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  1. #1

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

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    Last edited by I Am Herenow; 05-22-2017 at 20:12.

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  2. #2
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Thanks, will edit everything tomorrow :)
    Much appreciated the general points, really needed them before starting another!

    Quote Originally Posted by I Am Herenow View Post
    To maintain consistency across the mod's descriptions we have decided to use British spelling throughout.
    Although @I Am Herenow could you explain this better? I've re-read Brennus' Combrogon and there are few native names. What criteria should I follow?

    Quote Originally Posted by I Am Herenow View Post
    I would advise against writing in the first person: I think it sounds cheesy. ... For similar reasons do not mention or reference "the reader"/"my readers"/... in a passage.
    BTW I was trying to make a pseudo-historian account (with a 3rd century point of view), giving the traveller a voice. Just an idea :P

    Quote Originally Posted by I Am Herenow View Post
    For instance, what do you mean by "better" here? And why is it better? Your overall point is unclear to me.
    When writing that, I was considering whether it would've been confusing or not to introduce sub-regional names. In the end it seemed better, instead of having a massive description dotted with landmarks, to have those sub-units. I also hoped, it conveyed the heterogeneity of Mysia...
    Last edited by Arjos; 05-06-2013 at 06:29.

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    Uergobretos Senior Member Brennus's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    One finally point is the traveller's log, for the sake of consistency, should be written in the third person.



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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

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    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Both parts should be fixed now, I restructured most phrases for a smoother read :P

    As for the British vs US conventions, I probably don't know them all and might've missed some...

  6. #6

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Hello, I've never participated in any discussions here although I lurk often in these forums. Since you asked for the public's help I think I could make a meaningful contribution in this sector. I'm not a professional historian but I have a keen interest in history.
    So, to get to the point, is Aitolia taken? If not, I'd be glad to write a description for the province.
    Last edited by spade; 05-06-2013 at 20:52.
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    Uergobretos Senior Member Brennus's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Feel free to give it a shot.



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  8. #8

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Brennus View Post
    Feel free to give it a shot.
    Alright, should I post a description here or send it over by PM?

    Edit:

    According to the map of the first page the border between Attike and Aitolia runs on the west side of what seems to be Parnassus mountain. As this is where the ancient region of Phocis was located does it mean that Phocis, along with Delphi etc, passes to Attike rather than Aitolia?
    Last edited by spade; 05-06-2013 at 21:36.
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

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    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Answering the points:

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Quote Originally Posted by I Am Herenow
    Neleus Who?
    The Aristotelian disciple, who inherited the library and then bequeathed it.

    Confusing location of bracketed clause: do you mean to say that Aristotle and Theophrastos were the scholarches in question?
    Yup.

    I do not understand what this last clause means.
    Saying that Teuthrania was the centre of the homeric Mysian kingdom.

    'Monophthalmos'?, You need to delete one of the two previous commas, depending on what you are trying to say: has it had a formidable defensive position since Monopht(h)almos, or has it been the seat of treasuries since then?
    Argh, yes I missed the "h" twice. I meant it has been a treasury since then.

    To whom?
    Kyzikos.

    Oddly phrased: do you mean that the Seleukids ordered that the poleis be garrisoned (by whomever), or that they themselves garrisoned the poleis?
    It was garrisoned by Pergamon at its own expenses, technically Seleukid, in the name of Antiochos. The order might've been Nikator's and recognized after his death.

    What does this mean?
    Mount Ida, omitting "Mount" might've made it more confusing, is particular for not really being a mountain per se, but a wide geographical area. Massif could describe it better.

    'The settlers' – presumably?
    Don't really follow this. The camp set up by the teucrian settlers. I've used a saxon genitive, if there's the need for a capitalized "T" I don't know lol

    Whom?
    Darius I/the Persians. Speaking of Marathon, I thought it was clear it was during the Achaemenid period.

    Presumably?
    Xenophon records that particular incident. I'd feel it is known and not presumed.

    What does this clause mean?
    That the Mysoi think highly of themselves and would follow only who they respect and/or fear. Not because of legitimacy.

    'Them with' – presumably?
    Thank you, yes "with" :)


    Random splitting it is :P

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 


    History

    The late 9th century BCE Neo-Hittite reliefs at Kargamiš, could be the earliest record for Mysia. The regent Yariri boasts how his renown reached, among other places, the land of the "Musai". Thus modern historians have linked the Mysoi to the "Muški/Moschoi", who invaded the Hittite region of Wiluša (the north-western portion of Anatolia), three hundred years prior the relief. These tribes served as warbands/mercenaries as far as the Caucasus. Assyrian records mention five kings, so at this time, much like for several centuries to come, Mysia was composed by tribes, under their respective chiefs, forming coalitions or joining larger forces.

    In the 8th century BCE Phrygian kingship developed and it held sway over the Mysoi. By the 7th century BCE, however Mysia was under Lydian supremacy and this condition continued until 546 BCE, when Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) conquered the region. He then left the famed Lydian treasury in the hands of Paktyes, who revolted and sought assistance at Kyme, where the Aioleis were growing weary of the Persian expansion. They went as far as seeking aid from Sparta, but nothing came of it and were defeated. Thus the people of Mysia recognized Persian suzerainty. Later in 497 BCE satrapal forces, largerly composed by Mysoi and Lydoi, were engaged against revolting Aioleis and Iones. In 480 BCE Khšayāršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I)'s invading army marched through Mysia, reaching Abydos where it crossed the Hellespontos over pontoon bridges.

    During the Pentekontaetia (the period of fify years), the coasts of Mysia joined Athenai in the Koinon Delion (Delian League), which quickly became more of an Arche (empire). This led to animosity and in 411 BCE, Abydos and Lampsakos were easily inspired to side with Sparta by Derkylidas, the whole of Troas followed suit. Thus the vital grain supply from the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) was in deep peril. All Athenai could do, pressed on many fronts, was mounting punitive raids. Claiming slaves and portable booty from Lampsakos (which lacked strong walls at the time) and exorting a large ransom from Kyzikos, to spare it a similar fate. However these tactics weren't enough and Athenai assembled a fleet, defeating in 410 BCE a Peloponnesian force in the waters of Abydos. Pressing on, the allied Athenian army, under Thrasyboulos, won an hard-fought battle at the shores west of Kyzikos. This instability caused the Mysoi to assert their independence and started raiding indiscriminately Persian estates. Prompting Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II), to send his son Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger) against them. Allowing the latter in 401 BCE to hire mercenaries, Xenophon and Oi Myroi (the Ten Thousand) among them. Later the Archagetes Agesilaos of Sparta (Agesilaus II) in 395 BCE, invaded Mysia to compel the Mysoi to join his army. Ravaging as far as Mount Olympos, each side ambushed the other until a truce was reached, to recover the corpses of the fallen. However the Mysoi weren't impressed enough and Agesilaos took revenge against Mysian communities on his way back.

    In 366 BCE Yervand of Hayasdan rose up against Artakhšaça of Pârsa (Artaxerxes II) and was joined by an alliance of other communities. However he betrayed them right away, in exchange of Mysia. Building something of a private kingdom. Leaderless the rebellion failed, but in 356 BCE the new Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings), of the same name, ordered the disbandment of private armies, causing yet another rebellion. Yervand, by this time minting gold coins at Pergamon in his own image, allied himself with Athenai and was ready to make his bid for power. Yet this time, outmanouvered at his own game, was confronted by a coalition of Pârsa, Thebai and perhaps Makedonia. So he decided to yield, being allowed to keep his estates in Mysia, with the exception of Pergamon.

    336 BCE saw the arrival of Macedonian forces under Parmenion, setting up at Abydos, they raided Persian assets and collected troops among Hellenes in the Mysian coasts. For the next couple of years, Memnon of Rhodos engaged the Makedones in a clever campaign of maneuver, catching isolated detachments, forcing Parmenion to fallback to Abydos. His strategy, however, wasn't followed any longer and in 334 BCE, Alexandros of Makedonia (Alexander III) secured Mysia at the River Grenikos. During the turmoil of the Diadochoi, in 322 BCE Krateros and 6.000 Macedonian veterans marched through Mysia, to cross over the Hellespontos. Athenai, being in open rebellion, had sent a fleet to secure her all-important grain supply. Once again near Abydos a battle was joined and Krateros was free to complete his trek. Later in 318 BCE ambitious Antigonos Monophthalmos of Phrygia seized the Propontis (Sea of Marmara) coast and gradually courted the Aioleis and poleis of the Hellespontos to ally with him. However with the battle of Ipsos (301 BCE), the Antigonid cause seemed helpless in Mikra Asia and Lysimachos of Thraikia happily obliged to fill that power vacuum, taking care of few staunch garrisons. He proved to be an effective ruler, securing Mysia by vigorous programs of city foundation or refoundation, military colonization and uniting Hellenic poleis in leagues, under governors of his choosing. One such figure was Philetairos, put in charge of Pergamon and its treasury of 9.000 silver talents. After the execution of Agathlokes (son and heir of Lysimachos), under false accusations in 283 BCE, a number of officers, including Philetairos, formed a conspiracy to defect in favour of Seleukos Nikator. It's possible that Philetairos offered to fund Seleukos' enterprises, drawing from the Pergamese treasury, in exchange of autonomy. The Asian Basileus, more interested in seizing Thraikia and Makedonia, accepted and thought he would deal with the ambitious eunuch on his way back. Fortunately for Philetairos, in 281 BCE Ptolemaios Keraunos assassinated Seleukos and Pergamon hastily recovered the latter's corpse. Properly cremated, it was sent to his heir Antiochos, who had finally reached Mikra Asia to deal with insurgents. This gesture convinced the Basileus of Philetairos' loyalty and allowed him to keep his autonomy.

    From then on Philetairos initiated his policy of euergesia (benefaction). For example, he gifted 600 shields to Kyme, receiving city honours, subtly bestowed during seleukid festivals. It is clear that the communities of Mysia seeked protection against the Galatai raiders and it is in this context that Philetairos established military colonies. These would form new ethnicities of mixed origins like the Mysomakedones and Mysotymoleitai, recording Mysian and Macedonian veterans forming new communities at the borders of Mysia. These liberties and the recent re-dating of early Pergamene coinage (bearing Philetairos image and now thought to be struck during his reign), suggest the adoption by Antiochos I of Achaemenid practices, granting such rights to local dynasts.

    In 263 BCE Eumenes I succeeded to power and faced a mercenary revolt (likely the military settlers), denoting some difficulties. These probably included a renewal of Galatian raids, which eventually forced Eumenes I to end them with a tribute. In the past it was thought, that Eumenes tried a breakaway from Seleukid authority, but this has come into question. First of all such a conflict stands solely on Phylarchos. An historical writer criticized by his contemporaries for falsifying and re-writing events to shock his audience. Plus during Eumenes I's reign, a Seleukid dating formula continued to be employed and Seleukid minting activity in Aiolis was increased. There's also an arbitration by Seleukos Kallinikos granting the Aeolian polis of Pitane to Eumenes I. All these activities following twenty years, after an alleged victorious engagement against Antiochos I, make the latter a distortion of events.

    In 237 BCE Attalos I, the Pergamene successor, won a battle in the Kaikos valley against Antiochos Hierax and his allied Galatai. This prompted Attalos I to assume the diadem. Hierax was a pretender, who had just defeated Kallinikos and established his own kingdom. Thus Attalos' actions were legitimized, for he owed no allegiance to the pretender. Faced with inefficient Seleukid control in Mikra Asia, which could not preserve stability, Attalos I made the choice to assume full authority. In 225 BCE, Seleukos Keraunos launched a campaign against Attalos I, but this does not imply that the latter's loyalty towards the legitimate Seleukid line and his resistance against usurpers, was unappreciated. What worried the Basileus of Asia, was the Pergamene influence spreading as far as the Tauros. However he was assassinated by his own troops and his relative Achaios vowed to continue his mission. The latter enjoyed great success, shutting Attalos inside Pergamon's walls, and realized that the diadem of Asia was better than loyalty. Once again Attalos found himself treading on a fine line between legitimacy and overstepping his bounds. In 216 BCE an agreement with Antiochos III was reached, for a joint campaign against Achaios: Pergamon was finally recognized as independent, but with rights only over Mysia. Attalos now pursued a cordial coexistence with Seleukid interests, concentrating on Makedonia and dedicating statues to, the now self-styled Basileus Megas (Great King) Antiochos III and Zeuxis.

    In 193 BCE, Attalos' successor, Eumenes II however realized that Pergamon could not expand without conflict with the Seleukidai. No matter how much independent he was, Seleukid superiority in Mikra Asia was apparent, where Antiochos Megas had even asserted dominance of the Troas. Eumenes II then refused to marry Antiochos Megas' daughter and furthered his relations with Roma, allies since Attalos' reign. In the ensuing war the Pergamese basileus organized the crossing of the Hellespontos for the Roman legiones. Withstanding a siege on Pergamon, Eumenes II was eventually victorious and his influence greatly extended. These larger borders of 187 BCE, brought the following conflicts away from Mysia, allowing Eumenes II to introduce a new monetary policy and embark on a lavish building programme, transforming Pergamon into one of the showpieces of the Hellenistic world. He extended the sanctuary of Athena Nikephoros, refounding the Nikephoria games, which reached panhellenic status. He also enlarged the Pergamon library, founded by his father Attalos I, to be second only to that of Alexandreia. Lastly he began the construction of the Great Altar, themed after the Gigantomachia, perhaps as a parallel to the Attalid struggle against the Galatai.

    His brother Attalos II, regent for Eumenes II's son, had continued this envisaged relationship of equals between Pergamon and Roma, but it became clear it was turning into a one-way dependency on the SPQR's goodwill. Therefore Attalos II mainly focused on holding the kingdom together and engaged in political intrigue, for example setting up, in 157 BCE, Alexandros Balas as Basileus of Seleukid Syria.

    In 138 BCE, after the death of his regent, Attalos III ascended to the throne. He seems to have had scholarly pursuits in botany and pharmacology, but was not much interested in governing. Still epigraphic evidence speaks of cultic benefactions and at least one military success. However his eccentricity forged, in posterity, an image of cruelty and misgovernment. But the records are vague and without foundation (the Roman Senatvs formally decreed all of Attalos III's acts valid), perhaps due to slander for a Basileus, who did not behave "kingly". In 133 BCE, dying childless, Attalos III bequeathed his possessions to "the Roman peole".

