, in exchange for the iron mined and smelted by the locals in the hinterland. Further inland to the South-East, inhabiting the Skydises Mountains are the Shkwiteni. Dreadful highlanders, who rob travellers employing maddening honey extracted from the Rhododendron Pontikon. Back by the coast, on the slope of a hill, stands the last Sinopean colony of Trapezous. A flourishing commercial town in the land of the Makromni. However most of the land, particularly the Paryadres Mountains, is inhabited by Kolkhian tribes like the Chani, the Zudritai, the Ekkheiriebi, the Kerketai and the Makhelonebi. Also controlling the difficult passes to Pokr Hayk are the Drilai, the Bekheirebi, the Bykheri and the Marebi. On one of their ridges Xenophon and Oi Myroi erected a great stone cairn, when they first saw the sea. While near the frontiers of Hayasdan, living in mountain fortresses, are the Taokhi and the Sasperi. Closer to Egrisi are the Mushkebi, in whose territory stands the temple of Leukothea, founded by Phrixos who offered the golden ram to Zeus and since then no ram has been sacrificed. On the coast are other Hellenic settlements: Rhizaion and Apsaros. The latter lays by the Akampsis River, which marks the border with Egrisi.

Geography

Pontos Paralios, or Pontos on the coast, consists of a mountainous region and fertile river valleys. It used to be part of Kolkha stretching as far as the Kaukasos Mountains. The largest part of the region is characterised by impassable, precipitous ravines and forested chasms, which end abruptly in the Euxeinos Sea. Where alluvial plains formed, providing habitable and arable areas on the coast. Still the interior was very important for its mineral deposits, namely iron and silver. This was also the source for the fabled Khalybian steel. In fact metallurgical traditions date back to the Hittite Empire and the Hellenes considered the locals the first ironsmiths, borrowing their name to describe the metal alloy and tempered iron. The dense forests of oak, alder, beech, chestnut, walnut and fir trees also provided excellent ship-timbers. Also hazelnut, bilberry and cherry are common and fruit trees grow in the lower Paryadres ranges. Millet and maize were the chief agricultural products. While the large wild fisheries mainly consisted of mackerel scads, bottlenose dolphins, skipjack, bluefin and little tunas. In the highlands live wolves, roe deers, wild goats, wild boars, bears, jackals, foxes and lynxes. As for the climate, Pontos Paralios has a high precipitation distributed throughout the year. Which is characterised by warm and humid summers and damp winters. Snows can be heavy, blocking the mountains, thus sleds and snowshoes made out of animal skins become the only means of transportation.

The People, Society and Government

The Kolkhian communities of Pontos Paralios comprised a multiplicity of tribes, which originated from Anatolian migrating groups. During the Bronze Age Collapse they moved to the Paryadres and Skydises Mountains, once defeated by Aššur. At first chiefdoms were established, but nomadic incursions and attacks from larger and more centralised polities pushed the settlers ever northward. Then distinctive small tribal units formed, characterised by a warrior society and several dialects. So much so that in the late Hellenistic period thirteen interpreters were needed by foreign representatives, or for example Mithradates VI of Pontos learnt twenty two languages to speak to his subjects. The tribes, described as countless, often fought one another, launched land and naval raids on the Hellenic colonists or traded with them. The endemic warfare forced the tribes to establish small mountain fortresses or scattered villages. Typical was the proto-Kartvelian Senaki, a little tower-like house, cleverly built alternating beams made up of whole trees perpendicularly. Any gaps were blocked with splinters and clay, while coved roofs were covered with leafage and clay, offering decent insulation. It seems that women were active members in local societies, participating in warfare down to the Roman campaigns of the 1st century BCE. This was the factual basis for the Amazones and it is thought also to be connected to a social transition from matriarchy to patriarchy. Indeed traces of this social revolution can be found in the Georgian language, where father is 'mama' and mother is 'deda'. This gender reversal had religious repercussions, with a masculine moon god taking precedence over a feminine sun. Among the Tibareni, concerning childbirth, men would lie down and groan with their heads close bound, while the women brought food and prepared baths for them. Female soothsayers were addressed as males, owing to their possession of a masculine spirit. Noteworthy was the proto-Kartvelian Hypsikrateia, Mithradates VI's last wife, who fought fully armoured alongside her husband, cutting her hair short, displaying great prowess on horseback and using any weapon. Interestingly her husband used to call her by the masculine Hypsikrates, conjectured by ancient authors due to her manliness, but it most probably had to do with the proto-Kartvelian gender reversal. Praised for her bravery, loyalty and intellect, Hypsikrateia was a very important person, her union was likely a political one, and she was a living Amazon of the late Hellenistic period. Overall the tribes of Pontos Paralios were skilful forest-fighters, wood-workers, lumbermen, boat-builders, shepherds, fishermen and pirates. The Hellenic colonisation in this region actually aimed for an economic monopoly and for the proto-Kartvelian communities, the idea of repelling the Hellenes was fundamental.

The Chani, of all the local tribes, must have been a very expansive or uniting power. Several ancient writers report how different communities in their time came to be known as Tzanoi or Sannoi. Indeed derivations of their endonym came to describe Kolkha to the present. Unfortunately we do not know much about them and it is even possible that Chanian identity was a politico-cultural phenomenon, unifying the Kolkhian tribes.

The Tibareni have been associated with the Syro-Hittite state of Tabal and with the worship of the Babylonian god Tibira. The latter originated from the Sumerian term for copper-workers, and later came to describe metal-workers in general. Smiths were considered inviolable custodians of metallurgical secrets and ancient writers recorded a sacred mountain in Pontos Paralios, where the locals mined and smelted iron. It is thought that the Hellenic god Hephaistos was adopted from the contacts with the locals in this very region.

Similarly the Khalybi were famed smiths, whose origins go back to the Hittite Khalywa. This geographical term came to be the Hellenic name for the Halys River, in whose valley the Khalybi likely lived before the Bronze Age Collapse. They were associated already in the Archaic period with the "birthplace" of silver, beside the aforementioned tempering skills. They were also particularly valiant warriors, prone to engage in hand to hand combat with spears and a sickle dagger, wearing Linothorakes, greaves and helmets. Cutting their opponents' heads and carrying them while marching, while they would sing and dance.

The Mosenakebi were apparently quite wealthy and struck the Hellenes as odd people. For they had intercourse publicly and openly spoke of sexual matters, desiring to arrange something of swinging activities. They also tattoed floral patterns on their bodies, adorning them with many colours.

The Shkwiteni are recorded as being particularly vicious robbers, jumping down from trees, ambushing and stealing travellers. They braided their hair in seven locks, probably with astrological connotations. During Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs' campaign in Asia, they cut down three Cohortes thanks to toxic honey.

