Pics & History of your Empire

[Bregil the Bowman]

My tactic is - in a way - the opposite of what Bregil and bamff said. My enemies always almost outnumber me, and with good margin. I often find myself in 3:1 battles, which particularly good since this will lure the enemy to attack me, regarding it's superior numbers to be enough

I don't think this is particularly different to the way I play - I like to have an advantage in quality or quality, but given the choice I'd take quality any time.

I've always taken Forrest's quote "Get there the fastest with the mostest" to mean with the most effective force, not necessarily the most men.

The ratios I referred to are casualty exchanges, and its true the best way to inflict lots of casualties is to convince the AI it can win a battle when it can't - e.g. a well-defended bridge battle.

I've never been a fan of halberds, probably because I'm impatient and like to get in and kill the enemy fast when I'm attacking. After reading your accounts I think I should give them more of a chance. In my last English campaign I used CKs and longbows as my troops of choice, not cheap to build but quite hard to beat, but I always kept a few mounted up to keep the battle flowing.

[Agent Miles]

BTW, General Nathan Bedford Forrest’s motto was “Git thar first with the most.”

[Bregil the Bowman]

BTW, General Nathan Bedford Forrest’s motto was “Git thar first with the most.”

Works for me - I was using the English translation.

[knutis]

Back from vacation and civ-playing with some more from the Spanish Kingdom and it's brave crusaders.
The Almohads are still alive, but not well. As I don't really want a war with them, but have no choice if I'm to send a crusade to the Holy Land without a large enough navy (yet), I've just passed and pillaged through their land.

Here some notes from a Spanish historian's office (or something like that)

1124

Don Alf starves out the garrison in Tripoli castle (Cyrenacia).
Bandits take over Granada!

1225

Don Alf marches into Egypt where he meets the Egyptian Sultan and 1296 other Egyptians. The Spanish now number 1031.

Battle of Egypt

Don Alf first watched as the Egyptian army positioned itself on a high point of the battlefield.
He then proceeded to move his army to the right of the enemy, while some jinetes put pressure on their left to keep some beduins occupied. He also sent a company of peasants right up the enemy’s middle in hope that some part of their army would pursue them whe they broke and fled, and not pay attention to the real threat. The jinetes were able to hold two troops of beduin warriors away from the main battle. One did turn around after a while, but it was then to late as it faced a wall of spears between itself and the Sultan who fled before the Spanish onslaught. The Sultan was after a short while captured, and this caused the Egyptian army to be more easily routed.
Although the battle was won, the Spanish was now 350 fewer men, and in Sinai sits a man named Al-Afdal Shahinshah, Egypt’s finest general (6).
The Almohads offer ceasefire, and we accept.

1226

Don Alf besieges Cairo Castle as he would have a better chance against Al-Afdal on the defense rather than offense. He also has ordered training of troops back in Cyrenacia, which is under Spanish control. These troops will be needed to take Jerusalem.

And Al-Afdal attacks. Don Alf has the choice of retreat, as he can turn back to Cyrenacia, but here in Egypt he has a golden opportunity to get at the feared general. He goes for it. After all, should he lose he has a safe province to retreat to for now. Al-Afdal’s army numbers 863 men and has a general with twice the experience as Alfie, who has 685 men behind him, including 250lowly peasants.


Defense of the Suez canal(to be)

The Egyptians came to the field with 7 troops of beduin camel warriors. One led by the general. In addition they had a troop of ghulams, spearmen and archers. Things did not look good for Don Alf.
4 jinets where sent around the enemy army to try to split it up.
The Almohads started to move to the right to get past the oases between the two armies. The Spanish did the same, keeping the oasis between them. This in hope that the Almos would try to go around on both sides.

But they did not and Don Alf realized they should have stayed where they were when the enemy general charged after a troop of “bait” peasants down by the oasis, pursuing them up towards the hills where the Spanish had first stood.

The enemy general and Alfie and his men reached the top at the same time and a company of spearmen and a company of order foot soldiers engaged the general, while the rest of the infantry would try to hold off the six other troops of camels plus the ghulams that would soon follow. The men did a good job in killing of the bodyguards of Al-Afdal, but not good enough, and when he had 4 men left, the Spanish where routed. Don Alf also tried to get at Al-Afdal, but when the last man in his guard fell, fear overtook him and he fled.

Of the 685 men who walked onto the field of battle that day, only 45 were not killed or captured. 397 captured soldiers were ransomed however and that gave Don Alf a tiny hope of surviving an Egyptian invasion of Cyrenacia if it came.

1127

Prince Pedro invades the rebel held Granada with 536 men.
And the Egyptians marches into Cyrenacia with 376. Our army there numbers 701, but consists of mostly lesser troops.

2nd battle of Cyrenacia

Don Alf placed his best men on a hilltop overlooking an oasis, while he placed companies of peasants down by the water hoping they could distract the enemy a bit.

The bigger part of the Egyptian army went past the oasis on the north side, while some beduin camel riders took to the south where they met and routed two peasant companies. On the north side a company of peasant engaged the enemy general and his two bodyguards and actually managed to kill one of them before they chased away by a troop of desert archers.
The Egyptians now gathered for a full frontal attack. They were at this point stronger than the Spanish, but then an arrow took down the last of Al-Afdal’s bodyguards and after a short while he was hacked apart by polearm-wielding militiamen. Without their general the rest or the Egyptian army made a hasty retreat.

Granada were easily conquered with the loss of 32 men.

1128

Prince Pedro storms and takes Granada Castle.

An Egyptian 2 stars general invades Cyrenacia with 594 men. The Spanish defenders number 521 men.

3rd battle of Cyrenacia

Don Alfie moved his men to higher ground when he could see the power of the army before him. The Egyptians followed unorganized and allowed for the opportunity to eliminate a company of Nubian spearmen and a couple of archer troops without to much loss of Spanish lives. But when the Egyptians started their full attack, the Spansih line were simply not strong enough and once the left flank was broken, the rest of the line soon fell apart. The crusade were lost and 174 men led by Don Martin de Trastàmara (2 star) were trapped inside Tripoli castle that will fall in 1130.


More later (Including siege and sallying from Tripoli castle)

[Zathernon]

Knutis, great detail and story telling. Thought i was reading about Mannstein at Stalingrad.
The Scottish awoke from their easy slumber when across the Scottish Channel could be seen the orange and black flag of the Almohads flying high above the horizon. Never before could they imagine their allies the French would not be close at hand. What trampie could have befallen them in this night that would allow the loss of the rich garden of Flanders.
Not wanting to steal the glorious victory from the French, The Scotts elected to to by-pass the coastal waters and do an Inchon landing for Leon. The Almohads are suspected of having a spy in camp for they had heavily re-inforced Flanders the year The Scotts launched the attack.

As the Iberian lands were lightly garrisoned, The Scotts knew they had to strike hard and fast. The impestous attack had caught the Almohads off guard and had made it obvious to the Scotts just how powerful their new found enemy was and could be. It was going to take the bravest and most creative general to counter the vast material advantage of the Almohads.