    A certain Aristonikos, of unknown origins, saw his chance for power and declared himself a bastard brother, assuming the diadem as Eumenes III. He faced fierce opposition from the poleis; while rulers from Bithynia, Pontos, Kappadokia and Paphlagonia already aimed at carving up the Pergamese kingdom. Eumenes III lacked support, only Phokaia joined him spontaneously, and suffered setbacks, so he resorted to freeing slaves, advocating radical changes for the suppressed rural populace. Defeated and captured in 129 BCE, he was paraded publicly in Roma and the Senatvs, judging Asia too unstable, assumed responsibility, forcing a settlement among the powers of the region.

    The Romani came to describe Pergamon's possessions as the "spoils of Asia", something all too clear from the overtaxation, which had left the people of Mysia seething over the collectors' arrogance and greed. So widespread was this sentiment, that in 89 BCE Mithradates VI of Pontos, having captured Manivs Aqvillivs, had him tied backwards on a donkey, paraded through towns until Pergamon and there poured molten gold down his throat. Still this wasn't enough, with the passing of winter, Mithradates VI now exploited this hatred for his gains, by sending letters to every poleis and governors instructing them to execute every single Romanvs living in Mikra Asia. By way of encouragement he offered a share in the property of the victims, freedom for every slave killing his Roman master and halving of debts. This unleashed a massacre of 80.000 people. At Adramyttion the killers drowned indiscriminately men, women and children. At Pergamon archers shot foreigners down, as these clung to the statues of the gods, seeking sanctuary in temples. Lastly, always per order of Mithradates VI, the corpses were thrown outside and left unburied.

    With the fortunes of war swinging towards the Roman side in 85 BCE, many in Mysia and Mikra Asia began to ask themselves what Roma would do to the region that had committed such atrocities and their loyalty to the Pontic cause started to waver. Mithradates VI certainly did not help the situation, when he deceived the Galatian aristocracy to join their hostage families at a banquet in Pergamon, promising a conciliation and massacrated them, except for three nobles, who managed to escape. At this point poleis simply refused entrance to Pontic troops. Mithradates answered by granting citizenship for resident aliens, freeing slaves and cancellation of debts; effectively establishing stasis (civic strife) in every poleis. This prompted several high-ranking Pergamenes courtiers and officials to form conspiracies to overthrow the Pontic basileus. They were, however, betrayed and tortured, revealing their fellow plotters, causing Mithradates to collect more information throughout other major poleis, eventually purging 1.600 people. This climate offered Gaivs Flavivs Fimbria, a political enemy of Svlla, who was left to his own devices, too good an opportunity to take over the riches of Mysia and its royal court. Quickly disposing of half-trained levies at the River Rhyndakos, Fimbria reached Pergamon and was informed that Mithradates had fled to Pitane in Aiolis, attempting a naval escape. At the harbour Mithradates was just ultimating the preparations, when both Fimbria and Lvcivs Licinivs Lvcvllvs, Svlla's subordinate, arrived one by land and the latter by sea. Here the genius of the Pontic basileus saved his skin once more, by offering to submit to the "official" Roman army (Fimbria's) he was free to sail away unopposed, since the domestic support for ending the war against Mithradates would've doomed Svlla. Having made clear how Mithradates and Svlla needed eachother at this stage, they met at Ilion and, in a show of realpolitik, brought an end to the First Mithridatic War.

    Fimbria and his men, as frustrated as it can be imagined they were, raced to the Troas, but found the meeting over and the populace, informed him, had entrusted itself to Svlla. The Roman general responded that the Troiani were already friends of the SPQR, so there was no reason to not let him enter. With the gates open, pillage and slaughter followed, what was not worth stealing was burned and "not a house, not a temple, not a statue was left standing". This forced, in 84 BCE, Svlla to cross once again, setting up a circumvallation. A desperate Fimbria, deserted by his men, took his own life. Woes for Mysia and Mikra Asia were not over, Svlla declared that Roma was owed 20.000 talents in reparations and back taxes; he also ordered his soldiers to be quartered by the locals, each family providing meals, an allowance and clothing to their "guests". If this was not enough, in 73 BCE Mithradates VI, who mustered another large army, descended into Mysia across the coast of the Propontis (Sea of Marmara). All major poleis either fell or opened their gates, except for Kyzikos. Besieging it turned out to be a logistical nightmare for Mithradates. Set backs, storms, dysentery, frozen winter cold and a Roman counter siege annihilated the Pontic army, as it tried to evacuate.

    In 48 BCE Pvblivs Servilivs Vatia Isavricvs, as the governor of Asia, declared Pergamon a democracy, reducing the amount of tribute owed to Roma and shifted tax collection to local aristocrats. The economy of the Mysian poleis slowly started to recover after a century of merciless exploitation. While the Mysian tribes of the interior, although taking part in the conflicts, managed to preserve their communities. It's recorded, for example, that Gaivs Jvlivs Caesar Octavianvs (Octavian) in 31 BCE named Kleon of the Abrettenoi, for switching sides during the civil war against Marcvs Antonivs, the priesthood of Komana. This Kleon must've been a priest-chief figure, because Strabon states he also was priest of Zeus Abrettenos. With his enhanced authority, Kleon expanded and refounded his hometown into Juliopolis. Lastly in 29 BCE Pergamon established games and a cult in honour of Roma and Octavianvs, this was to evolve, in the next century, into the practice of Neokoroi (temple-wardens) and the cult of the living emperor.
    Last edited by Arjos; 07-29-2013 at 19:07.

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  11. #11

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Here's the complete regional description for Aitolia. I reduced some parts but generally due to the loads of historical info available for Hellenic regions, compared to other places, I think it serves its purpose well. Perhaps the descriptions of some events prior to the EB time-frame could be briefer but I will leave that on the team to decide.

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Province: Aitolia



    Traveller’s Log:

    Shall the traveller leave the fertile plain of Boiotia and continue towards the direction of the setting sun, that person should find oneself in the land of Aitolia. Aitolia is home to the Phokaeis, the Ozolai Lokroi, the Aitoloi, the Akarnanes and the Dolopes. Any person travelling from Attike, Rhodos, Sikelia or some other place inhabited by proper Hellenes should be warned. Do not be fooled by the similarity of their language to that of the Spartiates or the Korinthioi. They are semi-barbarous people and although some of them live in small poleis, the majority is not accustomed to the civilised life of the polis preferring instead a life similar to that of the barbarous ethne of the north. It has to be stressed however that although the people of this land live a simple and unassuming life, they are fearsome warriors and hard as the land they inhabit. So, these people have recently shown great potential and perseverance. The inhabitants of Aitolia, together with the Malians of southern Thessalia, have formed the now mighty Aitolikon Koinon which rules this rugged land of high mountains, fabled caves and sacred springs.

    The first region under the Aitolikon Koinon one shall encounter on his travels is that of Phokis. Here, on the slopes of Parnassos mountain the Python guarded the Navel of the Earth until Apollo slew him and established his most sacred precinct, that of Delphoi.

    Leaving Delphoi and continuing west across the plain of Krissa, the traveller will reach the land of Ozolia Lokris also known as Esperia Lokris and its people are members of the Aitolikon Koinon. On the western edge of the plain of Krissa the traveller can visit the main polis of the Ozolai Lokroi which is called Amphissa. Beyond Amphissa lies the imposing Aselenon Oros. Continuing on a western or south-western course, the daring traveller would come upon the mountain range of Korax. It is of great height and similar to Aselenon. At this point, the traveller should reach Naupaktos, the main port of Ozolia Lokris.

    After Ozolia Lokris, the traveller will enter the region of Aitolia proper, home of the Aitoloi who are the founders of the Aitolikon Koinon. Aitolia is divided in two parts. The first is Archaia Aitolia, the original home of the Aitoloi and is bounded by the coast to the south, Acheloos river to the west, Euenos river to the east and Thermon to the north. The second is called Aitolia Epiktetos, which signifies that this part was acquired in a later time by the Aitoloi and is exclusively mountainous. The main polis in Aitolia is Thermon. It is one of the most important meeting places of the Aitolikon Koinon and serves as an administrative and religious centre for Aitolia.

    To the north of Aitolia Epiktetos, there are the mountains inhabited by the Dolopes. They are members of the Aitolikon Koinon and their land is no different to the mountains of Aitolia or Ozolia Lokris.

    To the west of Archaia Aitolia, after crossing the river Acheloos the traveller will find himself in Akarnania. The Akarnanes are reluctant members of the Koinon their relationship with the Aitoloi is uneasy as they inhabit one of the most fertile areas of Aitolia which they have to share with the Aitoloi. The main polis of the Akarnanes is that of Stratos situated inland, on the plain of Acheloos.

    Off the coast of Akarnania are several islands of note. The first is Leukas. Formerly a peninsula and part of Akarnania until the Korinthioi dug a canal on the isthmus thus separating Leukas from the coast. Some fifty stadia off Leukas one can find the islands of Kephallenia and Ithake. Kephallenia is a Tetrapolis and its land is mountainous. Ithake is much smaller but equally rugged. Further south, off the coast of Elis is Zakynthos. It is a wooded island with good soil. All these islands are rightly famous as in the past they belonged to the basileus of Ithake, the cunning Odysseus.


    Geography:

    The province of Aitolia roughly corresponds to the modern regional units of Phocis, Evrytania, Aetolia-Acarnania and most of the Ionian Islands.

    Modern Phocis consists of Ozolia Lokris and a part of ancient Phokis. The region is dominated by Mount Parnassus to the east, Mount Giona [ancient Aselenon] in the centre and the south-eastern slopes of Mount Vardousia [ancient Korax] to the west. The mountains are composed of limestone and are full of deep canyons, high cliffs, caves and sinkholes. Little open ground exists and is in the form of uplands that are best suited for pasture. All three mountains are rich in underground water and forested while their highest reaches boast an alpine climate. The region has little to show in the form of plains. That of Krissa is bounded by Giona to the north, Parnassus to the east and the sea to the south. It has good soil and is well suited to agriculture. The second is the alluvial plain of Naupactos and is similar to that of Krissa. In antiquity one river of note is mentioned; Hylaithos [modern Mornos]. Hylainthos flows south into the Corinthian Gulf close to Naupaktos.

    Ancient Akarnania and Aitolia proper form the modern regional unit of Aetolia-Acarnania. The north, north-east, south-east and west are dominated by mountains composed of limestone. These are covered by forests and ravines that render them almost inaccessible. Generally, they present an image similar to that of the mountains of Phocis. The most important are the Acarnanian Mountains to the west and Mount Panaitoliko to the north-east. The main river here is Acheloos flowing from north and into the sea to the south-west. The second river worthy of note is Euenos and flows to east of Acheloos in a roughly parallel course. The coast between Acheloos and Euenos consists of a fertile alluvial plain bounded to the north by a range of hills known in antiquity as Arakynthos. North of these hills the lakes Trichonis and Hyria can be found. Beyond these lakes the second plain of the region is located. Through it flows the river Acheloos. This plain is rich and fertile as well.

    The land of the Dolopes is part of modern Evrytania. It is dominated by Mount Tymphrestos, a southern extension of the Pindus mountain range. It is heavily forested and full of ravines making it difficult to traverse. This is where the springs of Sperchios River are located.

    Off the coast of Aetolia-Acarnania the majority of the Ionian Islands are clustered together. They are mountainous and forested with the exception of Zakynthos, which situated to the south, off the coast of the Peloponnese. It is an island similar to the others albeit with good soil suited to agriculture.


    The People, Society and Government:

    The people of Aitolia are mainly of Doric stock and speak the north-west variant of the Doric dialect. These are the Phokaeis, the Ozolai Lokroi, the Aitoloi, the Akarnanes and the Dolopes.

    The majority of the Phokaeis proper live outside the boundaries of the province of Aitolia are of mixed Achaean and Aeolic stock and speak the Aeolic dialect. They inhabit small poleis situated along both sides of the Kephissos River on the plain located immediately north of Mount Parnassos. However, their most prised possession is Delphoi, found on the western extremity of their country. Contrary to the Phokaeis of the plain, the inhabitants of Delphoi speak the Doric language. The plain of Krissa is suited for growing corn, vines and olive trees. Moreover, the forests of Parnassos are an excellent source of game and provide good upland pastures.

    Immediately west of the plain of Krissa is the land of the Ozolai Lokroi. Their land is mountainous and unproductive although the forests provide excellent game and the uplands are suited for pasture. Their armour and mode of fighting resembles that of the Akarnanes and Aitoloi. Their main polis is Amphissa and their main port is Naupaktos.

    To the west of Ozolia Lokris is the land of Aitolia proper which is divided into Archaia Aitolia and Aitolia Epiktetos. The Aitolia Epiktetos is inhabited by several people, not all of them being Hellenes. The mountains north of Naupaktos, on the border with Lokris, are inhabited by the Apodotoi who are not Hellenes. The Ophioneis live north of the Apodotoi and are divided in two tribes. The Bomies, most of them living around the source of Euenos and the Kallies who are concentrated around their main town, called Kallion. To the north of the Ophioneis dwell the Evrytanes whose language is unintelligible to proper Hellenes. Moreover, it is said that they engage in a cult of Odysseus, having an oracle of the hero in their possession. Each of these people is subdivided in village tribes. The villages they dwell are unfortified and their inhabitants rely on raising livestock, hunting and raiding in order to survive. They are hardy people and masters in the use of the javelin. Northwest Aitolia is inhabited by the Agraioi and the Aperantoi. These people form a single tribe and were governed by a king prior to joining the Aitolikon Koinon. Their way of life resembles that of the people described earlier. The Dolopes live to the north of Aitolia, on the border with Thessaly and are not different to the people already described. Archaia Aitolia is inhabited by the Aitoloi proper whose main town is that of Thermon. It should be noted that Thermon is more of a religious and administrative centre rather than a proper polis like that of Athenai or Korinthos. It is also in this place that the treasures of the leaders of the Aitoloi are deposited. The Aitoloi live on the level part of the country as well as on the mountain slopes and hills. The plains produce excellent corn and are very well suited to horse breeding. In fact, the horses bred here are second only to those of Thessalia. The mountain slopes produce good wine and olive oil.