As for the Hellenes in Pontos Paralios, they mostly depended on Sinope and were part of its commercial network. Trapezous was founded to cover the eastern Euxeinos Sea, while Kotyora and Choirades served as trading posts. The worship of Apollon was particularly relevant in Trapezous, enabling the Pontic Basileis to strengthen ties with the Apollon-Helios-Mithra syncretism. Which was otherwise unheard of in Kappadokia Pontika, where other deities were more relevant to the local populace. Amisos on the other hand was ignored by the Sinopean traffic. This allowed the Basileis of Pontos to turn Amisos into one of the largest and busiest markets in their possession. It seems that the Athenian colony worshiped both Hera and Athena, whose owl was featured on its coins. This tradition was kept alive by the Pontic Dynasteia, exploiting its good family relations with Athenai traced to the 5th century BCE. Recently archaeology has discovered a wealthy aristocratic tomb at Amisos, dated to the early 3rd century BCE. Which seems to indicate a growth in power and trade for the local elite, whose members were now collaborating with Pontos. These appreciated cults of Eros, Nike, Achilleus and commodities from all over the eastern Mediterranean. The Amisenoi, under Pontic rule, blossomed as exporters of pottery and jewelry associated with the cult of Dionysos. Indeed it was from Amisos that the Pontic Basileia contacted the international world. Most of the Hellenic Philoi and officers of Pontos are thought to come from the southern Euxeinos, these men were also in an excellent position to hire mercenaries in Hellas. Indeed it was here that the Pontic Basileis expanded poleis the most, renaming them after themselves. It was in this atmosphere that the late Pontic Dynasteia developed their mythological patron cult of Perseus as their forefather. Starting with Pharnakes I in fact a pantheistic figure started to be associated with the person of the Basileus. It syncretised Mên Pharnakou, Dionysos, Apollon, Mithra and Zeus Stratios into the epitome of Pontic royalty: a hero, riding Pegasos, warding off evil forces, bringing abundance of production and leading the civilised world. This was the image the Pontic Basileis wanted their subjects to have of them.

History

The advent of imperial powers south of the Kaukasos Mountains, turned Pontos Paralios into a peripheral zone. However this favoured Hellenic colonisation and tacitly allowed the local tribes to experience only nominal suzerainty. In fact Alexandros III of Makedonia's victories brought mixed feelings and apprehension in the area, for they disturbed the age old inland trading routes. Specifically Pontos Paralios was vaguely considered a Paphlagonian or Kappadokian dependency, but no Makedonian polity ever asserted direct control of the region. Only Pontos planned to take over the whole Euxeinos Sea littoral. Amisos was the first polis to be captured, during the first half of the 3rd century BCE. While the easternmost tribes recognised the authority of Kartli, perhaps to mutually defend themselves against any expansion from Hayasdan. Otherwise the rest of Pontos Paralios kept to itself, trading with Rhodos and Pontic communities under Sinopean leadership. From 183 BCE Pontos replaced Sinope and Pharnakes I synoikised the citizens of Kotyora and Choirades into his foundation of Pharnakeia. Although the Pontic Hellenes now depended on Basileis and lost their autonomy, when Mithradates VI Eupator came to power he resumed civic coinage, fostering local pride and urbanisation. He expanded Pharnakeia adding the quarter of Eupatoria and captured Trapezous as well in the late 2nd century BCE. The latter becoming his naval base for further campaigns in the Euxeinos Sea. Local tribes also acknowledged Pontic suzerainty, augmenting the army's ranks. However from 65 BCE Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs, pursuing Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos, occupied Pontos Paralios and handed it over to the Galatian Tetrarches Deiotaros Philorhomaios. Later the Trivmvirvs Marcvs Antonivs set up Clientes during his campaigns against the Pahlava, eventually rewarding an ally's son from Laodikeia in Lydia, Polemon with the title of Basileus in 37 BCE. This Polemon I Pythodoros refounded Side Pontika as his capital Polemonion and turned Pontos Paralios in the centre of Pontic power, albeit a Roman dependent one. Which allowed it to further flourish, a policy preserved by his wife Pythodoris, granddaughter of Marcvs Antonivs, during her regency from 8 BCE. She was praised for her wise rule, which improved and reconstructed several places in Kappadokia Pontika as well. From 17 CE her son Markos Antonios Polemon II Pythodoros co-ruled and in 38 CE succeeded her to full power. However in 62 CE Nero Avgvstvs induced Polemon II to abdicate and annexed Pontos Paralios whole to the Roman Provincia of Bithynia et Pontvs.

Strategy

Pontos Paralios is a very important province, capable of becoming one of the best naval bases of the Hellenistic world. It also boasts valuable natural resources and several outlets of the Pontic trade. Moreover local tribesmen are a great addition for any versatile army. Albeit not particularly rich, Pontos Paralios is easily defended, being geographically isolated, and makes for a nice addition to control the Euxeinos Sea.

Very interesting!!! I don't think I'd heard of the gender reversal before. It must have been a messed up place with very scary ladies!

Kartli:

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Province: Kartli

Traveller's Log

Approaching the source of the Tkwarua River, the traveller enters Kartli, a fertile country overlooked by the Kaukasos Mountains, where Prometheus was bound, capable of affording an exceedingly good livelihood. For the local Mepe Pharnavaz has unitied the land and holds great building plans. Protecting the route to Egrisi is the large stronghold of Shorapani, capable of housing a sizeable population, surrounded by narrow defiles run by rough and violent streams. These aliment the Tkwarua River, which traverse the whole of Karthli joined by several tributaries, watering fertile plains and good pastures. This water course is the trade, transportation and communication artery of Karthli. Accordingly all major foundations are in proximity of the river. To the East is Uplistsikhe, a most ancient settlement. This rock-cut fortress is one of the most important centres and holds an impressive temple to Danina excavated into the depths of the earth. Next is Urbnisi a growing trading center, and farther East at the confluence of the Aragui River lays Mtskheta, the capital of the Kartvelebi, where Mepe Pharnavaz built his sumptuous palace. South of the Tkwarua River stands Armaztsikhe, the mountaintop fortress of the god, housing a vaulted temple and a copper statue of Armazi, the royal patron deity of Kartli. Here is also a great hall of six columns with a tiled roof, while below the citadel merchant quarters are located. To the South is the Armenian plateau, which serves as a border with Hayasdan. While farther East is some of the best land in Kartli, where cattle thrives in the plains, which keep a grassy appearance throughout the year. While in the highlands are rich hunting grounds. To the North there are difficult ascents and inhabited caves, guarded by strongholds. The mountain passes are at first hewn through rock and then through marshes. However beyond the Kaukasos Mountains are people still allied to Mtskheta, for Pharnavaz married a local noblewoman. These are the Dzurdzuki, fierce warriors living off wild animals, fruits and milk.

Geography

Kartli is essentially a serie of plains, watered by several rivers, enclosed by mountains and deep gorges. These create natural barriers, isolating Kartli during winter and at the same time cutting any contacts between valleys. However this condition makes for a milder winter and cooler summers, shielding the plains from heavy precipitation. Which occurs only at higher altitudes, but unfortunately these, coupled with earthquakes, can cause landslides. The mixed forests of the Kaukasos are characterised by Oriental beech, Oriental oak, Caucasian pine, fir and spurce trees. The mountains are also roamed by East and West Caucasian turs, chamoises, Caucasian red deers, wild goats, mouflons, brown bears, grey wolves, lynxes and the Caucasus leopard. In the province are also found many species of avifauna like the golden eagle, bearded vulture, Caucasian snowcock, Caucasian great rosefinch and Güldenstädt's redstart. While closer to water courses live European otters, gadwalls and Caucasian parsley-frogs.