In the second seige of Castile, the #2 general, nobley decided to abandon Castile to relieve the Genoese Consul who was trapped and about to fall in Murcie, the province just south of Valencia. As it played out, the Almos sent a large force to re-take Castile , but had left Valencia almost ungaurded, by sending in detachment into Valencia, The #2 General was able to retire to Valencia after the Battle of Murcie.

Oh what joy of the Genoese Consul with his 17 Royal Knights. It almost seemed that the RKs' were bouncing as if by dance during the pre-battle formations. It was as if he went to speak to every unit in the Scottish army.
Let me tell you how much the Scotts had to hurry to keep up with the Consul as he led us into battle. His leadership did bring to a very decisive battle.
The war was not won on that day, but the defeat of the Almohads was.

[Zathernon]

Sorry , double post

[bamff]

WEll done, Knutis and Zathernon both! Long will the exploits of your Spanish and Scottish warriors be told and re-told....

Even now in Tripoli Castle, I can hear the beleagured Don Martin de Trastàmara crying out "What's it all about Don Alfie?" as he waits forlornly for rescue or reinforcement.

Okay sorry, I'll be sensible again. Zathernon's campaign also neatly highlights the importance of naval power in affording one some truly potent flexibility.

Nice work guys!

[knutis]

1129

Don Martin de Trastàmara and his men sally forth. The enemy outside the castle number 302.
During the battle the Egyptian general is killed, but this does not give the Spanish victory and they are beaten back into the fort and now just number 17 men.

1130

Help from GOD!!
From the sand of Cyrenacia rises 120 fedudal men-at-arms and 20 royal knights and attacks the besieging army. The attack is lead by Don Antonio Ramirez (2 stars).
The result is satisfying as 67 of the 172 defenders are no more and only 15 Spanish lay dead.
The French gets themselves excommunicated.

1131

Don Antonio Ramirez is now Lord Ramirez, Duke of Cyrenacia. He immediately starts the rebuilding of his province.
We accept an offer of alliance from the French as they are getting stronger. This cancels our alliances with the Germans and the English. We also have to chose between staying allied to the
Polish or to the Hungarians. The Hungarians are chosen. The King ponders upon the idea of sending another crusade towards Jerusalem. If so he will send two of his brothers in case one of them choses to leave halfway.
Our fleet now stretches to the North Sea.
We accept an offer of ceasefire from The Egyptian Sultan.

1132 – 1136
build up – build up – build up

1137.

Prince Felipe comes of age and the same year King Roger of Sicily proposes a marriage between Felipe and his daughter Princess Vittoria. Although this will cancel our alliance with Hungary, we accept, as we want a good relationship with Sicily when our trade-ships enter the Mediterranean.

1140

King Alfonso VII dies in his bed. It is decided that king’s brother Enrique is to take over the crown. He is crowned King Enrique I of Spain.

1144

The second crusade marches out of Castile on its way to Jerusalem. This causes the Egyptians to invade Cyrenacia with 1779 men. Our army there numbers 1450. The defence is no challenge for Lord Ramirez who beats back the invaders. He is promoted because of it.
The King of Sicily and the Prince of Novgorod cancel their alliances with the Egyptians.

1145

The crusade enters Morocco and we are at war with the Almohads again. They meet no resistance. The King of the Danes cancels his alliance with the Almohads.
The Egyptians invade Cyrenacia with 1099 men and is easily beaten back.
Prince Alfonso matures.

1146

Again the Egyptians send an army against Cyrenacia. Yawn!
In Algeria the Almohads wisely chose not to fight the passing crusade.

1147

The Egyptians march into Cyrenacia again. This time led by a young talented general
(6 stars). They number 825 men while we have 1143.

The battle ends I favour of the Almohads as Lord Ramirez gets himself unnecessarily surrounded and killed while chasing down a company of archers. 427 men are ransomed back from the Egyptians and sent to Tunisia where the crusading army now stands.

1148

This year 144 men die in the besieged keep in Cyrenacia.

1149

The crusaders lift the siege at Cyrenacia.

1150

The crusade marches on to Egypt. Some of the people of Cyrenacia join them, including 10 men from the first crusade still living. 443 men stay behind to defend Cyrenacia.

1151

The Egyptians retreat from Egypt and the crusade marches on. In the Sinai they meet an army of equal size which is easily defeated, but at the end of the battle Don Ferdinand Velázquez is hit by a thrown spear from a fleeing company of numidian spearmen. His brother were not supposed to have been in battle, but is nontheless nowhere to be seen, so the low-ranking (2) Don Ferdinand Lerma takes control of the army.

1152

The crusaders consider starving out the garrison in Sinai since it includes the high ranking general Nur al-Din. But they continue towards Palestine as they expect an attack from Egypt, which now contains about 1500 men. 642 men from Cyrenacia marches over the border to Egypt to distract the Egyptians stationed there.

The Eyptians gather a large army for a counter attack on Sinai, but Lerma eludes them.
Egypt, which was left empty, is now captured by the army from Cyrenacia led by Don Raimundo Mendoza. The same happens in Palestine and the crusaders marches unhindered into the holy city. Lord Lerma crowns himself King of Jerusalem.
At the same time, the Egyptians seem to have lost their last royal male, and so they are divided into several lesser groups.
1154

We are again allied to the Byzantines and a German princess marries Prince Alfonso.
The French has a crusade on its way towards Morocco. Fine by me.

[Kaidonni]

I've been having a blast as the Scottish/XL/Hard/Early/GA. By 1098 I'd kicked the English off of the British mainland. By 1119 I had all of Britain and Wales. In 1129 I invaded Norway - and to avoid excommunication sent 17 assassins to kill King Magnus IV after slaughtering the Norweigan (sp?) nobility in battle (all but 6 of the assassins died). Building up my navy to strike at Sweden now, in the year 1140.

I thought it was going to be terribly hard, but I kind of bum-rushed England in the beginning. I invaded Northumbria in 1087, fought a battle over it and won. Bribed Wales for the Longbowmen, abandoned Wales and took Mercia. Then one final push to take Wessex - the English ran for the hills! Or should I say Channel?

I retook Wales (which I deliberately let rebel beforehand), built up my forces, took out the Irish in 1111AD (which then ended me with a siege that lasted many, many years). Built up my forces more...Norway has fallen to me, like I said, and my army is on the border by Sweden and my navies moving into place, ready to cut the Swedish transport lines...

And I don't care if the Pope excommunicates me. He's rather old now, getting into his fifties...and I'm building up assassins again. If he disapproves of my invasion of Sweden...well, I heard he really likes collector's knives (like the collector's spoons, just knives). Perhaps he can have a look at his 'gifts' over a nice 'conversation' with my 'representatives'.

[Innocentius]

Part two of the Reign of King Casimir I, Hammer of the East: 1279 - 1311 A.D.

