This long article describes in detail explicit Republican plans across the country toput in the fixengineer a favorable result before and after balloting and canvassing, including Republican legislatures pretextually declaring vote counts invalid and assigning slates of Republican electors to the Electoral College. [Samurai has posted about this in more depth just now but I want to re-emphasize it.]
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine...edc32c19ef33b4
In Pennsylvania, three Republican leaders told me they had already discussed the direct appointment of electors among themselves, and one said he had discussed it with Trump’s national campaign.
“I’ve mentioned it to them, and I hope they’re thinking about it too,” Lawrence Tabas, the Pennsylvania Republican Party’s chairman, told me. “I just don’t think this is the right time for me to be discussing those strategies and approaches, but [direct appointment of electors] is one of the options. It is one of the available legal options set forth in the Constitution.” He added that everyone’s preference is to get a swift and accurate count. “If the process, though, is flawed, and has significant flaws, our public may lose faith and confidence” in the election’s integrity.
Jake Corman, the state’s Senate majority leader, preferred to change the subject, emphasizing that he hoped a clean vote count would produce a final tally on Election Night. “The longer it goes on, the more opinions and the more theories and the more conspiracies [are] created,” he told me. If controversy persists as the safe-harbor date [December 8, when state-certified electoral slates are presumed as definitive] nears, he allowed, the legislature will have no choice but to appoint electors. “We don’t want to go down that road, but we understand where the law takes us, and we’ll follow the law.”
Trump again with the burst of perspicuity (after repeating on many occasions that he needs a 6th Republican justice confirmed immediately in order to ensure favorable rulings on electoral suits):
https://twitter.com/NBCNews/status/1308902276187262978 [VIDEO]
It's not that he knows something we don't, we just have a hard time assimilating the overwhelming evidence on a visceral level.Reporter: "Win, lose or draw in this election, will you commit here today for a peaceful transferal of power after the election?"
President Trump: "We're going to have to see what happens."
"Get rid of the ballots and we'll have a very peaceful — there won't be a transfer, frankly. There will be a continuation."
Meanwhile, Florida's government has just proposed an unconstitutional criminalization of protest in the strongman image and has referred a criminal complaint to the FBI against Bloomberg for trying to pay the fines of disenfranchised ex-cons.
https://www.theledger.com/story/news...rs/5852737002/
https://twitter.com/TooMuchMe/status...49621041590276
I'm willing to grant some deference for the strategy throughout the Trump term, but I can't forgive Dem electeds if they don't try to build out parallel power structures in civil society and urban communities outside government and 'traditional' channels come 2021, win OR lose. It's equally necessary either way to, in Samurai's words, "get a bit more active in doing things to loosen," or bypass, Republicans' grip on national institutions. No more hedges and legacy liberal ideologies. This is a power struggle of maximal consequence, politics in the oldest register. The 150-year Cold War with the Confederacy has to be decided, to which end the People must be organized to apprehend its conduct. If Biden can rail against China as a threat to American power all throughout his campaign, he can pivot following his election, or even following Election Day, to do at least as much with regard to Republicans. It's time, no more hedging, no more coasting on personal reservations.
Andall Copperheads!
There is a space between giving a free pass and blaming Pelosi for not holding a gun to McConnell's and Trump's heads in order to implement <>. If there are specific tactical decisions to be criticized I'm all for hearing them, though in the course of learning more and more about the inside baseball and procedure of American politics the more I come to realize that very often it's difficult to make a strong judgement call on how optimal a certain play, a sequence, an act or inaction, was in the moment. A major example we're all familiar with being the debate between a "narrow" or broad impeachment. I favored the latter, and the former has probably only been an achievement for the historical record (I don't think it did much to radicalize the Democratic base in itself), yet at the same time I can't really be confident that my preferences would have been a great value-added if implemented.
One interesting criticism I've heard is that Pelosi and Schumer negotiated their emergency legislation (CARES Act) in March too effective at alleviating pain in the short term, without considering that the act would - proportionate to its initial success - exhaust future leverage over the Republicans/Trump to pass subsequent legislation (which Republicans have indeed not felt pressured to pursue since). But that's some heavy-ass armchair fourth-dimension quarterbacking.
I remember that. It was the beginning of the primary season at maximum acceleration. Sanders had just formally declared his candidacy!This probably doesn't lend itself to party unity:
https://www.huffpost.com/entry/dccc-...b01ebeef0ec3ae
This article looks like a relevant followup. I haven't read it but my initial impression is that the DCCC policy backfired?
Knowing a little about the process, I understand that committee chairs have a great deal of influence over the movement of bills as a veritable veto point, and that legislators as individuals and coalitions have to coordinate with them, or at least arrange to overcome them, to advance their agenda. But then that inherently biases the process on a personal and ideological level, which is not to my mind what a paramount standard by which to judge legislators should be, not least for permanently handicapping any definitional leftist. Look at how many of Underwood's actions were bipartisan or Republican-led. We would need to think much more carefully about this kind of change than I am at the moment, but I wonder if we shouldn't have one of our procedural reforms be that a given Congressperson shall have the right and privilege to bring one or more bills per session directly to the floor or to the top of the calendar (more unilateral and speedier than motions to discharge).
The Democrats could have attempted to arrest Barr or another ranking official with their minimalist native enforcement arm, not because it would have worked as a legislative tactic but because I can imagine its generation as a Media Event would have set the tone and perhaps even recommitted the caucus to further procedural extremism (this is all naturally debatable). On the other hand it's pie in the sky since it's one more "arrow in the quiver" that almost no Democrats can really privately stomach drawing, meaning there is never enough internal impetus toward implementation aside from the absence of any concrete resolution that the tactic could achieve. But it remains something that was available, and with a physical power that normatively-laden subpoenas were proven to lack.
Crucially we can almost lock Trump as a constant; do not underestimate what the Republicans are capable of. Almost every contention toward their deepening depravity has proven correct over time.
Masochism of catastrophe, doomerism, whatever you want to call it, is a siren. Want to talk about The Plot Againt America yet?
The modality preference gap continues to shrink, though even a 20-33 final split on mail voting (and it could still plausibly be 10-40) is dangerous.
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