The People, Society and Government

The Kartvelebi were one of the Caucasian ethnicities that came to be from the merging of local communities and intrusive Anatolian and Mesopotamian groups. They worshiped deities of Hittite origins related to fertility and hunting, holding in particular esteem wolves. These were constituted a class of game in itself, forming a society subject to rules and practices, thought akin to that of human beings. This grew into a totemic cult and should a hunter kill any wolf, he would mourn and weep as passionately as if it had been a man. Similarly the Georgian Mountain dogs became just as important, perhaps as wolves joining the Kartvelian tribe, and were employed even in small scale warfare. One such animal was gifted to Alexandros Megas, said to have torn to pieces a lion and relentlessly worn off an elephant to death. Another important cultic figure was Amirani, a demigod who stole the secrets of metallurgy and was chained to a mountain, where an eagle attacked him each day. In his honour the Kartvelebi follow a practice of finding and destroying eagles' nests. However the highest honour belonged to Armazi, a male moon deity, whose sincretism with Ahuramazda formed the basis of Kartvelian kingship. Another deity, Zaden, was also associated to the royalty, being the manifestation of abundant creation, who came to be the patron of river fishermen. As other Anatolian gods they were warlike figures, for they also held the powers of destruction. Societies stood around the figure of an elder elected by the peasants to serve as head of the village. However in time the free agriculturalists evolved into a distinct aristocratic class. Which became tributary to Pârsa and its members adopted Iranian ideals and practices, employing seals featuring hunting scenes. Coming from such nobles, Pharnavaz successfully united the tribes and assumed the royal title of Mepe. This centralisation of power brought a strict social hierarchy: the Mepe and his kinsmen stood at the top leading the military and governing the rural communities. Followed by the priests who held also judicial powers over controversies between neighbouring communities. Then came the soldiers and farmers, while at the bottom stood the landless farmers. Another important change was the adoption of an official alphabet, until then used by cultic authorities, promoting a common language. Allowing also the creation of the Kvirbebi, records about commercial routes and roads. Thus the Mepe was able to establish a competent administration, regulated by officials influenced by Hellenistic and Iranian models. Thus all the Kartvelian tribes were assimilated into a single powerful state.

The Dzurdzuki were the descendants of displaced groups, who took refuge beyond the Kaukasos Mountains. Although they experienced the proto-Kartvelian gender reversal, their ancestors probably stood on the losing side and fled to their current abode. Indeed priestesses and female soothsayers were extremely prominent, worshiping the mother sun. While the moon held a lesser status. Living in underground dwellings, the Dzurdzuki were very interested in divination, preserving practices going back to Babylonian times. Auspices and augury had both religious and pratical applications, resting on a complex cosmological system. They believed in the existance of a subterranean kingdom to which souls transmigrated upon death, carrying earthly social structures and providing an extension to their existence. These worlds were very much in contact, for when the sun was setting in life, it would be rising in the subterranean world. Thus the diviners were able to hold their ear on the ground and receive divine revelations, which they would deliver to the Dzurdzukian communities in the morning. The women, when pregnant, retired to give birth and kept their daughters to be educated as priestesses, while the sons were brought back and raised comunally. Men and women alike took part in warfare, and the rulers of Kartli appreciated the assistance from the Dzurdzuki.

History

Alexandros Megas' victories in Mesopotamia severed any remnant of Persian suzerainty in Kartli. However the expansion of Hayasdan, assisted by Makedonian forces, in the Skydises Mountains put much pressure on proto-Kartvelian tribes. Whose nobles rallied them against foreign officials, attempting to impose direct rule. By the 3rd century BCE a certain Pharnavaz, son of a village elder and a Persian woman, with the assistance of his brother-in-law Kuji I of Egrisi, succeeded in centralising power and backed his royal claim through the Zoroastrian belief of divine favour. He proved to be an excellent statesman and leader, by accepting Seleukid nominal suzerainty he secured most of his borders and introduced monetary transactions in Kartli. Indeed the economy now boomed to such an extent that Seleukos Nikator, before his campaign in Mikra Asia against Lysimachos, was contemplating the excavation of a canal stretching from the Euxeinos Sea to the Kaspion Sea. Pharnavaz I focused his attention on developing Kartvelian infrastructures, while marrying another of his sisters to a Sauromatian chief. Thus securing his position, safeguarding trade and enriching Kartli. Such a status was welcomed by the Hellenistic polities, for it ensured competent protection of the Kaukasian passes from nomadic attacks. While the Seleukidai obtained a valuable ally, to exercise pressure on Hayasdan, making sure the latter would not follow a too indipendent policy. What Pharnavaz I did not manage to establish during his long reign, was the legitimacy and recognition of a dynastic succession. Thus his death after 65 years of rule fired up a revolt against his son and heir Saurmag, who nevertheless crushed it with the help of the Dzurdzuki and Sauromatae. Proving to be as shrewd as his father, Saurmag I pardoned his opponents and made them directly dependent upon his authority. He also settled Dzurdzukian warriors in the highlands of Egrisi. Keeping a dependent stance towards the Arche Seleukeia, the new Mepe honoured his father, establishing a royal cult at the latter's tomb in Armaztsikhe. This was followed in emphasising dynastic succession. Otherwise Saurmag followed the established policy of consolidation and marital alliances by taking as wife an Iranian noblewoman from Aghvank. He also associated Ainina, the goddess of fertility and water courses, to the cult of Armazi. Likely connected to the Tkwarua River, if not its outright deified form. Saurmag I never had a son, but two daughters. Whom he married to Kuji II of Egrisi and his wife's nephew. Thus the latter, Mirvan, succeeded Saurmag I as his adopted son in the early 2nd century BCE, without any dynastic crisis, for men and women alike were considered Mepe in Kartli. He brought another female deity, Danina, a celestial daughter and mother of creatures figure to Mtskheta. However after 189 BCE Artakhshas I of Hayasdan defied Seleukid authority and occupied Kartli as far as the Tkwarua River. While the mountain tribes took this as an opportunity to revolt against the Kartvelian Mepe. Nevertheless Mirvan I defeated them and erected fortifications, like Nelkarisi, to block the mountain passes. Although Antiochos IV Epiphanes eventually bested Artakhshas I, Seleukid power collapsed in the 140s BCE and Mirvan I now looked for protection in Pahlava. Thus Kartli switched allegiances and when Hayasdan became a dependency of Pahlava around 120 BCE, the Mepe married his daughter to one of the now pro-Arshakid sons of Artakhshas I. This allowed a new economic growth, owing to the Pahlavan trading network, and the Mepe's son Pharnajom I promoted urbanisation toward the end of the 2nd century BCE, attaching quarters to the fortifications of Kartli. He also founded Tsitsamuri North of the Tkwarua River, a mountaintop fortress to Zaden, god of fertility. However Pharnajom I opted for the introduction of Zoroastrian fire worship at the temple of Armazi. This granted him even greater recognition at the Pahlavan court, but it caused an uproar among his nobles, who now saw in the Hai grandson of Mirvan I their Mepe and urged for the deposition of Pharnajom I. An invasion thus took place and, although supported by Adurbadegan, Pharnajom I was killed in battle and Kartli fell under Hai jurisdiction. Nevertheless the newborn son of Pharnajom I survived and was brought to the Pahlavan court, while the Hai prince became Arshak I of Kartli. Who throughout his reign supported his uncle Tigran II of Hayasdan, in the latter's bid for independent rule. Around 67 BCE Arshak I was succeeded by his son Artag I, who was caught in the counterattack by Pahlava and the SPQR against Hayasdan. In 65 BCE Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs launching a sudden invasion, ended Artag I's brief reign and installed his son Pharnavaz II as a Roman Cliens. Later in 36 BCE the now mature Mepe joined Aghvank in revolt against Roma, but the Antonian Legatvs Pvblivs Canidivs Crassvs managed to subdue Pharnavaz II into an alliance. However around 30 BCE Pharnajom I's son came back to Kartli with a Pahlavan army, killing Pharnavaz II and becoming Mepe Mirvan II. Instead of opposing him, Avgvstvs recognised Mirvan II as an ally and the latter's successors would become instrumental in the Romano-Pahlavan wars over Hayasdan.