With the great conquests to the east in 1277 and the subsequent victories against the Turks in the south during the following years King Casimir's position as a great king was already properly established. Many years were spent pacifying the conquered lands to the east, and their inhabitants were baptised and taught to pay an annual tax to the King of Poland, something they were unused to; the Khans and the Russian Princes had always forced them to pay them tribute, but never annual taxes.
There was no rest for Casimir however, and his attention was always drawn further east. In the year 1281 of our Lord, he considered the time ready and the armies of Poland marched into the deep woods of the lands of the Muscovites and the Rjasans. He left only small contingents of men in the recently conquered lands, confident in their ability to maintain law and order. These lands, Muscovy and Rjasan, were held by no khan or king at the time, as their previous ruler, the Mongol khan, had lost them in the civil war. The Muscovites and the Rjasans were not to keen to yet again fall subject to another ruler and set up a firm resistance however. Aided by their knowledge of the land and the deep, dark, woods they organized countless ambushes on the Polish armies as they struggled across the marshes and around the lakes of the lands. They were wise enough to refuse the Poles open battle, but despite all their efforts the Polish continued to push further into their lands. As winter came in late 1281 the Polish armies fared much better: with the lakes and marshes frozen the pace of their advance quickened and already in January 1282 the capitol of the Rjasans, Rjasan itself was besieged by King Casimir and his troops. The capitol was not very impressive by the standards of a Polish city; it was little more than a few farms encircled by a palisade. After a few weeks of siege the winter cold became too much for King Casimir and his men, who badly desired to sleep indoors rather than in a tent. Thus, Rjasan was stormed and fell after a brief struggle. With the fall of their capitol, the Rjasans submitted to king Casimir and recognized him as their leader. The vast lands or Rjasan had been incorporated into the kingdom at the loss of only a handful lives.
In the lands of the Muscovites, the Poles were much less successful. For years the campaigning went on, as the Muscovites had learnt to fortify themselves. The many wooden forts of the Russians combined with the difficult terrain and the constant ambushes slowed Polish progress to only a few kilometres a day. Not until the summer of 1284 did the Polish army finally reach Moscow, the capitol of the Muscovites. Moscow was a much greater city than Rjasan, and the Polish commander did not wish to waste his men on an overconfident assault. Instead, he decided to starve the city and in late July 1284 Moscow finally fell the Poles. As had happened in Rjasan two years prior, the Muscovites capitulated at the fall of their capitol and recognized Casimir as their ruler. The long work of inviting priests and bishops from Poland proper now followed, and the people of these conquered lands were pacified and taught the ways of God. Castles were raised to maintain control of the land and reinforcements were sent for.
Further south, in Lesser Khazar, Khan Batu of the Volga-Bulgars suddenly broke his alliance with the Polish and invaded the said province. He conducted a raid through the land, but as a Polish army marched out to meet him, he turned around and retreated. This turn of events threw the Eurasian steppes into utter chaos. The Volga-Bulgars had supported the Polish in their wars against their common enemy the Golden Khanate, but as the Polish grew too successful the Bulgars were frightened they too would be absorbed by the superpower to the west. Reasoning that attacking was his best defence, Khan Batu acted as he did, thus dooming his khanate to destruction. Now it was free for all here in the east and no longer were there any alliances. To make matters worse for the Volga-Bulgarians, their war with the Golden Khanate was soon renewed and now found themselves fighting two wars.
Lucky for them, Casimir was not yet ready to avenge this treachery. The lands of Muscovy and Rjasan still needed to be Christianised and assimilated into the kingdom. Not until reinforcements arrived from Levidia in 1287 was he finally ready to punish Khan Batu. In that year he invaded Volga-Bulgaria itself with a great army, and his enemies fled before him, abandoning their homeland.
For now, the war rested for a few years and Casimir was happy watching the Mongols and the Bulgars fight it out – only minor border raids were arranged by the Polish. In the year 1293, Casimir decided to finish the matter, and invaded Khazar, the last outpost of the Golden Khanate. Khan Chagatai, the man who had lost all the vast possessions of the Khanate now rode out with his last army to face the foe that had once, more than fifty years ago, stopped the rapid expansion of the Mongol Empire and had then pushed them back into the east. The morale within the Mongol army was all but high. Chagatai was not a man of great reputation and he only served to lower the morale of his men further. The Mongols knew the Poles couldn’t be defeated. No Mongol army had ever defeated a Polish one in battle, and this time it was the Poles who outnumbered them, different from what it had been oh so long ago.
The battle that followed was a disaster for the Mongols, and they were utterly defeated. To the credit of Chagatai must be said however that he died as a hero, fighting into the very last, but as he died, the remnants of the Mongols ultimately broke and ran.
With the death of Chagatai, the line of Khans was broken and the Golden Horde was no more. The mighty people who had seemed invincible to all, who had conquered the east and threatened Europe, reaching the Baltic sea, had been destroyed. They would live on in the east, but in the west, their power was forever gone.



With the Mongols vanquished, Casimir quickly turned his gaze to the Bulgars and their treacherous Khan Batu. Batu was now isolated in the predominantly Christian lands of Georgia. Even if the Christians in these lands were schismatics, they were still Christian and, in the eyes of a Catholic king like Casimir, had to be “liberated” from the Muslim tyranny. His final war against the Bulgars in 1294 and 1295 thus took on the shape of a holy war, even if a crusade was never called.
In the early summer of 1294, King Casimir I organized his “liberating” of the Georgians according to a simple plan: He would march with his army from Khazar south into Georgia, while Lord Brodaty would march with another great army from Lesser Khazar. Minor troops from Moldavia would land by sea. The plan went well, even better than expected, for Casimir, but Lord Brodaty met a shock as he approached the Caucasus Mountains.

The Battle at the foot of the Caucasus

As Lord Brodaty marched with his army, he was indeed surprised to see what he saw: Out of the mountains, through a mountain pass, the entire army of the Bulgars, with the personal banner of Khan Batu himself flying in the wind. Those foolish Bulgars had planned to invade Lesser Khazar themselves, leaving their homeland undefended!
Startled by the situation, Lord Brodaty was still able to act in a rational way, and deployed his men on a small hill overlooking the road coming out of the mountain pass. If the Bulgars wished to pass, they had to defeat him first.
Khan Batu however, did not handle the odd situation quite as well. He was surprised, angered and frightened to face a mighty Polish army so early on during his campaign and ordered the Poles to be dealt with as quickly as possible. As always when attacking the traditional wall of Polish halberds backed up by many arbalesters, he failed in his attempts. Lord Brodaty had formed almost a circular fort of men atop the little hill, and there was no way any enemy could outflank him, simply because he had no flanks.
Embittered by the result, realising the battle – and thus the war, for this was all the men he had, Khan Batu threw himself and his retinue into the fray with the ferocity of a madman. Within seconds, he was dragged of his horse and killed. Only a handful of Bulgars managed to retreat back into the safety of the mountains and Lord Brodaty won an astounding victory:



The few survivors of the disaster who returned to Georgia sent words to the only son of Batu, Subudai, in Tbilisi that his father was dead and that he was now Khan. He did not rule for long however and was never able to exercise any command as the population of Georgia soon rose against him in the favour of the Poles. Later in 1294, Lord Brodaty finally arrived in Georgia and joined forces with King Casimir. The campaigning was a great success and they met little resistance, in fact, the Poles never got to capture Tbilisi as the population of the city rose against its masters in early 1295 as news of the Polish armies standing only a few kilometres away reached the burghers. They slew Subudai and opened the city gates for Casimir when he arrived and gladly recognized him as their king. After centuries of Muslim rule, Georgia was yet again in Christian hands. The Khanate of the Bulgars ceased to be with the death of Khan Subudai. The east had been subdued.
As a recognition of his great achievements to the east and his great conquests for Christianity, Pope Nikolaus V signed an alliance with Casimir in 1296, and many years of peace followed. Casimir remained in Georgia, on the border with the Seljuk Turks. The Polish presence in Georgia now put further pressure or the Seljuk Sultan who now had to keep massive armies stationed in both Trebizond and Armenia, draining his treasure. To add to his troubles, a Sicilian crusade was launched upon his lands, and the Sicilians captured Nicaea and Iconium. If these conquests were to last was a matter of debate as the Sicilians did little to strengthen their position, but surely this didn’t add to the popularity of the Sultan.
During his years in Georgia, Casimir’s sons Henry, Konrad and Mieszko came of age. The sons of King Casimir didn’t come near him in terms of leadership and ability as military commanders, but they were all well-educated young men with a strong belief in God.

The descent into madness

More than a decade of peace followed after the Polish conquests in the east, and Casimir remained content in Georgia while his sons managed the economy at home. The Turks had great armies along their borders but were too weak to recommence the war, still remembering the bitter defeats in Bulgaria. But during this time, Casimir’s mental health seemed to decline and he became increasingly paranoid. As one century turned into another, Casimir had established a reign of terror and his (unofficial, of course) assassins plagued the lands, killing event innocent emissaries and even travelling princesses, making the life for all officials in Poland a dangerous matter. Even Poles who apparently displeased the king were killed in either way. In 1302, the old Lord Wos, who had almost acquired legendary status of his victories against the Turks, was found poisoned. The Turks were accused of the deed, but some suspected their own king to behind this murder as he had became worried with the popularity of Wos, fearing he would rebel, he had him killed before anything happened.

The climax of his reign of terror came in 1307 when the king’s oldest son, Henry, married Princess Ingeborg of Sweden. In the same year, a great influenza epidemic pained the lands of the Crimea. Casimir saw this a bad omen: surely the Swedes had exercised witchcraft against him and plotted to overthrow him. He ordered an immediate invasion of the lands of the Swedish king, and his surprised generals in Lithuania and Novgorod marched with their armies into Estonia and Livonia. Just why were they attacking a Catholic neighbour that had shared borders with the Polish for a century and more?
Anyway, the obeyed their king, of course fearing to displease him. The surprised Swedes stood no chance and were completely overwhelmed. In Livonia the outnumbered Swedes retreated to their castles, but in Estonia King Inge III rode out with his army to face the Poles. His army was small and seriously outdated, but he still made a brave stand. The Polish nobleman sir Niebor Pieritz easily defeated him in the Battle of Väikemaarja: Pieritz sent his arbalesters up first, outranging the Swedish archers they inflicted heavy casualties. To rid himself of the enemy arbalests King Inge ordered his cavalry forward. The arbalesters then retreated and the halberdiers rushed to face the cavalry. The Swedish knights were easily dealt with and the Poles then continued on to the main army of the Swedes, while Pieritz himself and his dismounted knights fell into the Swedish left flank. King Inge was slain and the Swedish driven off the field. The victory was complete:



With the death of King Inge III ended the Swedish lines of kings, and the Kingdom of Sweden was no more. The leaderless troops in Livonia and Estonia soon surrendered to king Casimir and both Reval and Riga were captured before the end of 1308.
The swift successes in the Baltic resulted in the Pope never having time to condemn Casimir for his actions. By the time words reached him of the war, the Kingdom of Sweden had already ceased to exist.
Casimir now again turned his attention south and into foreign affairs as the Turks felt strong enough to launch a Jihad against Bulgaria in 1310, this had been provoked by a series of Polish naval victories in the Black Sea and the Aegean Sea during the previous year. In the spring of 1311 the Jihad marched into Bulgaria, while a massive Seljuk army marched into Georgia. The commander in Bulgaria had sent for reinforcements from Hungary however, and realising their situation was hopeless, the Turks in Bulgaria retreated.
The army sent into Georgia was impressive too, but so was the stature of King Casimir by this time. He was an old man and had grown a great white beard, although his posture was still as upright and noble as always, despite his age. As the Turks saw the mighty Polish army, clad in red and white, with the mighty King Casimir on a black horse, their lust for war vanished and they left the battlefield without dealing a single blow or firing a single arrow. The war had been a fiasco for the Turks.
Casimir would not live to appreciate this however, and by this time he had grown so bitter he saw no pleasure in life and actually longed for death. His wish was granted as he died soon after returning to Tbilisi. One of Poland’s greatest kings and its finest military commanders was dead, although his legacy would live forever. Casimir had been the one to accomplish what so many of his forefathers had strived for. The east had been subdued.

Soon after, in June 1311, King Henry was crowned in Krakow as King Henry I of Poland, at the age of 30. The fourteenth century of our Lord laid ahead of him.

The Kingdom of Poland in 1311:


King Henry I:



I'm sorry if this episode is a bit dull, I guess you can tell I'm losing interest in this campaign by now. It's really only funny while you're still struggling, and once you reach the steamrolling-size which I've reached now it's not very challenging anymore. Anyway, I'll probably finish this, although in a pretty summarized way. I'll continue to 1400 at least.

PS. I decided to keep the unanglicanized spelling of Ryazan, hope you don't mind.

[Tratorix]

Great campaign Innocentius! Sorry to hear your getting bored with it. I usually can't finish my campaigns either. I have no interest with being one of two superpowers on the map and slugging it out with the other one.

[seireikhaan]

Hmm, something just occured to me, Innocentius. I've noticed that in most of your battles, you seem to go with the halberd/arbalester combo for your choice of troops. Out of curiosity, what do you do for troops in the early period, when neither are available? Obviously nothing in the early period can kill like arbalesters, and most of the spear units aren't very good for dealing with anything other than cavalry.

[bamff]

Great stuff Innocentius!

I know where you are coming from - I am struggling to get the enthusiasm to write up my latest Aragon chapter (which will take me up to 1265 I think), let alone to ride out into the campaign again...

[seireikhaan]

Violence Escalates

Ogadai had finally achieved what he felt was a peaceful situation. He had manageable borders in Eastern Europe, bording the Holy Roman Empire, Hungary, and Poland. In the south, he figured the long time enemies, the Ottomans and Byzantines, would soon redeclare war upon each other, helping ensure the peace in his southern provinces. However, this is not what was to be.