    The Akarnanes live west of the river Acheloos. Although they inhabit a fertile land with rich soil, very few engage in agriculture. Instead they prefer to use the alluvial plain of Acheloos as pasture for their herds and flocks. Other sources of wealth for the Akarnanes are raiding, piracy and small scale iron mining. Most of them dwell in villages and their main polis is Stratos. They fight as light infantry and are expert slingers. The Akarnanes govern themselves through a confederation of villages and poleis that convened in Stratos. The confederation consisted of a council and the general assembly [ekklesia]. At the head of the league a Strategos [general] was elected, usually a person from the upper classes. The council had a Grammateus [secretary] which must have been a person of importance. There was also an Ierapolos [chief priest] of Apollo which was an office of importance as well. Either the name of the Strategos or Ierapolos was used for official dates in a manner similar to that of the First Archon in Athenai.

    By the 3rd century most of these people were members of the Aitolikon Koinon, a confederation of tribal villages and poleis, founded by the Aitoloi sometime in the 4th century. Other members of the confederation included the Malians of southern Thessalia and later into the Hellenistic Age, city-states located elsewhere in Hellas. The Koinon was a federal organisation governed by a council. Participation in the council was proportional to the contribution of each community to the army of the Koinon. The structure of the council varied with the times. The elected chief executive was called Strategos [general]. Later a second office was added, that of Hipparchos. The Hipparchos was probably second in command and commander of the cavalry. The council also elected one Grammateus [secretary] initially that became two, one senior to the other, in later years. These offices changed in importance as time progressed and there is no clear picture of the hierarchy below the Strategos. The upper echelons of the government were formed by an elite oligarchy, the fundamental governing body, however, was the Ekklesia [assembly]. The Ekklesia convened twice per year. The main place was Thermon in September when the Thermike, a festival with games, took place. The other instance was in spring during the festival of Panaitolike. However, this convention was not fixed to one place, probably to accommodate for the expansion of the Koinon in places away from Aitolia proper. Voting rights were probably given to all freemen above the age of thirty. The Koinon conducted a common foreign policy, raised armies collectively and implemented economic standardisation by using a uniform system of weights and measures, a common currency as well as levying taxes from its members.


    History:

    The people of Aitolia, with the exception of the Phokaeis, enter the historical record in the time of the Peloponnesian Wars.

    The Ozolai Lokroi appear to have promised help to the Athenian general Demosthenes but after his defeat they submitted to the Spartan general Eurylochos. In the 3rd century they are members of the Aitolikon Koinon.

    The Akarnanes after having been deprived of their best ports by settlers from Korinthos desired to ally with Athenai. When Korinthioi settlers from Ambrakia expelled the Aphilochioi from their main polis of Argos Amphilochikon the Akarnanes supported the Amphilochioi in their cause for restoration and sought help from Athenai. The expedition led by Phormion managed to expel the Korinthioi and restore the polis to the Amphilochioi. Following this event, all the Akarnanes became staunch supporters of the Athenian cause apart from the poleis of Oiniadai and Astakos. In 391 BC the Akarnanes found themselves at war with the Achaioi as the latter had captured the polis of Kalydon in Aitolia. The hard-pressed Achaioi asked the Lakedaimonioi for help who sent a force under Agesilaos and laid waste to the country but with no lasting consequences. During the time of Alexandros the Aitoloi had managed to conquer most of Akarnania. As a result, the Akarnanes allied themselves with the Makedones until their submission to the Romans after the latter’s victory at Kynoskephalai. In 191 BC, Antiochos of Syria invaded Hellas and the Akarnanes were persuaded to join him by their countryman Mnasilochos. When Antiochos was defeated, Akarnania passed again under Roman control. It is not certain whether Akarnania was part of Achaea or Epeirus at the time Hellas became a Roman province. It is, however, mentioned later as part of Epeirus. Emperor Avgvstvs moved the inhabitants of many towns to the city of Nikopolis, founded after the battle of Aktion. Strabo describes the region, in his time, as exhausted and worn.

    The Aitoloi did not get involved in the First Peloponnesian War until their country was attacked by the Athenaioi under Demosthenes in 455 BC. As a result of this hostile action they decided to support the Lakedaimonioi. Earlier that year the Athenaioi had settled the Messenioi in Naupaktos and the latter found themselves under constant harassing and raiding from the Aitoloi. Hence, they managed to persuade General Demosthenes to assist them in subduing the Evrytanes, Ophioneis and Apodotoi. Demosthenes set out from Naupaktos with a considerable force but did not manage to cover much ground before coming under attack from the entire force of the Aitoloi near the town of Aigition. The hoplites of the Athenaioi found themselves at a great disadvantage fighting light troops on broken terrain. Furthermore, Demosthenes had few light infantry of his own and could not counter the attacks of the Aitoloi. In the end, the expeditionary force was wholly defeated and routed. Shortly afterwards, the Aitoloi joined the Lakedaimonioi under Eurylochos on their attack against Naupaktos. Demosthenes managed to hold them off with difficulty greatly helped by the assistance provided by the Akarnanes. Thus ends the involvement of the Aitoloi in the Peloponnesian Wars apart from some serving as mercenaries under the Athenaioi in Sikelia. Until the rise of Makedon there is barely any record of the Aitoloi. During this period there must have been frequent hostilities between them and the Akarnanes.

    After the death of Alexandros, in 323 BC, the Aitoloi participated in the Lamian War on the side of the Hellenes against the Makedones. The Hellenes were eventually defeated at Krannon in 322 BC. After making peace with Athenai, Antipatros and Krateros assembled a large army and invaded Aitolia. The Aitoloi instead of confronting the Makedones withdrew in the mountains until the Makedones were forced to retire in order to march against Perdikkas. In the following wars the contenders to the throne of Makedon actively sought an alliance with the Aitoloi due to the latter’s renowned bravery and ferocity in battle. In this manner begun the lasting influence of the Aitoloi in the politics of Hellas and beyond. Their reputation further increased during the invasion of the Keltoi in 279 BC. In the army assembled at Thermopylai the Aitoloi participated with the largest contingent and it was them that bore the brunt of the fighting against the invaders. Moreover, they were the ones to drive back the Galatai who invaded their homeland and sacked Kallion committing many atrocities. Furthermore, they were instrumental in defending the Oracle of Delphoi when attacked by the Galatai. To commemorate these achievements dedicated statues and trophies to the Sanctuary of Delphoi.

    After the expulsion of the Galatai from Hellas the Aitoloi have come to be regarded as one of the three most powerful states in Hellas, the others being Makedonia and Achaia. The Aitoloi, similarly to the Achaioi, were a federal state. The Aitolikon Koinon was propably formed sometime in the 4th century, perhaps during the time of Phillipos, the father of Alexandros, as hinted by an inscription on the statue of Aitolos found in Thermon as well as from the cession of Naupaktos to the Aitoloi by Philippos. The Koinon, however, was probably formalised during the invasion of their homeland by Krateros and Antipatros as a measure of defending their lands against invaders. After defeating the Galatai, the Aitoloi returned to their casual habits which included raiding and probably piracy as well. As a result, their previous dubious reputation persisted despite their recently acquired glory.

    By 220 BC the Aitolikon Koinon was at the height of its power exerting control over southern Thessalia and Epeiros, Boiotia, controlled Delphoi as well as the Amphictyonic Assemly. Furthermore, its alliances included the island of Kephallonia in the Ionian Sea, several poleis in the Peloponnesos as well as in Mikra Asia. In that year the Aitoloi invaded Messenia starting a war with the Achaioi that came to be known as the Social War. Philippos of Makedonia, having taken the side of the Achaioi, invaded Aitolia in 218 BC and in a lightning march took Thermon by surprise. The polis was sacked, deprived of all its riches and then set to fire. Philippos preserved the statues of the gods but burned the temples to retaliate for the sack of Dion and Dodone by the Aitoloi. The Social War concluded in 217 BC. In 211 BC the Aitoloi declared war on Makedonia again, this time with the support of the Romans with whom they had formed an alliance. The Romans however were too occupied with Hannibal in Italy and could not afford to assist the Aitoloi. Philippos marched again into Aitolia and reoccupied Thermon. Eventually, the demoralised Aitoloi concluded peace with Philippos in 205 BC. This treaty was followed by a peace treaty between Phillipos and the Romans. Hostilities between Philippos and the Romans resumed in 200 BC. The Aitoloi remained neutral until the success of General Galba led them to join the Roman side. They fought with the Romans against the Makedones in the battle of Kynoskephalai with a contingent of cavalry which proved instrumental in defeating Philippos.

    The Romans settled their affairs in Hellas in a manner that left much to be desired by the Aitoloi. Hence, they invited Antiochos of Syria as soon as Flaminivs departed Hellas. This led to a war between the basileus Antiochos and the Romans which ended by the defeat of the former in Thermopylai in 191 BC. The Aitoloi managed to obtain a truce with the Romans but resumed the hostilities as soon as they learned of the successes of Antiochos in Mikra Asia. Consul Marcvs Fvlvivs Nobilior crossed over to Aitolia and laid siege to Ambrakia, one of the strongest poleis of the Koinon. Antiochos was eventually defeated by the Romans in the battle of Magnesia and the Aitoloi pleaded for peace. This time, peace was only obtained at the price of their independence and were reduced to vassals of Rome. After the Romans subdued Makedonia in 167 BC, the Roman party of the Aitoloi with the assistance of Roman soldiers assaulted and massacred around 550 members of the opposition while others were sent to Italy as prisoners. After this event the Koinon was formally dissolved. In the following years Aitolia was included in the province of Achaea although it not known for sure when that happened. As in Akarnania, several poleis were deserted and their inhabitants were moved by Emperor Avgvstvs to Nikopolis. Strabo describes Aitolia after the Roman conquest as a desolate country similar to the state of Akarnania. In later years Roman presence remained minimal and was constricted to the coast were the only road was found. The inhabitants of the interior continued their lives in a manner similar to that of the past centuries.


    Strategy:

    Aitolia’s mountainous terrain render it inaccessible by land for the most part leaving only small corridors suited to the free movement of armies. These access points are the Gulf of Ambrakia to the north, the Delphoi Pass to the east and Antirrhion on the coast which controls the passage to the Peloponnese. As a result it is an easily defensible province, suited to ambushes and can serve as a base from which attacks can be staged to neighbouring enemies. Despite its military advantages, however, it is poor and one cannot expect much economic benefits.
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  12. #12
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Just saw your new edits @I Am Herenow

    Here are the answers:
    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Quote Originally Posted by I Am Herenow View Post
    This does not make sense; do you mean 'Darius allowed'?
    Yes, his father the King granted him free hand and money to recruit mercenaries...

    What do you mean by 'impressed enough'?
    Failing to coerce them into joining his army, through fear and a show of strength...


    Gah forgot my previous post was the last one, sorry for the double :(
    Last edited by Arjos; 06-18-2013 at 16:57.

  13. #13
    Arrogant Ashigaru Moderator Ludens's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Arjos View Post
    Gah forgot my previous post was the last one, sorry for the double :(
    No need to apologize. In fact, if you had edited the previous post instead of submitting a new one, I wouldn't have noticed that the thread had been updated.
    Looking for a good read? Visit the Library!

  14. #14

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    I have not been capable of working much on Lakonike in the past few weeks (mainly due to school work), but with the holidays approaching I have good hopes I can start working on it again. Apologies for the delay.
    Last edited by Adalingum; 06-20-2013 at 14:22.