Strategy

With its central location amidst the Kaukasos Mountains, Kartli is the perfect base to control the whole region. Although its capital stands safely between a river and impassable ranges, its ruler should not forsake the southern area. For this brings much agricultural revenue and connects Karthli to major trading routes. Equally valuable are the eastern and western passes, whence the ruler of Karthli should make certain to at least exercise influence. Thankfully the local tribesmen provide excellent warriors, capable of achieving just that goal and push beyond.

The team historians might want to change something in the late 2nd and 1st centuries narrative, which is truly a source for historical headaches lol

GO ARJOS!!! Every now and then we get something very interesting to read (for those of us who are not familiar with the particulars of each province). The text of course could use a little polishing, but I for one am looking forward for the next one!

Pokr Hayk:

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Province: Pokr Hayk

Traveller's Log

Between the Paryadres and Antitauros Mountains the traveller finds a large and sufficiently fertile plateau. This is Pokr Hayk, a land governed by local Azatk who hold in subjection tribes of the Khalybi and Tibareni. The mountainous ranges are particularly suited to house fortifications, being well supplied with water and timber, but also intersected in many places by abrupt ravines and precipices. The local population is scattered in many villages and strongholds, often mining the mineral deposits in the mountains. Like in the vicinity of the Halys River, where the fortress of Kamisa can be found, which controls rock-salt mines. Farther East lays Dasteira, another mountain fortress, otherwise Pokr Hayk has great hunting grounds and pastures, the latter are particularly sought after for they can sustain tens of thousands of horses. There are no large urban centres in this region, but Ani-Kamah is a noteworthy emporion connecting Mikra Asia to the eastern trading routes. The settlement has an elevated quarter, housing a temple to Aramazd, while the remainder is situated on a slope ascending from the Euphrates Riverbank. To the East lay other strongholds like the temple estate of Erēz amd the fortresses of Zimara, Elegeia, Karin and Daskouta, which overlook iron and lead mines. Close to the passes of Mount Theches, towards Pontos Paralios, lays another flourishing emporion called Gymnias. Farther east near the Araks River source, stands the small town of Aza. The northern ridges belong to the independent Shkwiteni and Makromni, who are separated by the Harpasos River and the perpetually snow covered Mount Abos from the Phasiani. Whose district marks the border with Sophene and Hayasdan, where the landscape opens and becomes flatter. While in the northern district dwell the Speri, another local community of miners.

Geography

Pokr Hayk is characterised by a collection of depression plains, located between plateaux of a montane steppe nature. Here the winters have extreme temperatures, with heavy snows lasting for almost half of the year. Springs maintain heavy precipitations, turning abruptly into very dry and hot summers. Forest steppes are the most common feature, comprised of oaks, scots pines, wild orchards, oriental planes, alders and junipers. The region is also remarkable for its biodiversity consisting of otters, wild goats, bears, wolves, red foxes, boars, ibexes, trouts, chukars, partridges and eagles. Although the abundance of pastures made animal husbandry the main economic activity, hollow plains sheltered from cold were suitable for agriculture. Allowing the growth of wheat and barley, but also that of fruit trees and vines.

The People, Society and Government

The Haikh of Pokr Hayk in the Hellenistic period belonged mostly to the higher social classes. They controlled large estates and strongholds, whence they oversaw the agricultural, pastoral and mineral productions. These activities were carried by the Khalybi, whom the Hellenes perceived as subjects, but they probably did not own the land and simply worked it. Although the Azatk class came to prominence due to its assistance first to the Mādai and later to Pârsa, its members in all likelyhood were not imposed foreign lords. Rather since the Bronze Age existed in the region a confederation called Hayasa, or land of Hay. Its inhabitants eventually became subordinates of Biainili, the Early Iron Age polity centered in the Armenian plateau. But towards the end of the 7th century BCE the Hai revolts were successful and overthrew Biainilian suzerainty, allowing the subsequent acculturation to result in the birth of Hayasdan. Thus it is unclear whether there really was another group defined as Khalybi or Chaldaioi. Even if that was the case, by the end of the 5th century BCE any distinction was gone and a common culture had already developed. Indeed during the Roman Principate these people were so different from the Khalybi of Pontos Paralios, that they warranted the name Armenochalybes. It is far more likely that they took an active part in the formation of Hayasdan and their name was connected to the Biainilian highest god Khaldi, but were less in contact with Iranian customs, something the Azatk were more prone to adopt, thus appearing as more Anatolian in character and a confused archaic name was preserved to describe them. In fact there were older cults to Arev, the sun, and Lusin, the moon, which lack exact equivalents in Persian religion. This strong local belief caused only a slight syncretic forms of Zoroastrianism, mainly an association of divinities. But Anatolian connations were always prominent: fire-worship is attested only from the very end of the Hellenistic period and the Kurmk, or priests, were fundamentally different and often were younger sons of the Hai Arkah, preserving older practices. The light and the sun held such prominence, that even heliotropic plants were revered. There existed also a duality of good and evil, the latter often taking the form of pernicious beings. Of these preeminent were the Vishaps, or dragons, which incidentally were assimilated to the Mādai. However they were still objects of worship, perhaps as some sort of guardians, with large carved stones erected near watercourses. The legendary dragon Àdahak was extremely important in the Armenian imagination, probably as an echo of a cosmological view for interdependent opposite forces. Indeed beneficent figures carried the epithet of 'dragon-strangler' or 'dragon-reaper'. Thus Mihr was identified with the Hurrian god Kummarbi, who created a monster to kill his son, the latter being Vahagn for the Haikh. This apparently developed into a conflict between the cults, but again interdepent and for example the ruler of Western Armina at the time of Alexandros III of Makedonia was called Mithravahishta, courting the favour of both gods. These traditions survived to the Modern period, indeed the Armenian Cross itself is supported on tongues of flame and has at its center a sunburst. In Medieval folksongs there are mentions to the faith of light as well and even the small group of Armenian Zoroastrians identified their community as the Arewordik, or Children of the Sun. Another important deity was Anahit, known by the epithet Tikin, or the Lady. She was associated with fertility and the moon, called by the epithet golden mother, she was considered a merciful and kind deity, whose help was sought in cases of severe illness and distress. Like other Anatolian worships, her temple at Erēz had sacred prostitution and other forms of devotion towards the goddess. Anahit Tikin seems to have assimilated celestial and luminous features, indeed cattle bearing the brand of a star and of a crescent were slaughtered during her festivals. These consisted in pilgrimages to her temple, where a heifer was sacrified and, following a feast, Anahit Tikin's statue was crowned with wreaths. This goddess held such prominence that most of Pokr Hayk came to be known by her name and the Hai Arkah made annual visits to her temple. Specifically the Arshakuni had to rely heavily on this custom of homage to gain acceptance from the Haikh.