In Eastern Europe, in 1343, Poland, under their young and ambitous ruler, King Wladyslaw V, decided it was time to forge their own empire. Bringing forth their entire forces from both Greater and Lesser Poland, he outnumbered the Mongol defenders in Volhynia 4 to 1. The Mongol commander in charge of the defense of Volyhinia, Prince Batu, recognized that attempting to defend against such odds was not wise. Thus, he ordered a small contingent of men to stay behind in the stronghold, promising he would return with greater numbers. And Batu would fulfill that promise to his men, returning the next year with reinforcements from Prussia, Kiev, and Lithuania. He now outnumbered Wladyslaw just slightly. Wladyslaw, no fool himself, withdrew from the province, detirmined to not fight any battle he could not win for sure. With Volhynia recovered, Ogadai sent a messenger to Wladyslaw, requesting a peace treaty. Ogadai preferred the Volhynia to be a primary defensive position, and attempting to take Poland could result in casualties far too great for Ogadai's taste. Wladyslaw refused, however. And thus a standstill was born, neither side willing to attack the other. This standstill would last for many years.

In 1346, Mongol forces in the south had fought a terrible battle agains the forces of the Ottomans. In the battle of Ankara, the Ottoman force of 940 soldiers attempted to defend against a force of 860 Mongols. The battle began with an archery duel, the Turkish contingent of Turcomen foot soldiers and horse archers attempting to exchange arrows with the Mongol Horse archers and foot soldiers. Despite having a hill with which to fire from, the Ottoman forces lost the exchange, though they would managage to inflict heavy casualties upon the Mongol units. Once deprived of their ranged support, the Ottomans had no choice but to sally forth against the Mongols, lest they sit back and be torn apart by arrowfire. However, ultimately, none of the Ottoman foot soldiers had a prayer of catching the Mongol horse archers, were completely torn apart. Only once his entire force was nearly destroyed did the Ottoman Sultan, Suleyman, withdraw from the battle himself. With this battle, the Ottoman empire was shattered, with only a just over one hundred troops left, in addition to the loss of Rum.

However, a bizarre twist of fate would save the Ottomans. The Byzantines, with whom they were actually allied to, decided that with Mongol forces thinned from the battle, it was time to take action. The Byzantine emperor, Alexius, ordered a force of 1,000 to relieve the Ottomans trapped in the citadel in Rum. Meanwhile, another force of roughly 780, under the leadership of the prodigious commander, Lord Dalassena, who was regarded as one of the best generals of the age, invaded Armenia. In Rum, the Mongol troops, weary and in the face of a force 2 times their size, had no choice but to fall back to Lesser Armenia. Meanwhile, in Armenia, the Mongol general, Temujin, with only a force of 120 Mongol horse archers, decided to make a last stand against Lord Dalassena, in the hopes that if he could at least strike down Dalassena, he and his troops would be war heroes, and the Byzantines would be deprived of their great commander. Making matters favorable for Temujin was the fact that the Byzantines ranged forces had been sent to Rum, meaning that Dalassena only had cavalry and infantry. When the battle commenced, Temujin had his troops on a hill, as far away from the Byzantine troops as possible. As luck would have it for Temujin, Dalassena was a brave and arrogant man, confident in his own abilities. Dalassena led the attack against the Mongols, him and the rest of his Pronai Allagion several yards ahead of the rest of the troops. Temujin ordered every one of his soldiers to fire at will at Dalassena's regiment. Just a mere 15 yards away from the Mongol troops, Lord Dalassena, perhaps one of the greatest generals of the age, was struck down by arrow fire. Seeing his objective was accomplished, Temujin ordered his troops to withdraw from the battlefield back to the stronghold, knowing that despite Dalassena's death, there was no real hope for victory that day.

However, Ogadai, the great Khan of the Golden Horde, never recieved word of the Byzantines betrayal. He fell ill, at the age of 60. He would not recover, and in 1347, he passed on. In his place would be Prince Chagatai. Chagatai was not Ogadai's eldest son, but unfortunately, his elder brother, Subedei, died in combat against the People of Novgorod several years earlier. Chagatai was a promising commander, having led the campaigns agains the Tuetonic order at the mere age of 17. In fact, he was considered by many to be a better battlefield commander than Ogadai. However, the other kingdoms of the world saw the passing of Ogadai as a chance to take Mongol territory for their own.

The coronation of Chagatai as Khan would not be an elaborate ceremony. He knew that the time for celebration was not now. He himself, like his father would personally see to the defense of Novgorod against possible Swedish invasion from Finland. Meanwhile, in the south, he ordered the immediate recovery of Armenia, which was accomplished with little effort, as the Byzantines all but abandoned the province after the death of Lord Dalassena. And in the Black Sea, a Mongolian navy had just taken form, one of the last commands uttered by Ogadai. However, this navy would have to contend with the mighty Byzantine navy, with ships constructed from Constantinople itself. Lastly, in Eastern Europe, he continued to fortify Levida, Volhynia, and Prussia. Hungary, an ally of Poland was likely to make a visit soon to Levidia, and the Holy Roman Empire, which controlled Pomerania, must be kept in check as well, especially considering many of the Teutonic order, whom his father had vanquished, were originally paid by the Holy Roman Empire to maintain Christianity in the east. However, unlike his father, Chagatai welcomed the challenge. On the day of his coronation, Chagatai made a vow. Any who would dare to stand against him would someday perish.

Spoiler Alert, click show to read: 

[Innocentius]

Thanks everyone

greaterkhaan: One of my greatest weakness as a players is that I'm pretty lousy at handling the Early units. I usually try to fight defensive battles with spear walls and archers, flanked with swordsmen and/or cavalry (as I've done earlier in my Polish campaign). If it have to attack I either temporarily recruit a lot of rubbish troops to scare the enemy off with my numbers and then disband them once I've conquered what I need (pretty lame I know, but not ahistorical at least). If I really must fight an attacking battle I usually just bring a lot of cavalry (and some mounted archers or crossbowmen). If I'm playing as a faction with a good cavalry roster (of all, I consider Serbia in High and Late to have the best) this usually means no problem.

And that's a great campaign you've got going there

[seireikhaan]

Thanks, Innocentius. I've got a feeling that this campaign is just going to be a string of knock out, drag down fights, since nearly all of my neighbors want to declare war on me. And to make things better, I'm starting to run out of cash as well. That's one of the reasons why I'm not using hardly any Mongol heavy cav, as they're just too darn expensive. The only thing that truly concerns me, though is Egypt. If they declared war on me, it would be very bad, very bad indeed.

[Martok]

Some terrific campaigns, folks! I wish I could comment on all of them, but I just don't have that kind of time.

[Kaidonni]

The year 1161AD dawns, King Allan I ruling over a Scottish Empire that stretches across all of Britain and Ireland and over the North Sea into Norway, Sweden, Scania, Denmark and Saxony. King Malcolm III was the leader who united all of Britain - and Ireland - under a single flag. His son, King Malcolm IV, ruled during a time of relative peace, and realised the initial plans to expand into Europe and forge a powerful new empire. King Allan I's reign saw this true empire forged.

Scotland is now at peace again, the most advanced nation in the known world - and an economic powerhouse! Powerful armies will defend Saxony from any invaders as the Scottish slow their expansion to enjoy the fruits of their epic struggles. The Scottish navy also grows ever stronger - you can never have too many ships, what with those storms and - may God have mercy on those gallant Scottish crews - the navy of the Castile-Leonese. In fact, the Castile-Leonese recently invaded Flanders, and are now in the grip of war with France.