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    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Makedonia as promised...
    I had a hard time keeping it "brief". I didn't exactly succeed either. Classical and pre-classical Makedonia rarely gets the attention its history's twists and turns deserve. I focused in this period in terms of text length. I wrote very little about Phillip and practically nothing about Alexander. My impression is that people playing this game are well informed on Alexander and could benefit little from Phillip's particulars; whose genius deserves volumes. The EB era of Makedonia has been aptly described in EB I and in some detail too. I did provide a list of events, around the lineage of Makedonian Kings as an axis, but perhaps somewhat summarily.
    At any rate the text is of course up for editing, addition or any other form of manipulation by the team.
    Hope you enjoy.
    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Province Makedonia
    Traveler’s Log
    A traveler’s most rewarding approach would be through the northern mountains, from whose high passes, Makedonia’s lowlands, rivers, sea and a majestic Olympus are a breathtaking sight. Tough people were brought to heel under Phillip’s rule and he rewarded their loyal service with supremacy over all Aimos and… his son. Phillip used a mixture of all means available to him to achieve his goal. Alexander, it seems, would only need his own will. And what a will it was, forged between rugged mountain, roaring river and cool sea. All under the gaze of the Olympians.
    The traveler should go south to visit the new Makedonian capital at Pella and the old, ceremonial capital at Aigai, whose name probably derives from the word for goat. Goats are aplenty in Makedonia and the Persian Empire’s conquerors were mostly goat herders once. Before reaching the capitals in the Makedonian heartland by the sea, the traveler will cross the lowland lying before him and to the east the gentle slope descends uninterrupted all the way to the sea. Parallel to his route, but farther to the east, are rivers, Strymon and Nestos, that formed natural borders of the Makedonian kingdom of old. There are also rivers that flow into the bay Thermaikos, where the kingdom’s capital has access to the sea. The gulf is sheltered by the Chalcidice peninsula to the east and the mainland forms its west. Farther to the west, the sheer volume of the Pindos Mountains forms a wall, both separating and joining, Makedonia and Epeiros, in geography and fate.
    Moving southwards, the traveler approaches the highest mountain in all of Hellas: Olympus, home to the gods. Crowned by clouds formed by Zeus Nefeligeretes, it dominates the southern Makedonian lowlands all the way to the pass of Tempi, southern Makedonia’s border with Thessaly.
    Geography
    Makedonia is dominated by mountains to the North and West. The snowy mountains are the source of rivers running to the sea. The lowlands are both fertile farmland and excellent pastureland for livestock and superior horses. The Chalcidicean peninsula expands three-pronged into the sea and near its cliff shores the sea can be treacherous, as many a seaman have discovered, Persian invaders being a prominent example. To the south, mount Olympus boasts its height and the honor of being the seat of the Gods.
    The People, Society and Government
    Makedon was a son of Zeus and Thyia, daughter of Deucalion. Zeus needs no introduction, but Thyia’s name probably derives from the word “to sacrifice” and was a naiad and a Maenad, a worshiper in the cult of Dionysus, from mount Parnassus in central Hellas. This is only the prevalent mythological origin, but other possibilities are less appealing (Aeolus and Lykaon). Makedon or Makednos probably means highlander or long, tall, but there are advocates of pre-Greek, non-Indo-European origin of the word. His brother was Magnes. The two grew up and ruled in areas around mount Olympus, ultimately giving their names to their realms: Makedonia and Magnesia, the land of Centaurs. Makedon himself is attributed the epithet hippiocharmes, a word found both in Hesiod and Homer (attributed to characters of the Iliad). The word is translated mainly in three ways all of which denote appreciation and love of horses.
    So these sons of Zeus loved (and/or fought on) horses, enjoyed excessive drinking and lived right next-door to the gods. The stuff of empire?
    Makedonian society was initially a cluster of clans from the highlands and lowlands around the capital. The clan leaders were responsible for their subjects’ conduct and they all answered to the king. They formed the core of the King’s council that later on became the Hetairoi.
    Mostly goat herders, the Makedonians were a hardy folk and their code of ethics reflected this fact. It was only during the late fourth century that increased contact with southern Hellas and substantial wealth led to a refinement at court and the incorporation of more advanced political institutions in the kingdom’s function. The cult of Dionysus boasted a strong presence in the kingdom, but Zeus and Heracles also enjoyed fervent worship, the latter based on the Makedonian people’s sense of descent from the legendary demigod.
    Makedonia always had a king. Whether Perdikas I or Karanos, the mythic founder of Aigai, the first King of Macedon claimed descent from Argos. Temenus of the line of Heracles, as the story goes, was one of the three Dorian leaders that invaded Mycenaean Peloponnesus. Temenus became king of Argolis and had three sons; Karanos was one of them. When the division of their father’s lands didn’t quite agree with him Karanos led his followers north and settled in the heartland of what later became the kingdom of Makedonia. The king ruled without some form of written law, but his power was curtailed by a council of nobles, among which quite often were clan leaders of the periphery and their kin. Other than that it would seem that the king’s power could be only limited by public support of potential rivals when his rule might seem to wane; and even then it took more to overthrow a king. Still, the other mythical Argeadean progenitor’s name, Perdikas, has been explained as deriving from “Peridikaios” meaning just; it was a popular name it seems.
    History
    In terms of historical record, except for the epics, there is almost nothing to speak of before the 5th century BC. Furthermore, the word Makedonia does not appear in the Iliad or the Odyssey. The inhabitants of those lands are instead called Paiones. They were later to be found at the Axios valley to the North. In fact, since the 9th century BC it was Illyrian and Thracian tribes that mostly inhabited the lands of Makedonia prior to the arrival of the Argives who set up their capital at Aigai.
    Despite the lack of other evidence, the early line of kings has been saved for the historical record. Starting at around the turn of the 700s BC Perdikas I, ruled for many years and was succeeded by his son with queen Kleopatra (another popular name), Argaeos I. Having ruled for many years he was in turn succeeded by his son Phillip I (see what I mean with the names?). Aeropos I ruled after Phillip I, “the lover of horses”, and his son Alketas I, perhaps meaning strong, succeeded him. Amyntas I was “the strong one’s” son and sat on the throne in 520 BC and held it until 498 BC. Each of the kings of the early line ruled for over 25 years according to this approach. This is where the historical record starts to provide us with more than names and years spent on the throne.
    Amyntas I held a sizeable kingdom that still did not include what later became the makedonian kingdom’s core, namely the coastal area where the capitals were built. He maintained good relations with the Athenian tyrants of the time as did his son Alexander I after him. During his reign he bowed to the will of the Persian King of Kings Darius I. However, his son killed Persian envoys during a banquet at court for mistreating women at the feast and Amyntas must have been forced to make amends. Perhaps one such act was giving his daughter to marriage with a Persian noble name Bubaris. Amyntas also offered sanctuary in an estate in the Chalcidicean peninsula for Hippias when he was forced out of Athens.
    Alexandros I (Alexander I) also called Philellinas, a word which at the time also meant patriot, ruled until 450 BC. During this time he recognized Persian suzerainty and campaigned with Xerxes against southern Greek city-states. Legend has it that he tried to warn them of the coming danger, but that might only be to preserve his reputation. When the tide turned he effected the destruction of Persian army remnants in his domain. After the Persian Wars he integrated the mountain territories of the Lyngestians, Orestians and Elymiates to the kingdom. As a prince he took part in the 504 BC Olympic Games after the Hellanodhikes approved of his application to take part. He had to prove that he was Hellene in order to participate, which he did by proudly claiming descent from Argos and Temenus. He ruled until 454 BC and was the first Makedonian king to mint coins that bore his name, a practice that afterwards became very popular.
    Alketas II was Alexandros I’s son. Far from being strong, he earned a nickname for drunkard and was murdered after six years of rule. His brothers Phillip and Perdikas ruled for roughly ten years perhaps not as legitimate kings and at 436 BC a younger son of Alexandros I claimed and got the throne.
    When Perdikas II began his rule, the kingdom was disintegrating and its constituents were largely gaining autonomy and only nominally recognized the king. When royal power waned in Makedonia there was always someone among the nobles to try and claim the throne. In this case it was the king’s brother who asked for the help of the Athenians and Elymiates to help him achieve his goal. Perdikas II reacted by inciting unrest in Athenian colonies in the area such as the city of Potidaia. Athens responded with a sizeable expeditionary force. Corinth got involved in the conflict also with a sizeable force. The Athenian force had to change its mind and side with the king against Potidaia, their colony, which he had encouraged to rebellion! Perdikas II was not true to his support of Athens, as can be expected when one’s kingdom is dotted at the coast by strong Athenian colonies.
    Therefore at the onset of the Peloponnesian War he again urged cities in Chalcidice to leave the Delian Alliance and take refuge in Olynthus. Later on, when he sent a contingent to assist the Spartans in their operations in Akarnania, the Thracian King Sitalkes, at the bidding or suggestion of the Athenians and with a promise of military assistance, invaded Makedonia. Assistance never came and Perdikas II, shrewdly reached an agreement with the invader offering to his enemy’s nephew the hand of his daughter in marriage. The Thracians retired. Perdikas II later helped the Spartans take Amphipolis and thus dealt a mighty blow to the Athenians by greatly limiting their access to Makedonian timber which was superb for building their fleet. The grateful Spartans offered military assistance to the Makedonian king so that he might secure his borders. Operations did not meet with success and the professional Spartan army was let down by the then ill-disciplined Makedonian troops. Relations went sour. Perdikas II again switched sides in 423BC and helped the Athenians, only to change back in 417BC. Four years later he would again change his allegiance and help the Athenians in their attack on Amphipolis. Death was to stop him that same year (413BC) from yet another switch. This pendulum of foreign affairs was not a random irresponsible stance on the Makedonian king’s part. His rule was waning and the world around him was changing violently. It was all he could do and his actions perhaps point to Phillip II’s hyperactive diplomacy during the years of Makedonian ascendancy in the Aimos peninsula. Perdikas II was succeeded by his son Archelaos I.
    Archelaos I was a very competent ruler, enough so that Thucydides would remark that he accomplished as much as all previous Makedonian kings combined. Archelaos was not flamboyant in his rule (413BC-399BC), even though he did start off with a dramatic set of murders to secure his throne. His uncle, his cousin and a younger brother were all to be murdered at his command. Brutal as it was at the onset, Archelaos I’s rule was stable and he went on to reform the process of government in the kingdom, trade and the army, both the cavalry and the hoplite phalanx. He minted new coinage of good quality, built roads and forts and became a patron of the arts, with Phillip II perhaps imitating this policy during his rule. Archelaos I invited scholars and philosophers to his court, among them the tragics Agathon and Euripides, the musician Timotheos and Socrates (who declined). During his stay Euripides wrote “Archelaos” to praise a king worthy of praise and more importantly what is considered by many his most daring and advanced work “Backhai” which he was never to see. When the poet died of his wounds inflicted by wild dogs the king entombed him with great honors. Parallels have been drawn between this particular tragedy and Christian doctrine.
    It was Archelaos that moved the capital of Makedonia from Aiges to Pella. It would seem he was able to do all this in his fourteen-year rule, by largely staying out of the war, even though he did restore the badly needed timber supply to Athens thus rectifying state relations with the “kleinon asty”. Little war and lucrative trade makes for a good era otherwise defined by wide-spread havoc. He died in a hunt at the hands of a royal page that had been somehow disgruntled concerning the matter of his marriage to the king’s daughter. A somewhat unglorified death for a very important king.
    Despite his hard work and reforms, Makedonia failed to cohere after Archelaos I’s death, possibly in no small part owing to two flaws in his bequest. Upper and Lower Makedonia were not sufficiently integrated and his dynasty had not been firmly established. From 399BC to 389BC there is a period dubbed a decade of anarchy. This period is dominated by the dynasty of the Lygistes, but the historical record is poor though it retains the names of the kings in the line of succession. After Orestes, son of Archelaos, came Aeropos II, Amyntas II and Pausanias. Ending this period was Amyntas III’s first rule of the same dynasty that lasted for three years. He first launched a ruthless campaign to purge the court of his rivals. The Illyrians mounted recurring invasions that devastated Makedonia during this whole period and before he could firmly establish his power Amyntas III had to face yet another Illyrian invasion under Bardylius who had ruled the tribes for over fourty years, undoubtedly a strong ruler. Amyntas III entered an alliance with the Koinon of the Chalcideans, then under the leadership of Olynthus, in hope of driving the invaders back over the mountains. However, Bardylius an experienced warlord marched speedily toward the Makedonian heartland before help could arrive from Chalcidice. Amyntas III had to abandon the capital and cede responsibility for a large portion of his kingdom to his allies. While Pella was up for the taking, the Dardanoi, the main Illyrian tribe in this invasion, devastated the countryside. After three months a deal was struck stipulating that the Illyrians would return to their lands and the kingdom would pay them annual tribute. Amyntas III was to regain control of the capital, Pella. However, his former allies refused to return control of his other lands that they had protected during the invasion. As if this was not enough in 383 BC they took Pella and installed Argaios II to the throne. A desperate Amyntas III asked for the help of Spartans to regain the throne. Two years after his fall, in 381, help was granted and the throne regained only now the king owed both the Illyrians their tribute and the Spartans a really big favour and probably more though we have no evidence of the details. In 379BC he dissolved the Koinon of the Chalcideans with Spartan assistance, only to see it reform with Athenian assistance. In 371 Spartan power was broken against the military genius of Epaminondas and Amyntas III was able to forego his debt to the Spartans and enter an alliance with Athens in 370 BC, despite the fact that their now independent colonies in the peninsula of Chalcidice were certain to cause friction. After his re-ascendance to the throne, he ruled for over a decade, albeit in a still fractious kingdom and with constant meddling from the Athenians and Thebans, determined to extend their influence in the North Aegean. In 369 BC Amyntas III died.
    He was succeded by his son Alexandros II in 369 BC at a time that saw the rise of Thebes. Feeling threatened by his brother in law Ptolemaios of Aloros, he asked help from Thebes. In return, he got a Theban demand for fifty Makedonians of noble birth including the king’s younger brother Phillip (soon to be Phillip II) to be sent to Thebes as “guests”. While the new king was campaigning in Thessaly against an Alexandros of Pheres, there was turmoil at court as the queen regent had sponsored another claimant to the throne, Ptolemaios. The Theban general Pelopidas marched to Makedonia and settled the dispute by dividing the Makedonian domain between the candidates. The compromise was short-lived as Ptolemaios assassinated Alexandros II (sources are not in full agreement) and took all of Makedonia for himself in 368BC to rule as regent. At the same time the Koinon of the Chalcideans supported a Pausanias’ claim to the throne. Both Athens and Thebes intervened (none other than the innovative Iphicrates was sent on behalf of Athens) and the balance of power swung back and forth, until Ptolemaios died in 365 BC.
    Perdikas III was sure to have a place in history as Phillip II’s predecessor. He took the throne in 365BC and immediately sided with Thebes. He sent military aid to Amphipolis that was under siege from an Athenian expeditionary force. In response they sent not one but two generals: Timotheos and Kallisthenes. The two of them were no less than able veterans and together with Iphicrates they dominated the political and military scene of Athens during the period after the Peloponnesian War. As expected Perdikas was hard pressed and lost control of significant portions of territory. Thebes acknowledging his allegiance and instead of any real support, release his brother Phillip who at the time was only 17 years old. In 360BC the Dardanoi from Illyria invaded yet again under Bardylios, now in his nineties. The young king went out to meet him and was killed in 359BC along with 4000 Makedonians. Enter Phillip.
    “Phillip became the most important king of Europe in his time, and owing to the extent of his power earned a throne next to the gods […]reigned for twenty four years. He is known as the king who had very few means to support his position on the throne, but managed to form the greatest monarchy in the Hellenic world and did so not so much with his ability in arms as with his skill in diplomacy and compliment. It is said that Phillip prided himself more on his strategic abilities and the diplomatic successes than his valour in battle; because every soldier had a share to his success on the battlefield, while victories in diplomacy were exclusively his”.
    And that just about sums it up. The greatest king of Europe at his time… no doubt.
    And a very lucky father, if one does not subscribe to the allegations of patricide against Alexander. Fathering the Greatest of the Greats is probably very rewarding. Granted, Phillip died when Alexander was still young, but more often than not, parents know their kids.
    Alexander changed the world and the course of history like no other man. He fused East and West in ways unprecedented. And then he died.
    323 BC. The world froze for a moment; then kept on turning.
    Antipater, an experienced general of Phillip’s generation was left in Makedonia as caretaker of European affairs and was diligent in his duties. When Alexander died Krateros was in Kilikia, on his way back to Makedonia to take over. The two generals reached an understanding and shared control as regents with a half-wit Phillip III and later Alexandros IV as “kings”. They reaffirmed Makedonian control over Hellas despite widespread rebellion. Craterus died in battle in 321 BC near the northern coasts of Asia Minor and Antipater briefly became regent over all of the Alexandrian empire. Soon, however, he fell ill and died in 319BC. Craterus’s companion on the way back, Polyperchon took over as regent and soon clashed with Antipater’s elder son Cassander, who eventually drove him out of Makedonia and seized the throne in 316 BC. Craterus murdered Olympias, Alexander’s mother. She had marched with an army from Epeirus and taken control of Makedonia relying mostly on her prestige. Craterus was not impressed, marched to her location, forced her surrender and put her to death. Polyperchon and Cassander are responsible for the murders of Alexander IV and Heracles, Alexander the Great’s sons and potential heirs, in 309, still boys at the time. Polyperchon died some time after 305BC. Cassander fought constantly in the Diadochoi Wars until the battle of Ipsos in 301BC which found him on the winning side and left him undisputed ruler of Makedonia. He died in 297BC of a disease called hydropikia (dropsy). He rebuilt Thebes, and founded Cassandreia in the ruins of Potidaia and Thessalonika in honour of his wife. A violent and ambitious man, he lived a life defined by his character. His sons Antipater I and Alexander V became kings in the two years that followed, but Demetrius the Besieger, Antigonos the One-eyed’s son, ended up with the throne in 294 BC. This was a true Makedonian of his age, the epitome of his era: dashing, undaunted, energetic and brave, but also drunkard, megalomaniac, arrogant and tragically lacking in perspective. A commander forged in the heat of battle, under his father’s solid guidance, he ended up drinking himself to death in Cherronesus of Syria, a guest at Seleucus Nikator’s court. The throne was given to him by a Makedonian council, but only after he had killed the last of Cassander’s sons. Demetrius was unlucky enough to cross historical paths with King Pyrrhus I of Epeirus. Pyrrhus’s military impetus sufficiently weakened Demetrius event though he did temporarily manage to recover (a feat he would repeat time and time again in his lifetime) and even mount an ambitious counterattack. The other Successors finally decided to remove Demetrius from the scene and when his campaign led him to Syria he was isolated and decided to surrender. Meanwhile Lysimachus who had mounted a combined invasion of Makedonia with Pyrrhus, consolidated his control of Makedonia and became King Of Makedonia in 285BC. In 283 BC he even invaded and ravaged Epeirus as Pyrrhus was probably campaigning in Illyria during the time. During the same year Lysimachus executed his son out of jealousy. This caused ripples of unrest that led Ptolemaios Keraynos, son of Ptolemaios Soter and his sister Lysandra to leave Lysimachus and seek refuge in Seleucus’ camp. This was all the excuse the last living companions of Alexander the Great needed to go to war. They met in Curupedion where Lysimachus died and Seleucus for a moment believed he could claim the throne of Makedonia. In Argos of Thrace, Ptolemaios Keraunos stabbed the aging commander of Alexander’s hypaspistai in the back fulfilled a prophecy on Seleucus’s death and claimed the throne for himself. There were other contenders to the throne: Antiochos, son of Seleucus Nikator, Antigonos Gonatas, son Demetrius the Besieger and Pyrrhus of Epeirus. Antigonos put forth his challenge without hesitation but was soundly defeated. Pyrrhus settled for five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry and fifty elephants to boost his numbers in the Italian campaign. Antiochos was rather far away. Keraunos tricked Lysimachus’ wife Arsinoe and killed two of her three sons that could claim the throne. Arsinoe found refuge in Egypt, but Keraunos (“the thunder”) thought nothing of it. He could enjoy the fruit of his labour. So he thought…
    La Ten Gauls crossed the Danube and in 279 BC Keraunos had to fight the combined armies of the Gauls and the Thracians he chose not to support in hope that they would weaken the Celts. Keraunos rode a war elephant into battle but his mount went wild and threw him down. He was summarily beheaded and his head was placed on a spear and paraded around the battlefield. The Makedonians broke ranks.
    While the Gauls devastated northern Makedonia, Keraunos’ brother Meleagros was named king for a couple of months and was subsequently replaced by an Antipater II who remained a king for even less. A strong enough man going by the name of Sosthenes took charge of the army and managed to bring the chaos to a halt, but not before the Gauls sacked Delphi and fought an Aetolian army that eventually forced them to return to their lands beyond Makedonia. Antigonos Gonatas used a stratagem to inflict a painful defeat on the Gauls in 277BC and claim Makedonian kingship. In 273BC Pyrrhus was running out of options so he invaded Makedonia with a small but veteran army and many Gaulish mercenaries. He successfully won over many of Antigonos’ troops and the king had to retreat to Thessalonika. Pyrrhus insulted him for a while but eventually left to launch an invasion to the south. Antigonos seized the opportunity gathered as many men as he could and followed Pyrrhus’ army cautiously to the Peloponnesus. A city of Argos proved once again fatal for a prominent Successor and Pyrrhus died, beheaded after being hit by a roof tile thrown by an old woman. Not what anyone expected… Antigonos Gonatas buried him with royal honours and united both armies under his leadership. In the following years Antigonos proved himself an able and prudent ruler, in sharp contrast with his father’s excesses. He fended off external threat mostly from the Ptolemaic kingdom, and dealt with rebellion in Hellas successfully. He died in 239BC at the age of eighty having ruled for almost forty years and left his kingdom to his son Demetrius II. Demetrius II ruled for ten years dealing with unrest in Hellas. In 229 BC he passed away having left his son Phillip V as his heir. However, as his son was too young to rule at only nine years old, Antigonos III Doson was chosen to rule as King. He proved very active and far sighted achieving what had been lost for many years, namely a stable alliance in Hellas under Makedonian preeminence. In 227BC he attacked Karia to compromise Ptolemaic ability to control the Aegean and provide support to his adversaries. In 224BC he campaigned in southern Hellas creating the new alliance. In 222BC he defeated a Spartan army in the Battle of Sellasia. It was the first time that enemy troops set foot in Sparta. In 221BC he returned to Makedonia to face an Illyrian invasion. He died in combat at age of forty two. In the meantime, he had adopted Phillip V who became king upon his death. Phillip V’s Makedonia was once again strong, but had to deal with a number of issues. The Aetolians rose up in 220BC and the conflict ended in 217 BC during which time the king displayed some skill and ability in military command. After the war he turned his attention to Illyria. In 215BC he allied with Hannibal and in return the Romans spread forces across the eastern Adriatic shore to block Makedonia. During his campaign in 214BC he confronted the Romans blocking his way near Appolonia. War was inevitable despite the fact that everything about it was small scale. It lasted until 205 BC when a Phillip V agreed to a favourable treaty at Phoiniki of Epeirus. After the peace treaty he commanded operations in the Aegean in order to expand his control of it, with some success.
    It was not long, however, before Rome found suitable pretext to intervene in Hellas. In 200 BC the second Makedonian war begins. Two ultimatums were issued the Makedonian king in 200BC and 198BC. In 197 BC Phillip V met his first defeat in combat at the hands of Titus Flaminius. From this point on he is unable to sufficiently revive the kingdom. He switched sides as need dictated, accomodated the Romans in their campaign against Antiochos III (the Great?) in 191 BC, founds unlikely allies in the Bastarnai and even took some cities near Pergamon. Phillip V had his son Demetrius killed in 181 BC when proof of some sort was presented to him by his other son Perseus. In 179BC Phillip V died in Amphipolis. Perseus succeeded him. He renewed his alliance with Rome but at the same time pursued a different agenda. He enacted a series of measures aimed at reestablishing royal power in Makedonia and forming an anti-Roman front. In 171BC Rome went to war against Makedonia with the objective of conquest. For three years the balance of power was maintained, but in 168BC in the Battle of Pydna Leukios Aimilius Paulus “Makedonikus” defeated Perseus who is said to have fled the battlefield when he saw the tide turn against him. He was later taken to Italy and paraded during the customary triumph. Perseus died in 162BC. Thus ended Makedonia.
    Strategy
    Makedonia is mostly safe as long as it controls the mountains that surround its northern-northwestern flank and the passes through them. To the east the border provides some strategic depth and the rivers form natural front lines in case of invasion. To the southwest the Thessalian plain is a conquest opportunity rather than a point of invasion by the southern Hellenes. Makedonia has gold from the Pagaion, timber for shipbuilding or any other use, and good natural harbors both for trade and a strong navy. Sufficient plains for horse breeding and a potentially commanding hold of Thessaly grant what is arguably the finest cavalry force in the world, Alexander’s hammer.
    Last edited by kdrakak; 07-03-2013 at 20:50.
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