The Sasperi were a proto-Kartvelian tribe that, together with the Taokhi, had already established a confederation in the late Bronze Age. However Kolkhian and Biainilian expansion overran it and caused its downfall in the early Iron Age. Nevertheless the Sasperi managed to remain in control of their highlands and continued to be proficient metal workers. It is thought that a compound or distortion of their name gave rise to the Hellenic Iberia and that memory of the Bronze Age tribal union stuck with the later Kartvelian state. Indeed several groups migrated from the region to Kartli, where they joined in the making of the Kartvelebi. First it was the Persian expansion that caused one such movement, although other Sasperi were levied in the Persian army. While in the late 4th century BCE a certain Menon was dispatched by Alexandros III, to support the Makedonian appointed Satrapes Mihran of Hayasdan in taking over gold mines from the Sasperi. Archaeology has substantiated such a campaign through the discovery of stone projectiles for torsion weapons from that very period. Despite all these attacks, the Sasperi endured throughout the ages and would eventually support the Arshakuni royal family of Hayasdan. This brought an incredible turn of fortunes for a noble family of the Sasperi, the Pakraduni. Who were granted the hereditary titles of Aspet, or master of the horses, and Tagadir, or bestower of the crown. Later, during the Medieval period, this resourceful family would supply both Kartli and Hayasdan with monarchs, whose descendants live on to this day.

The Makromni were a proto-Kartvelian mountain tribe. They seem to have been a source for slaves in the Hellenic world, whether obtained through warfare, local exchanges, or both is unclear. Nevertheless these independent minded people could be both warlike and very hospitable. They are described as wearing garments made of hair, wooden helmets, small wicker shields and short spears with long blades. The latter were particularly revelant, for the Makromni offered them when exacting solemn pledges.

History

Unfortunately very little is known about Pokr Hayk in the 3rd century BCE. However this region managed to retain autonomy, for it does not seem like any neighbouring polity annexed it. Indeed of all the lands of the Hay, Pokr Hayk probably was the more Hellenised and the local Azatk probably sided with the Seleukidai to preserve their position. For all that was required of them was just a nominal suzerainty, still cordial relations were kept also with the Yervanduni of Hayasdan. Perhaps the self-styled Mithras, Basileus of the Armadoeiroi, was one such Dynastes from Pokr Hayk. In 212 BCE Antiochos III of the Seleukidai, through a show of force, obtained arrears of tribute and a contribution from Sophene. As part of the new political settlement his sister, Antiochis, married the local ruler. However this was later poisoned and for the moment it seems Antiochis took over the administration, in the name of her son-in-law or at least oversaw it. When Antiochos, now known as Megas, came back from his Anabasis, he instigated the removal of the Yervanduni. This call was taken up by a minor branch of the family, whose members the Seleukid Basileus Megas granted the title of Strategoi. At this point is unclear what came to be of Antiochis and her natural son, from a previous unknown union, Mithradates. But later in 189 BCE those appointed Strategoi claimed independent royal status, in opposition to the Seleukidai, expanding as far as the source of the Euphrates River. At the same time appeared a certain Mithradates as Basileus of Pokr Hayk, who was a staunch pro-Pontic ally, supporting Pharnakes I of Pontos in his forlorn war against Pergamon and its allies. Although conjectural, it is possible that surrounded by hostile and powerful Hai rulers, Antiochis and her son retreated to Pokr Hayk, seeking at the same time the assistance of their Pontic relatives. On the other hand the local Azatk obtained great influence and resisted the aggressive expansion of the newly independent Hayasdan, something Pokr Hayk appears to have cherished since its foundation. Whatever the case, this Mithradates of Pokr Hayk had enough status and recognition to rally thousands of cavalrymen and be a cosigner for the peace brokered by the SPQR in 179 BCE. Throughout the 2nd century BCE Pokr Hayk preserved its autonomy, possibly under the Dynasteia initiated by Mithradates I, but around 115 BCE Antipatros I of Pokr Hayk died and bequeathed his land to Pontos. From then on the Haikh supplied several contingents for the Pontic armies and garrisons. Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos was particularly active in Pokr Hayk, establishing royal treasures and expanding the local settlements. But his subsequent defeats, especially being chased out of Dasteira, brought the region under Roman influence. Thus in 63 BCE the Galatian Tetrarches Deiotaros Philorhomaios was granted Pokr Hayk, which he managed to keep throughout the troubled years of Caesar's Civil War. After that Antonian influence in Asia decided political matters and the Roman installed royal family of Pontvs ruled over Pokr Hayk until 62 CE, when it was annexed by Avgvstvs Nero.

Strategy

Pokr Hayk is an important communication route of Mikra Asia, moderately rich, particularly in valuable mineral resources. It is also home for developed military traditions, that would serve well any ruler. All of this makes this region an asset not to be overlooked, by any power in the area.

A couple of points you might consider elaborating on or clarifying:

a)Biainilian dominance

b)Although conjectural, it is possible that surrounded by hostile and powerful Basileis, Antiochis and her son retreated beyond the Euphrates River, seeking the assistance of their related Pontic Basileis.

Thanks I've rephrased them, I hope it's clearer now ^^

Actually no. Not to me anyhow. Here's what popped in my mind when I read those particular bits.
a) "Biainilian wtf is that???" Went online to find more info... still vague... a dynasty of some sort. But in my opinion that dynasty should have been introduced at an earlier point of your choosing in the text. So who were these Biainilians?

b) "What on earth were Pontic rulers doing across the Euphrates? Especially at a time of significant Seleucid power..." Any particular rulers in mind? I guess what I'm trying to say is I do not see the conjecture. And nothing in depth is asked for; just an outline would suffice, as far as I am concerned.

Let me just add that I enjoyed reading yet an other regional description by Arjos on somewhat overlooked places of the ancient (Hellenistic) world.

Ahhh I see :P

Originally Posted by kdrakak

a) "Biainilian wtf is that???" Went online to find more info... still vague... a dynasty of some sort. But in my opinion that dynasty should have been introduced at an earlier point of your choosing in the text. So who were these Biainilians?