King Allan I recounts the true impact of the Scottish Empire on the world. His grandfather, King Malcolm III, booted the English from the British mainland - the French having recently annihilated the remaining English forces. The Irish came second, utterly crushed underfoot. Sadly, King Malcolm III did not live to see Ireland come under full Scottish control - but he lived to see enough and die proud. King Allan I's father, King Malcolm IV, was responsible for the annihilation of the Norweigans - and ordering countless assassins to eliminate King Magnus IV before the Pope could excommunicate Scotland. King Allan I saw the crippling of the Swedish who are now fighting the Polish for survival - and the elimination of the Danes as a power in Europe.

The Danes have suffered greatly from their losses - three provinces lost to the Scottish armies, then excommunicated and a crusade called against Switzerland by the Hungarians. This took it's toll, and a civil war has enveloped the Danes. The Venetians have even returned in Milan. King Allan I has expressed no interest in conquering any rebel provinces in this civil war. He believes the Scottish Empire would be over-extending.

War rages on in the Middle East - provinces bounce back and forth between Byzantine and Seljuk ownership (the latter having been mightily chastised by the Pope, who has called for a crusade against them) and the Fatimids struggle to break out against the Seljuks.

War is bound to break out on the steppes soon enough, for Novgorod and Kiev are the two vying powers there, and Scotland is no target for Novgorod's fleets.

Actual stats in my campaign - I have 11 provinces, over 8300 florins income per turn (WITHOUT Denmark and Scania trading), I have three almost-full-stack armies, I'm building up my fleets of ships and expanding my trade network where possible - and I'm slowing down my expansion now. I quite like the idea of building up a lot now. I plan to keep about four full stacks in Saxony to discourage any would-be invaders. I was going to stop my conquering at Denmark, but the salt trade from Saxony is too important to not exploit. Means I haven't got as minimal borders as I would have liked, but these large armies should offset any worries.

Curious...when I reach the High era, since as I own Wales, will I be able to gain access to Welsh Longbowmen, or can only the English do that? I'm hoping I can do it - if I can, I'm definitely going to be upgrading my Bowyer in Wales.

Here are some screenies...

King Allan I (I don't use him in battle - I have much better generals for that ):



My Scottish Empire, circa 1161AD :


My income :


My diplomatic stance :


My GA standing :

[bamff]

Nice work Kaidonni, I do not believe that we have seen a Scottish campaign recounted here before!

Looks like you are wise to build your forces - there are some sizable neighbours there, any of whom could turn nasty....

Looking forward to the next instalment!

[King Lucas]

This is why I love this game so much, keep writing history boys!

[Agent Miles]

Hungary-MTW/VI, Expert/Early/no mods
https://s132.photobucket.com/albums/...garian%20Game/

I had never played Hungary before, but I still decided to do something completely different from the guides. I would only conquer provinces that were rebel, unless the province was a GA goal. I immediately took Serbia and Walachia. I then built up my economy. I decided to specialize Hungary for Szekely, then Chiv Knights and Carpathia for armoured Spearmen and then Chiv Sergeants. The provinces provided enough income to support a strong defensive force.
Fortunately for me, the first Byz ruler died without an heir and I quickly took Greece and Bulgaria. Both of these provinces have trade items, so I began to pump out Barques. By 1192, I had added Ireland and Navarre to my realm. Sicily rebelled and I snapped it up. This really got my trade going.
The Egyptians had wiped out the Turks and taken most of the Byz provinces. When the Golden Horde arrived, all that changed. I allied with the GH and took Egypt when it rebelled. By 1280, I had added Malta, Castile and most of North Africa after they had rebelled.
My Inquisitor had been hammering the Spanish family tree. When this faction died out, I got most of the Iberian Peninsula. I only used the one Inquisitor (7 star) until I could get one Grand Inquisitor (6 star). Along with a lot of assassins, I was able to totally eliminate some factions. I also made it a point to marry each of my heirs as quickly as possible to foreign princesses. I found that this way when they ascended the throne, they already had several young children of their own.
By 1380, I had maxed out the number of GA points that I could get for conquest, so I decided to stop expanding. I was getting 42 points each period and ended up with a total of 399 points for the GA victory.
I had some great battles in this campaign. In one, my army was totally exhausted, i.e., no bars showing, but I still won. In another, the Egyptians outnumbered me by several thousands. After routing waves of Eggies, my entire force finally routed. Fortunately, I rallied them for a very satisfying victory. Knights get hot in the desert, but they can still win.

[Kaidonni]

Just a very quick update, a more detailed report should come soon. Basically, I spent many, many years building up and watching what was happening in the world. I've even managed to get above 20,000 florins per turn. Until, that is, what is either my bravest action ever or stupidest idea ever.

In the year of 1194...I ejected a French crusade which requested to move through Saxony, where a large amount of my forces were centered. War ensued. Although a more detailed write-up will come, let's simplify it this way: I handed them their butts on a gold platter.

Heh...I actually reloaded because I was annoyed at how many troops the crusade took out of my armies. It seems the battle was FAAAAAAAAAAAAR less damaging to my armies. I killed all the prisoners. I don't need anyone's charity.

King Aodh I is 59, so the excommunication shouldn't last for too long - either that or I send my 30+ 'representatives' to pay the Pope a 'visit' .

Unfortunately, because there is a French ship (just one 2 command Barque) in the English Channel, my entire trade network into Europe is blockaded (gone down to 1300 florins income! LOL!). Hope that guy planned on facing a fleet of 16 ships under a 3 command general!

EDIT: I need to expand anyway, and all I trade with France is through Normandy and Flanders - they've no other ports, especially with the English re-emergence. Unfortunately, the crusade wasn't destroyed - fortunately, it's in Franconia, sapping the forces of Sicily. There's really been a cold war of sorts between me and Sicily, although I have never intended to attack them. I guess an invasion of France with two or three brand new full stacks (which I'm now in the process of constructing) isn't far off. Flanders and Normandy would both make excellent targets, although focusing on Flanders is best - tradeable goods for my trade fleets. I really only ejected the crusade because I was annoyed at how initially it sapped my army, so reloaded, like I said. It was more for fun. But not much else was happening. Maybe this conflict will be a good thing - eventually I'll be fighting the Castile Leonese, and I'll need access to cheap sea lanes beyond the British Isles and Scandinavia so my fleets can move in and take the Castile Leonese fleets to the cleaners. Having access to France will allow me to do that. Scotland will become a true empire!

[NodachiSam]

Its nice to see more stories since I stopped posting at these forums probably a year ago. Also that this thread is finally stickied is nice.

[bamff]

First up apologies - I know it may be "poor form", but I have temporarily discontinued my Aragonese campaign due to getting a little bored with its progress....and in the meantime I have started a new VI campaign, as the Picts (for no reason other than the fact that I had never tried my hand at them before).

So here we go...welcome to the first instalment of "The Chronicles of Bamff of the Picts".