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  16. #16

    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Damn, It seems I forgot to do epeiros :/

    I'm sorry for the inconvenience. It having a description at all is more important to me than actually "being in the game" so if anyone wants to write the description, feel free to do so.
    "Who fights can lose, who doesn't fight has already lost."
    - Pyrrhus of Epirus

    "Durch diese hohle Gasse muss er kommen..."
    - Leonidas of Sparta

    "People called Romanes they go the House"
    - Alaric the Visigoth

  17. #17
    RABO! Member Brave Brave Sir Robin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Been very busy with a variety of things lately but I'm getting back around to this now. About halfway done with Parthyaia.
    From Frontline for fixing siege towers of death
    x30 From mikepettytw for showing how to edit in game text.
    From Brennus for wit.

  18. #18
    EBII Bricklayer Member V.T. Marvin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Just letting you know guys that thanks to our great new auxiliary RAWROMNOM all your already provided descriptions are now fully integrated into our build.

    So if more of you want to see their text in the game as it first comes out it is the best time to start writing.

    And once again many thanks to all contributors, this community makes us proud!
    Last edited by V.T. Marvin; 12-02-2013 at 16:32.

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  19. #19
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Lakonike is (slowly) coming along but I had to share this. As I was typing, i noticed this:
    Lakedaemon. And the Eurotas valley used to be feature a Lake rather than a river according to some accounts. Funny ha?
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
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  20. #20
    Member Member Evocata's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    I've started on Thessaly.
    "Wise men speak because they have something to say, fools speak because they have to say something"

    -Plato

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  21. #21
    Member Member Evocata's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Greetings gentlemen, I have just finished the Traveler's log and have begun the Geography, I wanted to know what you guys think. Is it good enough?

    Province: Thessalia

    Traveller's Log:
    The traveler departs Athenai, heading north to Thessalia which was once called Aeolus. The north, west, and south are lands of high mountains and wooded valleys, where the breath of Zeus-Olympios chills the air in winter, and from where the river Pienios is fed. Mountain shepherds, and poor villages of free Penestae are all that inhabit these desolate places. It is in the northern Pendos mountains where the traveler may gaze upon a magnificent sight; the mountain of Olympos, home of the twelve, rising from the plains into the sky. Away from the mountains, in the heart of Thessalia, are the gentle plains of Trikala and Larissa, broken only along the breadth of the Pienios. Here the skill of the horsemen exceeds that of all except the Makedons. Here also came the famed centaurs and their descendants, the beautiful stallions that graze here still. The earth is blessed by Demeter to be the most fertile in Hellas, large herds graze here, and grain common as grass. Many small poelis are scattered across the plains, each one ruled by a local genos. Blessed among these is Larissa; founded by Acrisius who was slain by his grandson Perseus, also the renowned birthplace of the glorious hero Achilleus. In the east, the plains fall away into the realm of Posiedon; the waters of the Aegean. The coast is sheer and ragged until the arm of the the Pelion stretches out to shelter the waters, and provide safe passage for trade ships and fishermen. The chief poelis of this region are Demetrias, Pagasae, and Iolcos, all thriving ports. Dominant in Thessalia are the old Aeolians, of whom most genos descend, who took Thessalia in times long past, and who made the Penestae who had lived there as the helots in Laconia.
    Last edited by Evocata; 05-12-2013 at 18:13.
    "Wise men speak because they have something to say, fools speak because they have to say something"

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  22. #22
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Evocata View Post
    Greetings gentlemen, I have just finished the Traveler's log and have begun the Geography, I wanted to know what you guys think. Is it good enough?
    good enough for me. :)
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
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    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Attike. Not too long I hope.