Biainili is the native name of Urartu. The latter being an Assyrian exonym. I fixed it further, hopefully all these paraphrases aren't worsening it...

b) "What on earth were Pontic rulers doing across the Euphrates? Especially at a time of significant Seleucid power..." Any particular rulers in mind? I guess what I'm trying to say is I do not see the conjecture. And nothing in depth is asked for; just an outline would suffice, as far as I am concerned.

No, Antiochis and her son Mithradates possibly installed themselves in Pokr Hayk (beyond the Euphrates), as allies of Pontos (which really is geographically on the other side of said river, not adjacent ofc :P). Which was the neighbouring power, whose rulers were related to the Seleukidai at this time. In a matter of less than 5 years or so, a very pro-Pontic (although depending on how you look at it, he was fighting against all the turncoats that sided with Roma. Very philo-Seleukid of him :P) ruler of Pokr Hayk called Mithradates showed up. The conjecture is that he was Antiochis' son.

Otherwise seeing this man as a local subdued dynast would warrant the question why would he ever stick with Pharnakes, when the latter was effectively against the whole world. Or he could have been Pharnakes' brother, but there is no mention of a co-regency (at the very beginning of Pharnakes' rule on top of that! Even if: really tight schedule to suddenly attack technically Seleukid territory, install a brother capable of commanding local loyalty and start a war with Pergamon). Plus such an attack by Pontos on Pokr Hayk would've been very anti-Seleukid (very unlikely to have happened. And Pharnakes also expected to have Seleukos IV join him as an ally). Also Polybios speaks of Mithradates as Satrap of Lesser Armenia (it would be very weird for a subordinate to be needed as cosigner of a treaty), looking very likely that he was there in the name of the Seleukidai. This Mithradates also had stipulated on his own a treaty with Pergamon in the aftermath of Apameia (again what a bliztkrieg by Pontos if that was really his brother <-sarcasm XD). So it is even possible that Pokr Hayk already belonged to Antiochis' influence as Basilissa of Sophene (in Antiochos III Megas' political reshaping of the area) and her natural son might've been granted that strip of land by royal authority. But once the Artakhshuni claimed independence, this Mithradates of Pokr Hayk would've been quite isolated and had to act on his own (might have just as easily been the common case of a "satrap" being allowed to style himself as king. Something the Yervanduni enjoyed too under the Seleukidai. Thus his treaty with Pergamon wouldn't have even been "illegal" on Mithradates' part. Not to mention that the peace of Apameia itself might've cut him loose: Pokr Hayk is and isn't inside the Tauros. But since there's no previous mention of such a satrap there or archaeological evidences, his position would've been a very recent one).

Bottom line this is one of those identity puzzles of history and I've given what I feel is the likeliest version :)

OK. This makes more sense now :)
Thanx for clarifying.

Insulating a roof, commuting, uni and its related bureaucracy tried to stop this... But by Toutatis here's Sophene XD

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

Province: Sophene

Traveller's Log

The traveller descends from the heights of the Tauros Mountains and enters Sophene, an Armenian district holding vital crossings over the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. For this reason the Seleukidai make certain that trusted people oversee this region, which used to belong to the estates of the Yervanduni. First is Samosata, a strong fortress, surrounded by a small but very rich country. It was founded by Samus, the Avag Sepuh of Hayasdan, to protect the northernmost Mesopotamian bridge over the Euphrates River. To the East lays Karkathiokerta commanding a beautiful and extensive plain. Which is enclosed by Mount Masios to the South, the Antitauros Mountains to the North and Mount Nibaros to the East. Following the Tigris River eastwards the traveller encounters Amida, a very ancient settlement serving as an important emporion. Then the countryside becomes more rugged and difficult to traverse, but eventually flattens farther to the South-East. There the district of Mygdonia is located, where Alexandros Megas founded a strategically invaluable stronghold overlooking Mesopotamia. This settlement keeps on growing, thanks to the flourishing trade, and the Seleukidai have renamed it Antiocheia Mygdonias. While to the North, past the Tigris River, the well watered district of Arzanene can be found. This is extremely fertile, possessing also excellent pastures, but even more valuable are its iron and lead mines.

Geography

Sophene is a province rich in herbaceous plants, but at the same time experiences dry and hot summers, characterised by droughts and heavy snowfall during cold winters. Thankfully the surrounding mountain ranges manage to curb prevailing winds, which carry most of the rain over the fertile plains in autumn and spring. Sophene contains most of the coniferous forests, being comprised by Anatolian black pine, Taurus fir and juniper trees. While Arzanene, which is more humid, holds deciduous forests of hornbeams, hop hornbeams, oaks and many maple species. Also dominant in this district are xeric alpine meadows. Roaming through the valleys are wild goats, fallow deers, brown bears, grey wolves, lynxes, caracals and even sporadically Caspian tigers and Anatolian leopards. The rivers are also teeming with large freshwater carps.

The People, Society and Government

The Haikh of Sophene, more than any other Haikh, were deeply influenced by Mesopotamian and Syrian communities, whom they both resisted or mixed with. One of the main most relevant deities was Tiur, the scribe of Aramazd, being an Iranian syncretism of the Babylonian Nabu. For the Haikh Tiur was the patron of learning, wisdom and writing, capable of imparting oracles to man through dreams. His arrow-like symbol shaped the underlying idea of Tiur's conception, for he came to be associated with the missile as well, but also to the fast moving rivers of Mesopotamia. Indeed temples and foundations dedicated to Nabu-Tiur were erected in the vicinity of such water courses. Moreover divination, one of Tiur's arts, extented to the waves and foam of Euphrates and Tigris Rivers, to which were offered horses as a sacrifice. Particularly the Tigris was named after this duality for swiftness and arrows, becoming so relevant to the Haikh that it replaced its older Armenian form Tiran in favour of the Iranian borrowing Tigran. All these features might help explaining his interpretation as Apollon, even though Tiur did not hold any solar character. Far from it he was also the god who conducted the dead into the nether world. This survived in common Armenian imprecations: "May the writer carry him!" or "The writer for him!". It should not then come as a coincidence, that Tigran II Mets of Hayasdan picked a site by the Tigris for his capital of Tigranakert. There he also first assumed the diadem, under his patron deity's blessing. The impressive foundation attempted to become the new cultural and political center of civilisation, inviting scholars and artists of the time. It was also made possible by the forced relocation of neighbouring communities, along with several statues of various deities from disparate cultures. But this metropolitan aesthetic show aimed to display just that motley of traditions that converged in Sophene, the perfect location for the Tigran II's imperial designs. To these the Hellenistic ones also played an important role. For the Seleukidai was mandatory to exercise authority that was more than nominal in Sophene. Thus the local Azatkh came to be very Hellenised, actively supporting Seleukid interests, which in time allowed such people to establish royal Dynasteiai in Hai lands. These in Sophene kept a Hakhāmanišiyā administrative structure based on estates, agriculture and rural life. Their inhabitants and the revenues they produced were assigned to cult centers, whose festivals offered identity to the populance. But the Seleukidai introduced political officers and judges, who were retained along with the increasing adoption of Attic Koine in official documents over Aramaic. However Armenian traditions were not forgotten, in fact the Haikh of Sophene held in particularly high esteem Vahagn the Vishapakagh, or dragon-reaper. This sun, lightning and earthly fire youthful god was thought to be the son of primordial forces, especially of the sea, whence he returned every day to rejuvenate. Described as possessing hair of fire, a beard of flames and suns as eyes, Vahagn was the national hero friend to mankind par excellence. His legends often saw him battling evil and opposing foreign deities, for example stealing straw, to be used as fuel, from the Syrian Ba'al Shamin during a cold winter, which dropped along as the heavenly thief hurried away forming the Milky Way. He was also cherished for his courage and prowess, which royal families associated to themselves, invoking Vahagn in their edicts. Along with the moon, Vahagn as the sun presided over oaths. Also his manifestation as the hearthfire protected the ancestors' spirits, but was also the symbol of home-life. These traditions survived to this day, whereby bride and groom, as they enter the new family home, kiss the fireplace and circle around it. From it brands were also taken, when any member went forth to found a new home. Vahagn also carried connotations of fertility as the bringer of rain, this relation with water was also expressed by extinguishing fires into water. Because it was thought to reunite siblings to the same source substance, a reminder to Vahagn's primordial origins and rejuvenation. Indeed flaky ashes of oak-fire in water were considered a potent healing mixture down to the Modern Age. Another of Vahagn's adventures was taking Astghik from Ba'al Shamin as his lover. Known as the little bride, she was the goddess of love and her sanctuary was known as Vahagn's chamber. Astghik was incredibly popular in Sophene and the neighbouring regions, legends tell about young Haikh men endeavouring to catch a glimpse of her beauty at sunrise, while she is bathing in river springs. She held cosmological features, being recognised as the planet Venus, diplaying benevolent healing powers.