Oh by the way - Level is "Hard"

The Chronicles of Bamff of the Picts

Chapter 1 – Terror from the North (793 - 835)

For many years now, turmoil and trouble have beset the kingdom of the Picts, as each of the provincial rulers sought to claim the overall throne. By 792, the number of contenders and pretenders to the title had been reduced to just two men – Conall of Athfotla, and Castantin, son of Uurguist of Monoth. After a series of smaller, indecisive battles, the two protagonists faced each other at full strength at Braemar Bridge. Several hours later Conall and a great many of his followers lay dead, as did a good number of Castantin’s men. Castantin’s army, however, had won the day, and Castantin was crowned Castantin I, king of the Picts.

Whilst a number of the nobility had rightly pointed out that Castantin’s claim to the throne was probably no more legitimate than many of his rival regal aspirants, it was certainly also true that his claim was no less legitimate. In Castantin’s favour, however, was that he was not only a leader of men, but that he was also a good reader of men. The ability to see behind the words of his nobles, and to ascertain those who truly supported him would be vital if he were to achieve his goal of finally unifying the Pictish kingdoms, and instilling a common purpose, such as had not been seen for many a year.

One man whom he knew he could count on was Ciniod, the Bishop of Monoth. Castantin’s father, Uurguist, had many years previously advised his son of the importance of cultivating a relationship with the church in order to maintain control over his people, and Castantin had heeded his words well. Ciniod had been a friend and confidant long before rising to the post of bishop.

Castantin was painfully aware that in this early period of his rule the support of his nobility and of his generals was tenuous at best. Support for his rule was particularly weak in the province of Athfotla. Castantin had anticipated this – Athfotla was, after all, the former home of the recently vanquished Conall. It stood to reason that the greatest disharmony should be felt here. As a consequence, Castantin had ridden west to the newly constructed warrior hold of Athfotla in 793, aiming to shore up support for his rule. The threat of rebellion was not his sole reason for travelling to Athfotla, however. To the west of this province lay the Scottish stronghold of Dal Riada. Whilst that Scots had not yet made any hostile moves, Castantin was wary of King Domnall’s intentions towards the Pictish lands.

Bishop Ciniod, meanwhile, had travelled south to Fib, and his presence in this, the richest of the Pictish provinces, served to further strengthen the loyalty of the local populace to King Castantin. Strictly speaking, this was not necessary, as Morleo of Orcades, the recently titled Thane of Fib, was one of Castantin’s most loyal generals, and he had already done much to instil a similar loyalty in the people of Fib.

As it transpired, the first few years of Castantin’s rule was to pass peacefully, and without incident. Castantin had ordered the construction of warrior holds in Fib, Athfotla, Cait, and Orcades, and port facilities had been commenced in Moray and Domon. A military presence in all provinces would demonstrate the strength of his rule.

Indeed, the only cloud on the horizon of Castantin’s early years of rule came in the form of repeated sightings of Danish ships off the coast of the Orcades. The frequency with which such sightings were reported had given Castantin some cause for concern. He knew full well that at this time he had not the troops to adequately protect all of his northern borders, and until such time as he could gather sufficient ships to allow for easy troop movements, the islands of Domon were virtually impossible to defend. Orcades was a different situation altogether. Castantin was able to send men and supplies north to reinforce the garrison there. Still, the prospect of having to defend his borders from the ravages of the Danes was not one that Castantin relished. He sent word to his old friend Ciniod, bishop of Monoth, and the holy man set sail to the Danes’ icy homeland to negotiate an alliance. Ciniod was indeed a skilful negotiator, and he was able to convince King Ragnar I of the benefits of forming an alliance with the Picts. With the threat from the east thereby nullified, Castantin now had a free hand to look westwards to Dal Riada and the Scots.

Castantin had more reason to celebrate over the next few years. In 797, his beloved eldest son Brude came of age, and there were great celebrations throughout the Pictish lands. In that same year came news that the Scots had lost the province of Cyil to rebellion. The men of Cyil did not care for King Domnell’s taxes. At the same time, King Offa I of Mercia sends an emissary north to request an alliance with the Picts. Castantin accepts, prompting some amusement at court when he asks with an impish smile “How could we refuse such an Offa?”

Two years later, Castantin’s second son came of age. Showing as little imagination as the rest of his subjects (in the year 799, Castantin had two generals named Morleo, two named Deocilunon, and two named Drust), Castantin had named his second son Castantin.

Further rejoicing came the following year when Caradoc I of Wales offered the hand of his daughter Princess Mary to the 19 year old Prince Brude. Bells tolled through the kingdom as the marriage and resulting union of two kingdoms was celebrated.

As the summer of 803 approached, Castantin was ready to unleash his armies. The Picts drove westward into Dal Riada to meet the Scottish army commanded by Prince Aedh.

The Battle of Ballachulish

Castantin was painfully aware that this was to be the first major action to be fought by his new Pictish army, but he was confident that his men were ready for battle. True, the highlanders of the Scots deserved their fearsome reputation, but he felt that the greater numbers of celtic warriors that the Picts brought to the field would be able to at least hold their own. Castantin also had a secret weapon ready to unleash upon the unsuspecting Scots. Included in his army were two units of beserkers, led by the redoubtable pair of Uist and Taran. These men, although operating in small units, attacked with such frenzy that they struck fear into their opponents. As it transpired, these units would indeed be pivotal in the battle that was to unfold.

Prince Aedh, feeling that his archers would decide the day against the unarmoured celtic warriors, made the first of a series of grave tactical errors as the Picts approached, by sending two units of archers forward to meet their enemies. The archers found themselves under fire from the Pictish crossbowmen before they were within range of the Pictish force. Their woes were compounded as Prince Brude’s royal bodyguard now charged from one flank, and the royal bodyguard of King Castantin from the other. They were slaughtered almost to a man. As the dreaded highland clansmen bore down, eager to avenge their fallen comrades, Castantin and Brude decided that discretion was the better part of valour, and withdrew to resume their positions on the Pictish flanks as the celtic warriors of Deocilunon and Lord Maelchon, and the spearmen of Lord Deocilunon moved forwards to counter the Scottish charge, with support from the crossbowmen and archers.

Inspired by the charge of the three regiments of clansmen, Prince Aedh’s entire army was now flooding downhill to meet the Picts. The celtic warriors of Drosten, Domelch, and Gest now raced to meet the Scots, as the beserkers ripped into the Scottish flanks. Prince Aedh tried in vain to rally his troops, but the charge of his gurad was ably checked by the charge of King Castantin’s own guard. Aedh himself was unhorsed and captured. The clansmen fought valiantly, but eventually, the Pictish berserks fought their way through the Scottish spearmen and peasants to slash into the rear ranks of the clansmen themselves. The men of Taran and Uist were by this time drenched in Scottish blood and screaming as though possessed. None could withstand such a charge, not even the fabled Scottish clansmen, and the day was won. As the last of the Scots fled the field, 287 Scots and 260 Picts lay dead. 304 Scots, including Prince Aedh, were captured. Domnell paid some 3,312 florins for the safe release of his son.