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

    Province Attike
    Traveler’s Log
    Arriving at Piraeus by ship is probably the best choice for the traveler visiting Attike. To the west lies Eleysis where the famous “mystiria” took place and mount Aegaleon from whose top the Persian King of old, Xerxes, witnessed the destruction of his fleet in the straits of Salamis; to the east the coastal area of Faliron and the rivers’ delta. The traveler has only to follow the rivers upstream to reach the center of Athens and the Acropolis. Here the traveler can walk in the footsteps of Socrates, Plato and so many others. Aeschylus, Euripides and Sophocles mastered drama and touched the very core of human soul, as did Aristophanes from another angle. Echoes of Pericles’ voice might still charm the traveler and it was not so long ago since Demosthenes roused the “Demos” against a now deified Megas Alexandros. This is where democracy was cradled, philosophy born, and Hellenic spirit turned into a beacon to be taken to the edge of India.
    Geography
    Attike is a peninsula at the end of mainland Greece to the south. It borders Boeotia to the northwest and its coast face Euboea to the East and the Peloponnesus to the south. The province is dominated in the center by mountains: Parnes, Pentelikon and Aegaleon. They form a basin in which the city of Athens is situated. Three main rivers ran through Athens: Cephissus, Ilissos and Eridanos and two smaller ones: Skiros kai Kyklovoros. Asopos and Erasinos are outside Athens in Attike. Technically not belonging to Attike, the islands of Salamis and Aegina are part of it for almost all intents and purposes.
    The People, Society and Government
    The people of Attike pride themselves on being autochthonous. Ionian and even Pelasgian descent was claimed. During classical times criteria for citizenship were not as strict as before so the population became less homogenous as it often comes to pass in any cosmopolitan city.
    The Athenians were excellent seafarers and merchants and their skill was put to good use both for the accumulation of wealth and war. Extensive trade also entails cultural exchange and variety, which in turn makes a fertile base for artistic and intellectual development. Hence, the Athenians exhibited active political acumen, which led to democracy, and a wonderfully restless spirit that ushered in a new era for science, philosophy and the fine arts; literally, the birth of western civilization.
    Athens displays an interesting progression in types of government through the centuries. Kings ruled until after the turn of the first millennium BC. When the last King, Codrus died, his sons became hereditary archons, with less power than Kings. In 753 BC the hereditary right was abolished and three archons shared power with different duties: the archon eponymous that later served as a dating system of reference, the polemarchos in charge of armed forces, and the archon basileus mostly with ceremonial authority. The archons were essentially the chosen leaders of the landed aristocracy. They maintained social balance up to a point, but ultimately had to concede power to a wider base. The aristocracy fought back, often using excessive force, and tyrants ruled the city. These were often driven from power or even killed and the “tyranoktonoi” (tyrannicides) earned lasting fame in ancient Athens. After 508 BC, the reforms of Cleisthenes saw the introduction and flourishing of democracy in the immediate, participant form.
    King Cecrops is considered to have divided Athenians into four “phyles”, or tribes and taught them marriage, writing and ceremonial burial. Though the latter claims can perhaps be disproved historically, it hints on the importance of such institutions for Athenian life. They were later divided in ten tribes by Cleisthenes. A careful reader will notice that the line of rulers and elected leaders is filled with descendants of old aristocrats most belonging to the Alcmaeonidae, a tribe whose name can be roughly translated as “those who hold power”. Democracy… an elusive concept.
    History
    Attike’s history is defined by that of its capital city, Athens. History and myth often intertwine in cases of cities like Athens. Aktaios, whose name means “of the coast”, was the mythical king of Akte which refers to the coastal areas of Attike. It is possible that a loose cultural and perhaps political connection existed in Neolithic times and provided the foundation for the myth of Aktaios. According to the myth Aktaios had three daughters one of which was married to the Cecrops the founder and first king of Athens. Its Acropolis was initially named Cekropia after him. He is credited with providing the city with its first institutions. Aktaios and Cecrops were both considered “earth-born”. The line of Athenian kings continues and featuring prominently we find Erechtheus, another “earth-born” king in whose time Poseidon and Athena contested for patronage of the city. The result was a city re-founded under a glorious name that would command the respect of the likes of Megas Alexandros and Emperor Hadrian, even when conquered and subdued. Back to the line of kings, Theseus, whose exploits make him perhaps the most famous mythical king, has a story of very important historical implications for Athens both external and domestic. His labors (“athloi”), too extensive to thoroughly mention here, represent the efforts made to rid Athens of Minoan control (the slaying of the Minotaur, the bull of king Minos) and consolidate Attica under Athenian control, probably not in that order.
    Theseus’ son, Menestheus fought according to Homer in the Trojan War. Modern theory on the Trojan War suggests that it was in fact a series of confrontations between the rising Mycenaean power and Hittite client kingdoms like Wilusa (Ilion – Troy), the land of river Seka and the land of the Luka (Lykia), which lasted as long as two hundred years, in sharp contrast to Homer’s ten. Putting the pieces together, it seems plausible that the city of Athens first consolidated its power in Attike, then participated in the Mycenaean invasion that brought down Minoan Crete. Perhaps there was even a Mycenaean palace on or around the Acropolis at some point in the distant past. There certainly was a section of Cyclopean walls present until much later. Like all important power centers of that time, Athens contributed ships and manpower to the eastern conflicts whether against Wilusa, the land of Luka or Cyprus. And then the world changed.
    Following the collapse of the Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean, due to invasion, famine, plague, volcanic eruption, seismic activity or any combination thereof, Athens no longer has a king - Codrus was the last one - but a hereditary ruler that in later times was chosen or elected. Boasting the fact that its people were indigenous, contrary to Dorian adversaries like the Lakedaemonians who “invaded” at some point after the collapse, the example of Athens suggests continuity between the Mycenaean and the “Dark Age” of the eighty century BC in mainland Greece. An evolution in mode of government and social function came about in order to match the conditions of the new world order. Next to Euboean archeological evidence, Attic pottery and other finds suggest that Athens managed to retain some sort of cohesion for Attike as a whole and to revitalize distant trade routes as a source of income. Perhaps wealth was the element that brought about political change that granted access to power for an increasing portion of the Athenian citizenry, culminating in the establishment of Democracy.
    The rulers (archons) brought Athens to a state of social imbalance that Dracon tried to remedy with a line of extremely harsh laws (one of them stipulated that the punishment for sloth was death). Dracon was only successful in passing into history for his “draconteia metra” an expression still used today in Greece for strict security measures. Solon followed soon after and brought an end to the city’s woes with his “Seisachtheia”, the abolishment of mounting debt. Solon was considered a very wise man and he is thought to have paved the way for democracy. However, his reforms initially faced resistance and their results were not immediately recognized.
    It was later, in 508 BC, that the tyrant Hippias fell and Cleisthenes came to power in Athens, even after being initially exiled by the opposing faction, and changed the political landscape. The four “tribes” became ten and the familial division became a geographical one. The sense of belonging was transferred from the wider family to the “demos” or municipality. Members of parliament came from all social strata and were sworn “to advise in accordance with the law and the interest of the people”. A broader power base was formed and democracy was born. With it came ostracism, a measure aimed at threats to democracy, but eventually targeted anyone with more-than-normal power in the Athenian political scene. Most of the prominent figures glorified during the Persian Wars and following conflicts were eventually ostracized.
    Democracy was well established in Athens, when in 490 BC, the Persian fleet anchored near Marathon. Miltiades led the Athenian and Plataean phalanxes in a charge to avoid the Persian arrow volleys, rout the flanks and encircle the Persian center. A massacre ensued after the rout. The Persian army whose elite force, the heavy cavalry, did not take part in the battle, re-embarked and made for the coast of Phaliron at southern Attike. The Hellenic army force-marched from Marathon to the site and the Persian fleet retired at the very sight of last night’s victors. King Darius was said to have charged one of his servant to remind him daily of the Athenians. As if his defeat was not a sufficiently strong reminder. Up until that time the Persian army had suffered few reversals and fewer still were outright defeats. For example, the Scyths of the western Euxinus were not defeated, but neither had they won; and the strategic goal of securing Darius’ flank for a march toward Greece was achieved.
    Miltiades had little luck in the following year and failure in his endeavors led to his death while in prison.
    Ten years later, in 480 BC the mighty Xerxes crossed into Europe. Receiving a first taste at Thermopylae at the hands of elite Spartans, he then marched his army into Attike. There he devastated the countryside and then laid siege to Athens' walls that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat. Pythia the Delphian oracle had prophesized that these walls would save the city. The Persians made short work of both the walls and the inhabitants and delivered the city to fire. The powerful Xerxes must have thought his work in Hellas to be nearing an end.
    Themistocles however proposed that the wooden walls were the mighty Athenian fleet. The Battle of Salamis, which he almost singlehandedly made inevitable, proved him right. In his attempt to persuade, he is said to have been slapped by the Spartan commander Euribiades, only to reply “Strike (me) but listen”. Xerxes had to watch powerless from his throne up on mount Aegaleon as his fleet was drawn into a trap and relentlessly destroyed. Gone were his hopes for a swift end to the war and the invasion of the Peloponnesus. Accepting the inevitable, his army, unsupported by a fleet, retired under Mardonius his son in law and Xerxes himself crossed the Aegean. At this point Athenian ascension to regional prominence begins.
    Themistocles was initially ostracized and exiled to Argos, then accused of treason against the common Greek cause. He fled to the court of the Persian king where he died a satrap of Magnesia.
    In the following years (480 BC to 460BC) Athens dominated most of coastal Hellas and the islands, as well as the invaluable trade routes to the northern Euxinus, which secured the grain supply. Such was the confidence of Athenian power that conflict was moved to lands under Persian rule and even the Nile Delta in Egypt, where after initial success, disaster followed. These are the years of Athenian Hegemony (the first League) and Cimon, Miltiades’ son. A less celebrated figure but as capable and important as his father or even Themistocles.
    Cimon was also ostracized. He was later recalled to Athens and died in combat on Cyprus in 451 BC.
    Athenian supremacy was not unrivaled and during its peak (460 BC to 430 BC) the Spartans and their allies, mainly Peloponnesians, formed a counterweight. They were able to hold their own, but had to watch Pericles turn the Delian League into an Athenian empire and dress the Acropolis and the whole city in splendor and glory. They were perhaps somewhat relieved when Pericles managed to ostracized Cimon but in his person found an adversary as formidable as his predecessor and politically keener. Pericles was able to consolidate power and further broaden the political and military base of the state (much as the Romans repeatedly did). There is some controversy regarding this policy, even in our time, but it should come as no surprise; there are solid arguments on both sides. Although elected, Pericles' time in power has been called the arche of one man, but also “The Golden Age of Pericles”. He sponsored the arts and literature, fortified the city and expanded its sphere of influence. He led the Athenians during the first two years of the Peloponnesian War.
    Pericles died in 429 BC of the epidemic, that followed the siege of Athens by the Spartans, as did both his sons before him. His case is an exception when compared to the demise of other capable Athenian leaders, both before and after him.
    The Peloponnesian War (431 BC to 404 BC) went through three phases. The first phase (431 BC to 421 BC) ended with the Peace of Nicias and was strategically a draw, but might be considered a marginal Athenian victory on a different level. Operations in Sfakteria led to the first ever surrender of Spartan hoplites, thus compromising their perceived invincibility.
    The second phase (415 BC to 413 BC) was the phase of the Sicilian expedition proposed by Alcibiades, a particularly gifted individual whose charisma and ability rival Alexander’s. After internal turmoil in Athens, while the fleet was en route to Sicily, the campaign ended up being led by the militarily conservative Nicias of the previous Peace and ended in disaster. Alcibiades escaped the trap and defected to Sparta, where it is said he become more Spartan than the inhabitants.
    The third phase (411 BC to 404 BC) saw the return of Alcibiades who turned the tide in favor of the Athenians in the first five years. However, the Athenians disfavored yet another brilliant leader and he exiled himself first to Thrace, where he tried to avert the disaster at Aegospotamoi, then to Phrygia.
    Alcibiades met his end in Phrygia under obscure circumstances.
    Athens was never to restore its supremacy, but joined coalitions that allowed it to balance out Spartan and Theban power as their power rose and waned. A similar attempt to hold Macedonian power was permanently laid to rest at the Battle of Chaeronea, by Alexander’s first famous charge. Both Philip and Alexander held their hand when it came to Athens. Both could perhaps have taken a harsher stance than they did. Alexander could certainly have leveled the city much as he did Thebes. But then a friendly powerful navy is priceless to a man planning to invade Asia.
    In the following centuries Athens was a wealthy and culturally preeminent city but unable or unwilling to affect the balance of power against Macedon that garrisoned the city fiercely at times or later Roman occupation after the Battle of Corinth in 146 BC. The Roman Emperor Hadrian loved the city and sponsored it generously.
    Strategy
    Attike is the eastern gate to the Peloponnesus from the North and to Euboea. It is an important base from which to control the Aegean and project power across to Asia Minor. The silver mines at Lavrion are an important source of income, which in the past helped propel Athens towards regional supremacy.

    Last edited by kdrakak; 05-14-2013 at 21:10. Reason: corrected according to Ulises' observations and a bit more
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  24. #24
    Athena's favorite Member Vlixes's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Lovely work sir ^^
    Just have these observations:

    "Following the collapse of the Bronze Age"
    "due [...] divine intervention" which perspective do we favor here? :)
    "[...]an end to the city’s woes with his [...]"
    "his “Seisachtheia”, the abolishment "
    "came ostracism, a measure aimed at threats "
    "[...]laid siege to the “wooden walls” that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat" Athen's walls, right? :)
    “Strike (me) but listen”.
    "Egypt, where after"
    "[...](460 BC to 430 BC) the Spartans and their allies,[...]"
    "There are critics and counter-arguments, but there always are." This sentece is not clear. At first glance is not clear to what those critics and counter-arguments refer and how should the reader interpret the adversative sentence, which seems to loosen the seriousness of the text. Second, it contradicts the afirmative sentence to which it seems to be related.
    "[...]followed the siege of Athens after it[...]" Which, by who?
    "individual (//and a personal favorite[...]" quite obvious :)
    "[...]Both Philip and Alexander held their hand when it came to Athens.[...]" Philip is not properly introduced. What does this sentence means?
    Last edited by Vlixes; 05-12-2013 at 17:22.
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  25. #25
    COYATOYPIKC Senior Member Flatout Minigame Champion Arjos's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    And here's Lydia. I tried to be careful with the syntax, but let's not get our hopes up too high XD
    As usual the "History" section is pretty long, I'll leave to the team to decide what to cut...
    Put me down as working on Ionia now I guess :)

    Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 
    Province: Lydia

    Traveller's Log

    Stepping off his ship, the traveller is welcomed to Smyrna. Once rased by the Lydoi, it was rebuilt by Antigonos Monophthalmos and Lysimachos. This polis is now, some say, the most beautiful of all: paved streets arrayed in straight lines, porticoes with lower and upper stories, a library and the Homereion. The latter is a shrine dedicated to the poet, for the citizens of Smyrna lay claim to Homeros and indeed called their bronze currency after him. This port has always been object of contention, because it stands at the end of trade routes to the Far East. Therefore the Seleukid basileis have detached military garrisons to the Smyrnean Akropolis. To the North lays the thundering Mount Sipylos, rugged by its violent convulsions of the earth. At the foot of this mountain stands Magnesia, a town garrisoned by the Arche Seleukeia. It secures important metal deposits and overlooks the upper Hermos Valley, also known as the Katakekaumene (the burnt country). This because the rocky country is black, as though from conflagration and without trees, except the vine of quality inferior to none. Further to the East lays Mount Tmolos, marking the Lydian border, its waters used to be a great source of gold dust. But Lydia still enjoys much wealth, due to marble quarries, harnessed by Sardis. This most ancient city stands in a fertile plain and has always been a royal or Satrapal residence. In its vicinity stands Lake Gygaia and the Lydian Nekropolis, with its tumuli once towered by giant phalluses. To the South-East, past the Maiandros River, there are hot springs and a Ploutonion (sanctuary to the god of the Underworld). Here the air is full of a dense and misty vapour, harmful to living beings. For through the openings lays the Realm of the dead. Beyond stands Mount Messogis, which marks the end of Lydia.