The Magdoi inhabited the plain South-East of Mount Masios, but unfortunately nothing else is known about them. Except that due to the phonetic similarity, the Makedones decided to rename their land Mygdonia as per a common practice that developed in the Hellenistic period. This cause much confusion, forging invented Thracian origins, but these do not have any other backing. Indeed Xenophon first mentioned them as Magdoi, being levied alongside the Chaldaioi and Armenioi to fight in the Persian armies. Although he did not specify their ethnic history, it could safely be inferred from their deployment, that they were a tribe related to the Haikh, perhaps their southermost enclave.

History

The rising ascendancy of Seleukos I Nikator in the late 4th century BCE brought Sophene and Hayasdan under his influence. Specifically Sophene appears to have belonged to the Yervanduni estates since Hakhāmanišiyā suzerainty and its rulers then acknowledged Seleukid power. However Seleukos I's assassination in 281 BCE fired up political chaos and seems that the Yervanduni attempted to entrench in Sophene, asserting their independence. This task was probably given to Samus, the Avag Sepuh of Hayasdan, who likely held some sort of co-regal power at the time. However Antiochos I Soter managed to defeat the rulers of Hayasdan and re-establish their tributary status around 274 BCE. Relations remained uncertain and later in 260 BCE it seems that Antiochos II looked favourably on Arsham, the son of Samus, backing his ploy to take sole power in Hayasdan. Thus after getting rid of relatives, Arsham I took over all the Hai lands as a Seleukid Satrapal Arkah. Losing no time he consolidated his holdings and founded Arsamosata near the Euphrates River, which became a secondary capital. He even supported in 254 BCE a dynastic conflict in Bithynia that ended in favour of his guest and pretender Zileilas. Even greater opportunities presented themselves in 246 BCE, when it was the Arche Seleukeia that experienced a succession crisis. Arsham I sided with Antiochos Hierax and gained the neighbouring district of Kommagene to the West. There he built two fortresses, both called Arsameia, to hold chokepoints and protect his new frontier. It seems that everything paid off in 228 BCE with Arsham I's death, leaving to his sons two powerful and established realms, surrounded by a crumbling Arche Seleukeia and no strong polity to oppose them. However the brilliant new Seleukid Basileus, Antiochos III, reaffirmed his Dynasteia prominence and in 212 BCE he besieged Arsamosata in order to subdue Shavarsh I of Sophene and Kommagene. This quickly welcomed his new sovereign and married his sister Antiochis, who the following year had him murdered upon discovering that Shavarsh I was plotting to betray the Arche Seleukeia. It seems that at this point it was Antiochis who exercised the real power in Sophene, as guardian of her son-in-law Zareh. Who was later backed by Antiochos III Megas around 200 BCE in overthrowing his uncle in Hayasdan. There he set up his own son Artakhshas with the title of Strategos, as Zareh himself was, to serve as Seleukid representatives. Thankfully for them by 189 BCE their sovereign had been wholly defeated by a Roman led coalition, which offered them the possibility for expansion and independence. Indeed both claimed the royal diadem, father as Arkah of Sophene and son that of Hayasdan. An event followed by massive and aggressive military campaigns, Zareh I expanded as far as the Euphrates River in Pokr Hayk and Kataonia to the West. Together with his son, Zareh I firmly established claims over all the Kaukasian peoples, consolidating their Dynasteia leading all the Haikh. Both enjoyed long reigns, but in 163 BCE Zareh I's death caused discord among his sons. A younger one, Mihrbarzan sought the assistance of Ariarathes III Eusebes Philopator of Kappadokia to succeed in Sophene. While at the same time Artakhshas I offered the Kappadokian Basileus to invade the province and split it between them, but this was rejected and Mihrbarzan I was installed at Arsamosata. However the Seleukid Epistates of Kommagene, Ptolemaios a Hellenised Azat, which had been recaptured by Antiochos IV Epiphanes two years before, now exploited the uncertain political climate of the area. Confident about his well fortified position in Kommagene, which had been expanded at the expenses of Sophene and now had Samosata as its capital, he declared himself Basileus claiming to be a grandson of Arsham I. Sophene was now divided and Kommagenian power was quickly growing, although it still was a minor regional one. Around 150 BCE Morphilig I succeeded Mihrbarzan I in Arsamosata, while in 130 BCE Samus I of Kommagene took over royal power, after the death of his father Ptolemaios I, in Samosata. Looking for a powerful ally, Samos II Theosebes Dikaios married a Pontic princess, who bore his successor Mithradates. The latter was married also to Laodike Thea, daughter of the Seleukid Antiochos VIII, as part of a conciliation by Samos II with Dynasteia of Syria, which in turn recognised Kommagene as an independent polity. Thus in 109 BCE Mithradates I of Kommagene succeeded his father and at about the same time Arsamosata saw the ascension of Artan I, who was defeated in the late 90s BCE by Tigran II of Hayasdan, with Pahlavan assistance, annexing Sophene. Unable to resist the Pahlavan army, Mithradates I holed up in Arsameia on the Nymphaios River, where he built royal monuments, and kept a watchful eye on the political developments of his time. Help from the Seleukid Basileus Antiochos X Eusebes Philopator came to nothing, for he died in battle. However the death of Mithradates II Epiphanes of Pahlava in 88 BCE caused an abrupt power vacuum. Which Tigran II, assuming the title of Arkahitsh Arkah Mets, filled in the middle of the 80s BCE at the zenit of his power. Then he boasted his new position by founding Tigranakert on the Tigris River, surrounded by powerful walls, so thick that warehouses and stables were built into them. The impressive capital became also a cultural centre, described as rich and beautiful, where every man studied to adorn it even further. However in 71 BCE Tigran II Mets became a Roman enemy, when he gave refuge to his father-in-law Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysos of Pontos. Thus the Proconsvl Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs quickly invaded Sophene in 69 BCE, attempting to seize the treasury at the still under construction capital of Tigranakert to finance his campaign. Indeed at the time Tigran II Mets was dealing with revolts in Syria led by Antiochos XIII, son of Antiochos X, who was trying to restore Seleukid power. Nevertheless Tigran II rushed to Tigranakert and managed to secure a good portion of the riches stored there, while stalling the besieging Roman troops. Then the Hai Arkahitsh Arkah Mets fell back to the mountain ranges and initiated a hit-and-run campaign assisted by great many people, appalled by Roman depredations. Meanwhile Tigranakert was holding on its own, naphtha made probably its first appearance in a military context, but the Hellenic mercenaries eventually prefered to open the gates to the Roman Proconsvl. Despite the initial successes, along with installing Antiochos XIII Dionysos Philopator Kallinikos as a Cliens, Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs was unable to catch Tigran II, subsequently suffering mutinies, loses and a direct defeat. Forcing the Senatvs to recall him in 67 BCE, leaving Asia in the hands of Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs. To make things worse Tigran II's own son, also called Tigran, unable to bear any longer the fact that his septuagenarian father was still an active ruler, decided to start a civil war with both Roman and Pahlavan assistance. But Tigran II Mets cleverly dealt with the situation in a single act: he unconditionally submitted to Cnaevs Pompeivs Magnvs, paying him off substiantially. Thus he became overnight a Roman Amicvs, enjoying the protection of the SPQR. While his son had to content himself with Sophene, but instead this Tigran brusquely complained about this resolution and ended up strangled during the Pompeian Trimphvs in Roma. By 63 BCE Sophene had been split by Roman will between Kappadokia, Hayasdan and Kommagene. The latter being ruled since 70 BCE, by one of the most ingenious political mind of the time: Antiochos I Theos Dikaios Epiphanes Philorhomaios Philhellenos. Son of Mithradates I Kallinikos of Kommagene, Antiochos I managed to keep friendly relations with both the SPQR, which entrusted him with Mesopotamia as far as the Euphrates River, and Pahlava, marrying off one daughter in the latter's royal family. Thus Antiochos I styled himself as Basileus Megas and during the Romano-Pahlavan wars he would allow armies to cross via Kommagene, but at the same time notify of it the opposing side. Or he would forestall damage to his countryside by supporting whomever held the upper hand, bribing and welcoming refugees. At Arsameia he erected a Hierothesion, initiating a dynastic cult, and also engaged in great works to improve his urban centres. But eventually both Roma and Pahlava found his particular neutrality uncomfortable. Antiochos I was thus besieged by the Trivmvir Marcvs Antonivs, even though he had promised an indemnity to resume his position as Amicvs. Eventually buying off the Roman army for less than a third of what he was willing to pay already. Later in 36 BCE he was murdered by a Pahlavan hired assassin, leaving Kommagene to his descendants, who would be thoroughly Romanised and dependent on the will of the Roman Princeps. Moreover members of the Kommagenian family would remain prominent Cives in Roma well into the 2nd century CE.

Strategy

Sophene is a remarkable province, for it is geographically well defended and rich in natural resources. Moreover its position makes it the perfect centre of power to control northern Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions. A wise ruler should always be confident regarding this province's defenses, keeping its invaluable crossroad safeguarded, facilitating commercial traffic.

Fascinating.

For what I can tell these are done:

Africa: Gaetulia, Kush, Kyrenaia

Armenia/Caucasus: Kartli, Pokr Hayk, Sophene

Asia: Bithynia, Galatia, Ionia, Kappadokia, Kappadokia Pontika, Karia, Lydia, Mysia, Pamphylia, Phrygia, Pontos Paralios, Rhodos

Hellas/Makedonia: Aitolia, Attike, Krete, Makedonia

Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Hyrkania, Karmania, Persis



These are still to be done (with the claimed ones in bold):

Africa: Byzakion, Di'Amat, Erythraia, Libye, Maqom Hadesh, Mauretania, Numidia, Numidia Massaesili, Oasis Megale, Phasania, Rus Lixus, Syrthim, Tiskat, Triakontaschoinos

Armenia/Caucasus: Adiabene, Adurbadegan, Aghvan, Egrisi

Asia: Kilikia

Balkans: Dalmatia, Dardanoia, Scorcouw, Illyria Hellenike, Thraikia Hypertera,

Hellas/Makedonia: Epeiros, Lakonike, Thessalia

Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Astauene (?), Drangiane, Elymais, Gabiene, Gedrosia, Hauratavish, Khoarene, Margiane (?), Media, Media Rhagiana, Paropamisadai, Parthyaia

By the way, at the moment I am way too busy, but perhaps in November I will take some of the African regions. I don't know anything about them atm, but one of my colleagues would and I will try to ask for some literature.

Krete is only partially done, doesn't deserve to be listed with the complete ones. I've still got more to do on that when I get some time to spare.

Originally Posted by Ailfertes

For what I can tell these are done:

Africa: Gaetulia, Kush, Kyrenaia

Armenia/Caucasus: Kartli, Pokr Hayk, Sophene

Asia: Bithynia, Galatia, Ionia, Kappadokia, Kappadokia Pontika, Karia, Lydia, Mysia, Pamphylia, Phrygia, Pontos Paralios, Rhodos

Hellas/Makedonia: Aitolia, Attike, Krete, Makedonia

Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Hyrkania, Karmania, Persis



These are still to be done (with the claimed ones in bold):

Africa: Byzakion, Di'Amat, Erythraia, Libye, Maqom Hadesh, Mauretania, Numidia, Numidia Massaesili, Oasis Megale, Phasania, Rus Lixus, Syrthim, Tiskat, Triakontaschoinos

Armenia/Caucasus: Adiabene, Adurbadegan, Aghvan, Egrisi

Asia: Kilikia

Balkans: Dalmatia, Dardanoia, Scorcouw, Illyria Hellenike, Thraikia Hypertera,

Hellas/Makedonia: Epeiros, Lakonike, Thessalia

Media/Persia/Eastern Satrapies: Astauene (?), Drangiane, Elymais, Gabiene, Gedrosia, Hauratavish, Khoarene, Margiane (?), Media, Media Rhagiana, Paropamisadai, Parthyaia

So nobody is doing Sparta? That's a bit of a surprise...

So I'll have another go at this... Lakonike for me plz.

Damn, It seems I forgot to do epeiros :/

I'm sorry for the inconvenience. It having a description at all is more important to me than actually "being in the game" so if anyone wants to write the description, feel free to do so.

Been very busy with a variety of things lately but I'm getting back around to this now. About halfway done with Parthyaia.

Just letting you know guys that thanks to our great new auxiliary RAWROMNOM all your already provided descriptions are now fully integrated into our build.

So if more of you want to see their text in the game as it first comes out it is the best time to start writing.

And once again many thanks to all contributors, this community makes us proud!