    Geography

    Lydia is made up of three valleys, each having its proper river and separated by mountainous ridges. That of the Gediz River (ancient Hermos) is the most extensive, rich and populous. It encompasses the northern portion of Lydia, stretching from Mount Sipylos to Mount Tmolos. A great number of large tumuli is scattered over the plain of Sardis, dating to the Early Iron Age. In the vicinity there is also Lake Marmara (ancient Gygaia), which Herodotos names after the founder of the Kingdom of Lydia. In the middle there is the Kaystros Basin, very contracted it eventually opens to Ephesos. In fact here ran the ancient road to Sardis. The last valley is that of the Büyük Menderes River (ancient Maiandros). Second only to the fertility of the "burnt country", but possessing woodlands, it became the productive centre for the region. Gaivs Plinivs Secvndvs (Pliny the Elder) reports peculiar islands, named Calaminae, which were driven about by the wind or could be pushed by poles. Lydia possesses a Mediterranean climate, with mild winters, but rainfall is quite heavy and leads to serious spring flooding. Lake Gygaia, according to Strabon, was dug to contain such floods and might have been used as a reservoir. Wells and channels for water were definitely part of the landscape. Lydian aristocracy developed royal hunting-grounds, both in enclosed and open spaces, that allowed a blending of customs with the advent of Persian suzerainty. Mount Bozdağ (ancient Tmolos) was roamed by leopards, hyenas, boars, deers and wild goats. The mountain's Sart River (ancient Paktolos), according to Theophrastos, was the only place where touchstone could be found. This basanite, known as Lydian stone, helped measure the purity of precious metals. Lydia was also home to majestic plane trees, so large and beautiful that Khšayaršā of Pârsa (Xerxes I) adorned one with golden bracelets and chains. The origins of Lydia are a much debated subject. It has been connected to Maionia, the Greek rendering of an unknown toponym or ethnonym. When the Mermnad dynasty rose to power in the 7th century BCE, the name Lydia was adopted. What was its meaning it is not known. However this event could represent the resurgence of a social stratum, reflected in the reconstruction (by the Lydian sound law y > d) *lūda- < *luwida- < *luwiya-. Luwiya was a broad ethno-geographical designation, attested in Hittite laws, for western Anatolia. Overall Lydia was one of the richest regions, allowing high standards of living, but quite an unstable land. Archaeology has revealed, for example, that Smyrna suffered numerous earthquakes. During the 3rd century BCE several seisms were recorded in the vicinity of Mikra Asia. Gaivs Plinivs Secvndvs speaks even of 57 such shocks, solely in 217 BCE. While in 17 CE what was called "the greatest earthquake which has occurred in our memory" destroyed twelve cities, most of them in Lydia.

    The People, Society and Government

    The Lydoi (Lydians) have always been associated to prosperity. It is clear that they were a very industrious and creative people. They are thought to have established inns for travellers and coining money. The Lydoi developed such an advanced society, in the Early Iron Age, to heavily influence the Hellenes. Semonides speaks of Lydian unguents made from hazelwort. Psappho remarks how Lydian headbands look splendid on women. Hipponax particularly appreciated a Lydian perfume "as used by Kroisos (Croesus)". Lydian banquests were musically awestrucking and Asiatic Hellenes hastily copied their instruments. However these feasts were also characterized by copious debauchery and so the idea of oriental decadence took hold of Greek imagination. Lydoi were also highly valued manufacturers, especially of dyed textiles, and master traders. Herodotos mentions a certain Pythios, who owned important mines in Lydia, said to be "the richest man besides the king [of Persia]". While Kambūĵiya of Pârsa (Cambyses II) summoned workers especially from Lydia, denoting specialized craftsmen. Lydian influence extended over religion aswell: Pausanias went as far as saying that "Hellas probably did [learn religion] from Lydia. Artemis, Dionysos and Kybele are just some examples of adopted deities. The latter, called Kuvava by the Lydoi, was considered the Mother of the Gods and the Lydian ruler was her lover. Their sexual communion, for the Lydoi, assured the well-being of humanity. It is in this context of sacred sexuality, that Lydian women earned their dowry, with what Herodotos perceived as prostitution and thus were free to choose their husbands. The Lydoi also identified themselves by their matronymic, another indication for the social revelance of women. Persian reliefs show men from Lydia with sidelocks, cloaks draped over long dresses and boots. The Lydoi were also famed for their might and prowess. Their armoured chariots were often compared for their splendour and their cavalry, which used lances instead of javelins, was highly thought of. In overall their equipment was described as very similar to Greek arms. Well into the Hellenistic period, Lydian polities were using their own laws and institutions. All they were required to do was to supply manpower and resources to Satrapal authority. However contacts with different cultures shaped a new "Greaco-Persian" synthesis, where local traditions and imported ones existed side by side. This polyethnic society combined aspects into an independent context, which thrived regardless of original influence and in fact did not change or revert with Alexandros of Makedonia (Alexander III)'s arrival. Hellenistic culture would simply offer yet another inspiration for Lydian pluralism.

    The Smyrnaioi (Smyrnaeans) belonged culturally to the Early Bronze Age sphere of communities that founded cities on the Aegean Coast of Asia Minor, as far north as Ilion. They suffered incursions by Indo-Europeans towards the late 3rd millennium BCE. This brought the adoption of scribal traditions, influenced by Luwian communities. Polities and trade developed as a result, but new migrations around 1200 BCE disrupted this network. The general chaos allowed Aioleis, two centuries later, to assume control of the locals and the coast. Thus Archaic Smyrna came to be, extracting agricultural surplus from inland communities. But the end of the 9th century BCE saw the arrival of a second wave of Greek invaders: the Iones. Their colonies formed links and, near Ephesos, established the Panionion, a sanctuary to Poseidon and centre of a political league. It could be said that the Smyrnaioi helped conceptualize the idea of polis. By the 7th century BCE Smyrna enjoyed a unique prosperity among Greek cities: a large temple to Athena, private terracotta baths, exportation of local products in an international trade from the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) to Kypros. Conflicts inevitably arose with the interior, Alyattes of Lydia destroyed Smyrna's walls and expelled its population to the countryside. These villagers endured and eventually a small port was re-established, under Persian suzerainty. Finally in the Hellenistic period city-state life and institutions were brought back. The Smyrnaioi stood proud of their past, participating in intense rivalry at sacred games for the top rank as "the first polis of Asia".

    History

    In the late 3rd millennium BCE north-western Anatolia endured much upheaval and it is possible that among the Indo-European speakers, who caused it, were the Lydoi's ancestors. These groups eventually settled the whole of western Anatolia, from the Hellespont to the Mediterranean Sea, forming regional powers in loose contact with eachother. From an Hittite point of view, this area was referred to as Luwiya, because at the Hittite border lived Luwian speakers. In the late 17th century BCE as direct activity by the rulers of Hattuša went as far as the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean Sea), they started referring to the area as Arzawiya. The latter was a confederation of tribes, which put under pressure recognized an high king figure reigning in Apaša (Ephesos), around the 15th century BCE. This was a reaction to Hittite influence, setting up vassals. One of these was Madduwatta, expelled from Lukka (Lykia), became the ruler of the Hermos Valley. Madduwatta then used Hittite troops to become King of Arzawa and his homeland connections to gain tributaries. When instructed by Tudhaliya I, his putative Hittite overlord, to quell a revolt Madduwatta instead used the occasion to expand further. This caused open warfare between Arzawa and Hattuša. Madduwatta enjoyed successes and raided along southern Anatolia, even in Kypros with Mycenaean or Minoan assistance. In the early 14th century BCE so great and surprising was this Arzawan ascendancy, that Pharaoh Amāna-Hātpa (Amenhotep III) asked to marry the daughter of the new King Tarhundaradu. Much to the latter's disbelief, who went as far as asking a written confirmation of such request. The rest of the century, however, saw a reversal and Hittite suzerainty once again in place. The kingdom of Arzawa ceased to exist, the new Hittite policy called for its splitting into smaller polities. One of these was called by Homeros Maionia, probably representing Madduwatta's dynasty, which previously lost Arzawa leadership and sided with Hittite resurgeance.

    The 13th century BCE was characterized by few anti-Hittite revolts and, at its end, the migration of the Muški. Some of their leaders now held sway over the land between the Hermos and Maiandros Rivers. By the late 9th century BCE the kings were clearly Mysian and loosely affiliated with Phrygia. Around 695 BCE Kimmerioi (Cimmerians) raiders destroyed Phrygian central authority and it would seem the Mysoi (Mysians) were not capable of mounting a proper resistance. Around 685 BCE revolution started in Sardis, led by a general called Gyges. Who enjoyed Mysian and Karian ties, deposed Myrsilos and established a new kingdom: Lydia. What is clear is that for the first time ethnic Lydoi came to power, for their language was used at court. Gyges was very successful and expanded his power as far as the Hellespontos. Probably siding with Assyrian forces, Gyges managed to push back the Kimmerioi. Now secure of his position, the Lydian king promoted himself as the Phrygian successor: expanding Sardis into a royal capital, with bricks and tiles modelled after Gordion's. Gyges also adopted the Phrygian burial tumuli and sent lavish gifts to Delphoi, ensuring the benevolence of the gods. This because he now set his eyes on the coastal Hellenic poleis. During the 650s BCE Gyges even helped Psamtik of Aigyptos (Psammetichus I) to break off Assyrian suzerainty. This left him alone to deal with the nomad raiders and around 644 BCE he died in battle. His son Ardyes resisted in Sardis' Akropolis, which the Kimmerioi could not take and left. Lydia quickly recovered and resumed campaigns against the Iones. By the end of the 7th century BCE, the new Lydian king Alyattes had allied himself with Skuda (Scythian) tribes and expelled for good the Kimmerioi. This eastward expansion caused friction with the Mādai (Medes) and eventually borders were agreed at the Halys River in 585 BCE. Lydian hegemony in western Mikra Asia was assured, exacting tribute from Hellenic poleis and making alliances with the islands of the Aigaion. Only Lykia and Kilikia resisted Kroisos around 560 BCE. In 549 BCE Kūruš of Pârsa (Cyrus the Great) had overthrown the Mādai, alarming Kroisos of Lydia, who formed a coalition with Sparta, Babylonia and Aigyptos against the Persian growing power. This pre-emptive attack proved to be disastrous: Lydian cavalry, the strongest contingent, could not prevail (scared off by dromedaries) and Kūruš of Pârsa unexpectedly descended in the middle of winter on Sardis. Thus in 546 BCE with its capital sacked, Lydian independence ended.

    Marching away on another campaign, the Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām (King of Kings) ordered the Lydian Paktyes to collect tribute and send it to him. However this official used the resources to rally troops and besiege Sardis, which had become the seat of a Persian governor. Hastily generals were sent back to deal with this revolt and after four years, spent dealing with every community or polis, Mikra Asia was pacified. The lesson was learnt and high offices were now entrusted solely to Persian men. But the Lydian administrative model was left in place for the new governorship, named after the Persian rendering of its capital Sparda (Sardis). If anything Lydia was enriched even more by the flow of people from other lands, producing a cosmopolitan society. By 522 BCE the governor of Sardis had consolidated Lydia as his possession so much, that he started to act independently. With dynastic turbulence in the Persian capital, this governor decided to expand his power at the expenses of other Persian dependencies. However Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius I)'s coup had already succeeded and the governor of Sardis was eliminated. Afterwards the Persian Empire was consolidated formalizing the position of Khšaçapāvan (Satrap). Works started to connect and rebuild ways, eventually becoming the famous Royal Road. Lydian craftsmen were employed at this time even near Persepolis. In 508 BCE Athenai, which had just introduced an isonomic (equality before the law) constitution, sent envoys to Sparda. Artafarnâ, the Khšaçapāvan, demanded earth and water in exchange for his cooperation. The Athenian envoys obliged, oblivious to the meaning of these symbolic gifts and the Athenian assembly disavowed their actions. But three years later Artafarnâ ordered Athenai to reinstate the Tyrannos Hippias, who had been expelled by the Athenaioi in 510 BCE. This was obviously rejected, but relations between Athenai and Pârsa deteriorated deeply. Thus in 499 BCE the Ionian Revolt caused some instability in Lydia, with Athenian assistance, but was eventually suppressed. Sardis must have become an adequate fortification by 490 BCE, as it allowed safe mustering and dwelling for troops and imperial entourage through the winter months. In the decades following Khšayaršā's invasion of Hellas, Sparda actively engaged in diplomatic and political pressure over the Asiatic poleis that allied with Athenai. However these ties allowed satraps to rely on Hellenic mercenaries, during their regional power struggles to expand their administrative dominions. In 420 BCE Sparda's Khšaçapāvan rebelled, but was betrayed by his mercenary commander and in 415 BCE Čiçafarnah (Tissaphernes) took over both satrapy and generalship of Mikra Asia. An alliance with Agis of Sparta was reached to help re-establish Persian suzerainty over Asiatic Hellenes, in exchange of subsidies and assistance against Athenai. However Čiçafarnah, who for the first time struck silver coins in his own image, tried to detriment as much as possible the Peloponnesians and Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius II) replaced him. A more resolute conduct was to be followed by Kūruš (Cyrus the Younger) in 407 BCE. But the ascension of his hated brother, convinced him to take over the Persian throne and assembled all his forces at Sardis. Čiçafarnah lost no time and raced to inform the Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām, with the revolt over he was rewarded all his former possessions. Reinstated he set to put into shape his satrapy, whoever refused to pay tribute had his territory ravaged and polis besieged. This time Sparta was appealed to fight against the Khšaçapāvan in 399 BCE. However the Spartan commander Derkylidas preferred to ally himself with Čiçafarnah against the Khšaçapāvan of Phrygia. Two years later he was rebuked by Spartan authorities and marched towards the Maiandros River to fight the reconciled satraps. Both sides did not like what they saw in the open field, superior cavalry for the Persian army and superior infantry for the Greek force. So they simply decided to make a truce on the spot, declaring the Asiatic Hellenes free from Persian and Spartan rule alike. Furious the Spartan Archagetes Agesilaos (Agesilaus II) resolved to embark for Mikra Asia himself. In 395 BCE, after levying a capable mounted contingent at Ephesos, Agesilaos marched straight for Sardis. With the Persian scouts taken care of, an ambush was set and Čiçafarnah's army was soundly beaten. The Persian Khšāyathiya Khšāyathiyānām, who already considered this as essentially the Khšaçapāvan's personal war, sent a substitute. The Queen Mother Parušyātiš also made sure that Čiçafarnah was assassinated, for causing the downfall of her beloved Kūruš. Agesilaos was eventually forced to fall back to Lakonike, for unable to defeat him on the field the satraps resolved in stirring up rebellion. In 386 BCE peace was finally agreed recognizing Persian suzerainty in mainland Anatolia. In 368 BCE the new Khšaçapāvan of Sparda, Vātafradāta (Autophradates) was tasked to put down a rebellion in Kappadokia. Outmanouvered Vātafradāta arranged a truce to preserve his forces, alarmed by widespread revolts in Mikra Asia. Throughout the 360s BCE alone with Mausolos of Karia, faced a larger opposition cutting them off other loyalists. So isolated in 362 BCE they were compelled to side with the rebels. Only two years later Vātafradāta and Mausolos managed to put down the revolts, thanks to disunity and betrayals.

    In 334 BCE the new Khšaçapāvan of Sparda was killed at the Grenikos River, his officer Mihran (Mithrenes) was left as commander of the garrison. This man was Yervand of Hayasdan's grandson and soon as Alexandros of Makedonia reached Sardis, opened the gates without a struggle. Thus he was named Satrapes of Armenia and his dynasty would rule that land in the following centuries. As for the Lydoi, they were given the right to follow their traditional customs and permitted to be free. This really was just a confirmation of the status quo and later grateful Lydian reinforcements joined Alexandros at the newly founded Alexandreia Ariana. Antigonos Monophthalmos, highly undermanned, in 332 BCE repelled remnants of Dārayavahuš of Pârsa (Darius III)'s army, who were trying to retake the Aigaion seaboard. Such actions helped Antigonos establish friendly relations with influential locals. In 323 BCE Perdikkas, as guardian of the Argead basileis, ordered the Satrapai of Mikra Asia to support the conquest of Kappadokia. However the guardian had shown desire to gain full royal power and put Kleopatra (Alexandros Megas' sister), whom he was courting, in charge of the administration of Lydia. Thus alienating other Satrapai, causing Monophthalmos to flee in 321 BCE and form a league of rebels. Soon as Antigonos returned western Mikra Asia defected en masse to him, causing Eumenes of Kardia (loyalist Satrapes of Kappadokia and Paphlagonia) to flee from Sardis. However Perdikkas' subsequent defeat was not enough: Monophthalmos, despite having been nominated Strategos of Asia, set off to dispossess former allies of their land in Mikra Asia. At Sardis Antigonos, unable to convince Kleopatra to marry him, decided to put Alexandros Megas' sister in honourable captivity. Eventually he would order her assassination and stage her grandiose funeral. In 306 BCE Antigonos was acclaimed Basileus and he then strove to keep his direct involvement in his cities' affairs to a minimum. This in ancient times was perceived as good government and Monophthalmos even distributed corn from his own royal lands in Lydia. Following the battle of Ipsos (301 BCE) Lysimachos of Thraikia fought against Antigonid remnants in Mikra Asia, to secure his new domain. What he found was a well established and prosperous territory, granting him a substantial annual income. His son Agathokles in 287 BCE successfully protected Lydia from Demetrios Poliorketes of Makedonia (Demetrius I)'s attacks. But intrigues at Lysimachos' court and the subsequent assassination of Agathokles, unleashed political chaos in Mikra Asia. This attracted Seleukos Nikator in 282 BCE to invade and defeat Lysimachos the following year at the plain of Kyros, west of Sardis. The latter's commander of the garrison resolved to open the gates, handing over all the treasures stored in the Lydian capital.

    Around 275 BCE Antiochos I, probably near the Hermos River, won a battle against the raiding Galatai. Thus he was honoured as Soter (saviour) by Hellenistic polities. However raids did not end and Achaios, youngest son of Seleukos I Nikator, who owned estates in Lydia, had to ransom captives in 267 BCE. His daughter Laodike would marry the Basileus second son Antiochos (later Antiochos II Theos) and his son Alexandros was named Satrapes of Lydia in 261 BCE, likely with viceregal status. It is around this time that Makedones and other ethnicities were increasingly settled as Katoikai (military settlers) in Lydia. Among the new foundations was Laodikeia, expanding the town in the vicinity of the Ploutonion near the Maiandors River. Achaios' was certainly an influencial family in the Arche Seleukeia. In 246 BCE Antiochos Theos died and Laodike, to safeguard her children's interests, had Berenike (daughter of Ptolemaios II Philadephos) and her son by Antiochos Theos (from a repudiated political marriage) murdered. However Berenike's brother Ptolemaios III had already been asked to help support his nephew's claim and invaded Syria. So in 245 BCE Basileus Seleukos II Pogon nominated his brother Antiochos Hierax as Strategos of Mikra Asia, for he had to take care of the Ptolemaic armies. However, following setbacks in the campaign, Laodike instigated Hierax to revolt and proclaim himself Basileus. She then sought her brother Alexandros' protection at Sardis and recognition of such claims. Thanks to her family soon most of Mikra Asia supported Hierax, but in 237 BCE he was defeated by Attalos I of Pergamon. Whose mother was Laodike's sister and in 223 BCE faced another Achaios (Hierax's cousin), who remained loyal to Seleukos II. Achaios was extremely successful at first, rallying his family troops from Lydia and Mikra Asia, expelling the Pergamese. So much so that two years later he proclaimed himself Basileus at Sardis, which had become a full fledged Hellenistic polis by this time. But his soldiers refused to march into Syria, they were only concerned about their possessions in Mikra Asia and so Achaios could not coordinate his efforts against the new Seleukid Basileus Antiochos III with Ptolemaic forces. This allowed Antiochos to concentrate on other fronts and in 216 BCE finally besieged Achaios at Sardis. However the Akropolis could not be stormed and after two years of blockade thanks only to Kretan treachery, Achaios was captured, his nose, ears and hands cut off and then crucified. In the aftermath Zeuxis, a macedonian general of unquestionable loyalty, was nominated Satrapes of Lydia and Strategos of Mikra Asia. Straight away fiscal exemptions were granted Lydian poleis and administration was centralized in Zeuxis' hands, effectively removing any strong institution or network at a regional level. As another measure Ioudaioi veterans were settled at strategic locations throughout Lydia, ensuring the presence of soldiers loyal to the Basileus Megas. In 197 BCE Sardis was to serve as the headquarters for the campaign against Ptolemaic territories in Anatolia, which were systematically conquered.

    Ultimately Pergamon benefited from this consolidation, because in 190 BCE near Magnesia by Mount Sipylos Antiochos was defeated. Two years later the Arche Seleukeia formally lost possession of Mikra Asia west of the Tauros Mountains. Eumenes II of Pergamon took over from where Zeuxis had left off, but introduced a new policy: he transferred the burden of extracting surplus to allied communities of military settlers. This effectively expanded their dependent territories, for the inland had been neglected due to logistics. Now the Hellenistic urban polities exacted much more tribute in kind, which was converted into coins and transferred to the Pergamese treasuries. In 166 BCE Eumenes went even further with this fiscal decentralization, by transferring stretches of royal land to towns affected by Galatian raids. Thus Pergamon instead of enriching single families, strengthened the loyalty of its poleis and soldiers. Attalos II followed his brother policies and brought the urbanization of the Lydian interior to its maximum, founding Philadelpheia. Unfortunately subsequent earthquakes nearly deserted it. Already with the Attalidai and later with the Romani, Lydia ceased being the political centre for Mikra Asia. But the inhabitants were involved in Mithradates VI of Pontos' Wars. Smyrna particularly enjoyed growth during the Roman period, thanks to its harbour. In 23 CE the Smyrnaioi built a temple in honour of Tiberivs and his mother.

    Strategy

    Lydia has riches to support substantial forces, but its geography does not offer full protection. Still its position in the middle of western Anatolia, makes it the perfect centre to control the neighbouring regions.
    Last edited by Arjos; 08-07-2013 at 11:01.

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  26. #26
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Quote Originally Posted by Ulises View Post
    Lovely work sir ^^

    Thank you.

    Just have these observations:

    Sure. The whole thing was posted for editing.The EB team can change what they feel needs changing.

    "Following the collapse of the Bronze Age"

    of course

    "due [...] divine intervention" which perspective do we favor here? :)

    This topic is a thread in its own right. Personally I favor a combination thereof and geographically diverse at that. Divine intervention is not included. Plague and inter-Mycenaean conflict in Greece (I consider the Dorian invasion to be an overstatement, they merely came down from the mountains in my opinion), drought induced famine in the Hittite kingdom (proper) whose downfall created a power vacuum, Sea Peoples in southern Anatolia, Cyprus, the Neo Hittite kingom in Cargemish, the Levant and the Palestine (not 100% on who they were or what areas they devastated) an earthquake or volcano here and there.... yes, that should do it. Or maybe it's all one big divine intervention...not sure which god.

    "[...]an end to the city’s woes with his [...]"

    right

    "his “Seisachtheia”, the abolishment "

    right

    "came ostracism, a measure aimed at threats "

    right

    "[...]laid siege to the “wooden walls” that protected the elderly and the unfit for combat" Athen's walls, right? :)
    right; and I don't need the quotes there do I?

    “Strike (me) but listen”.
    right

    "Egypt, where after"
    right

    "[...](460 BC to 430 BC) the Spartans and their allies,[...]"
    right

    "There are critics and counter-arguments, but there always are." This sentece is not clear. At first glance is not clear to what those critics and counter-arguments refer and how should the reader interpret the adversative sentence, which seems to loosen the seriousness of the text. Second, it contradicts the afirmative sentence to which it seems to be related.
    There were critics against the enlargement of the political and military power base and those critics had sound counter-arguments to Pericles' arguments for broadening...the sentence does stand all alone and lonely there in the text, you are right; edit away EB
    and your sentece needs a n :)

    "[...]followed the siege of Athens after it[...]" Which, by who?
    How about this?: "Pericles died in 429 BC of the epidemic, that followed the siege of Athens (by the Spartans), as did both his sons before him."
    Of course the siege is by the Spartans. The previous sentence introduces the Peloponnesian War.

    "individual (//and a personal favorite[...]" quite obvious :)
    can we add something like: "by Alcibiades, a particularly gifted individual, an Athenian Alexander the Great with slightly less luck than he needed" ?

    "[...]Both Philip and Alexander held their hand when it came to Athens.[...]" Philip is not properly introduced. What does this sentence means?
    True, but neither is Alexander. Those two scarcely need introduction in my opinion, unlike perhaps the Philip in an other description (the V), sorry no offense.
    The sentence means that both could perhaps have taken a harsher stance than they did. Alexander could certainly have leveled the city much as he did Thebes. But then a friendly powerful navy is priceless to a man planning to invade Asia.

    Thank you for taking the time to proofread the text.
    Do I edit and re-post or does the team have this covered?
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

    Completed EB Campaigns on VH/M: ALL... now working for EBII!

  27. #27
    Member Member Marcus F's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    i would love to help the EBII team but is their some sort of guideline to follow when writing a regional description? because it could get out of hand/messy quickly. I could do some research for the team regarding a specific region and pass on the information to the appropriate team member if this would help???
    Last edited by Marcus F; 05-25-2013 at 00:33.


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  28. #28
    EBII Bricklayer Member V.T. Marvin's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    Thank you for you willingness to help, Marcus F!

    Check the OP for an example of a description written by Brennus on a British province. Try to keep the structure, but don't be shy to write it shorter. Focus on history just before and during EB timeframe, i.e. cca 300 - 1 BC.

  29. #29
    ΤΑΞΙΑΡΧΟΣ Member kdrakak's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    This is just to let everyone know I am back on putting together the piece for Makedonia. I aim to have it ready by the next weekend.
    -Silentium... mandata captate; non vos turbatis; ordinem servate; bando sequute; memo demittat bandum et inimicos seque;
    Parati!
    -Adiuta...
    -...DEUS!!!

    Completed EB Campaigns on VH/M: ALL... now working for EBII!

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  30. #30
    HopeLess From Humanity a World Member Empire*Of*Media's Avatar
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    Default Re: Regional Descriptions: Help the EBII Team

    please dont forget KURDISH UNITS !! in all Total War Series they created a very Weak and not accurate Kurdish units !!
    as in GREATER Iran & Middle East, there The Kurdish units were important for enemies, because they were truly brave and powerful, as we see in Wars Between MADAI (medes) with Ashurians (Assyrians), Achamenid Persians with Greeks, specially in Xenphone's Anabasis (Karduchians), Parthians, as Kurds were like Parthians-in Guerrilla & Partizan fights,Sassanids used them against Romans in Hard Ararat and Qandil mountains of modern Turkey and in armenia and etc, and many more including Safavid persians with Ottomon Turks and ETC. and although Ancient Kurdish Lands were greater than this, that its vastness, is from Kapadochia (Kapadukiya) to kermanshah or Behistun in iran and from Modern Azerbaijan Republic (Adurbadegan) to modern Musel (or Mousl) and to Modern Eskandarun in Mediteranian!! means consists of great parts of now Turkey and Iran and Iraq, and much northern parts of Syria!

    so it has played a big role in ancient eras as even we had a great KURDISH EMPIRE, The Medians (medes) in 700-550 BC that overcame the Assyrians,Persians,Armenians and united them. but unfortunately there is a fact that Kurds in that times never started writing its own History, and what we have now its from Russians and Germans in early 20th Century and even that is incomplete.

    but anyway, even that inaccurate & false Kurdish units were in Total War, i was surprised that even not one indication was about Kurds in EB1 !! when you create an accurate Persian & Greek & Barbarian Civilizations, you must be at least pay attention to its Ethnic units.

    and of course dont forget religion! in EB 1 the most thing that it lacked, was Religion in Cultures and kingdoms.

    another suggest for EB 2 = https://forums.totalwar.org/vb/showt...ot-Repetitive-!
    Last edited by Empire*Of*Media; 06-02-2013 at 16:57.

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