Charge Bonnie Pict, on a Warhorse you ride, O’er the Grampians to Sci

Following his victory in Dal Riada, King Castantin wheeled his entire force north to Sci, where the Scottish king Domnell was now trapped. He was reinforced by some additional troops from Athfotla and Moray, and the depleted unit of Deocilunon retired to Athfotla to re-equip. King Domnell had nowhere to run. He had to face the Picts, and he chose to do so at the foot of the Cuillin Hills.

The Battle of Cuillin Hills

The battle of Cuillin Hills proved to be as fiercely contested a fight as had the Battle of Ballachulish only the year before.

Domnell had positioned his troops poorly, at the foot of a shallow valley. As the Picts approached, he sought to rectify his error. His troops raced uphill to the cover of the forest. Prince Brude, with the impetuosity that comes hand in glove with youth, charged forwards to block the Scottish troops. His royal guards cut a swathe through two regiments of peasants. So engrossed was the young Prince that he did not see the Scottish spearmen and clansmen closing in on his royal guard until it was too late to withdraw safely. The celtic warriors of Domelch raced to the aid of their Prince, as the two armies clashed across the width of the field. The clash of sword on sword, and spear on shield mingled with battle cries and screams of pain and terror as men fought and died. Prince Brude’s men were still trying in vain to fight their way clear as the royal guard of Domnell bore down on them. Brude turned to face this new threat, but his rallying cry to his men was brutally cut short by Domnell’s blade slashing across his throat.

Castantin witnessed the spray of blood and saw his beloved son’s body slump from his saddle. With a guttural yell that was part battle cry, part cry of anguish, the Pictish King spurred his horse to charge across the field to where Domnell and his men were. With the fury of a flock of avenging angels, Castantin and his guardsmen cut down every Scotsman who dared to cross their path as they swept to meet Domnell. For his own part, Domnell had found himself under pressure from the spearmen of Allcallorred, and now pinned by this unit, they were suffering terribly at the hands of the Pictish crossbows. Their numbers were sorely depleted by the time that Castantin and his royal guardsmen smashed into their flank. Domnell had been unhorsed when Castantin fell upon him. The Pictish King slashed downwards with his sword, despatching his Scottish rival in a terrifying series of blows. Prince Aedh also perished in the charge of Castantin’s guard.

At least that was how the battle was to be recounted by Pictish bards for many years after it was fought. In truth, it was one of Domnell’s guards that slew Prince Brude, and Domnell in turn was actually slain by a Pictish royal guard named Beocca. As the bards noted, however, one should never let the facts get in the way of a good story, and what better tale than one where the good king nobly avenges his son's death at the hands of an evil foe?

However it actually transpired, the Scottish king was dead, and as the news of his demise spread, the Scots lost their taste for the fight and fled the field. As the day drew to a close, 381 Scots and 295 Picts lay dead, and 120 Scots were captured. The death of Domnell and Aedh left the Scots without a monarch, and the kingdom quickly dissolves into a pair of independent provinces – Cyil and Ulster.

Mopping Up at Annait

It mattered not to King Castantin that the men holding out in the fortified village of Annait under Girig Maknakill were now fighting under the flag of Sci rather than the banner of Scotland. Whether they were Scots or men of Sci, they still defy the crown of the Picts, and must be brought to heel. Girig Maknakill, for his part, misguidedly believes that he can stand against Castantin. As it transpires, Castantin’s assault on the village stronghold is both well planned and ruthlessly executed. Only 7 Picts die as Maknakill and 58 of his supporters perish. Only one of the holdouts survives to surrender.

As word of Castantin’s victories spread, offers of alliance come from far and wide. Donchad I of Ireland and Behrtric I of the Saxons offer alliances. Both are accepted. Aethelred I of Northumbria offers the hand of his daughter Princess Cynegth to Prince Castantin. This offer is also accepted by King Castantin, and once more bells toll throughout the kingdom of the Picts as the people rejoice in the wedding of the young Prince.

A brief period of peace ensues, during which time King Castantin is able to enjoy the celebratory feast as his third son, Drust, comes of age.

Across the Sea
With an ever increasing number of Pictish curraghs now plying the oceans, tales soon reach King Castantin of rich lands far to the west. More important, those rich lands are currently unclaimed by any rival kingdom. Castantin hurriedly assembles a force of some 553 men and sets sail for Connacht, there to face the army of Flann the Wise in 810.

The Battle of Sligo

Flann had assembled a force of some 658 men of Connacht to meet the Picts, and had chosen his ground to the north east of Sligo. Among his men were a significant number of kerns – men whose method of doing battle was quite unlike anything that the Picts had encountered before.

Whilst the Picts were outnumbered, their crossbows enjoyed a significant advantage of range over the javelins of the Irishmen. The Picts also had a significant edge in experience. A good many of these men had been with Castantin throughout his campaigns in Dal Riada and Sci.

As the Pictish King surveyed the field, he could scarcely believe his eyes. His enemy were deployed in three separate groups. Two units of kerns, including the general Flann stood far to the Irish left. Another group of spears, archers, and kerns stood well to the rear of the centre. Two units of kerns, two of spears, and one of archers formed the centre of the Connachtmen’s “line”.

“How ever did this buffoon earn the title Flann the wise?” queried Castantin incredulously.

The men of Connacht fought bravely throughout, but their dispositions allowed the Picts to fight each of the three smaller forces in turn to secure the victory. 453 men of Connacht paid the ultimate price that day, and 145 were captured. 160 Picts fell for their king.



The Battle of Loughguile

With Connacht subdued, King Castantin had sailed back to Monoth to share in the celebrations of his victory in Ireland, and the coming of age of his fourth son, Eoganan. Eoganan was a young man with great ambition. Like his father, he was a born leader, and he was most anxious to prove his mettle in the crucible of combat. He would not have long to wait. Barely two years had passed before Eoganan was sailing to Ulster with an army of 588 men.

Olav Makartane of Ulster could only raise some 477 Ulstermen for the defence of his homeland, but he was truly dogged in his determination to drive the invaders back into the sea. He positioned his army near a long narrow lake to meet the Picts.

As had been the case in Connacht in 810, the Ulstermen split their force into two smaller groups. They were already outnumbered, and this further weakened their position.

Eoganan turned in his saddle to address his field commanders “Perhaps this is a standard tactic of the Irishmen? I can see no method to such madness….but I do see our opportunity for victory.”

Eoganan followed the pattern adopted by his father in Connacht, and fought each of the two armies in turn. The Ulstermen had no answer, as pictish cavalry and royal guardsmen swarmed around their flanks to charge them from the rear while celtic warriors and beserkers, screaming like banshees, smashed into their front ranks and flanks in an orgy of violence that was terrifying to behold. Both of the armies of Ulster were quickly routed. 155 of their number lay dead. A further 303 threw down their weapons to surrender to the Picts. Barely 30 Picts perish in the battle, and Eoganan’s men are quick to cheer their Prince, whose skilful leadership and bravery in the saddle assured them of victory. Eoganan sends word back to Monoth of the bravery of the pictish cavalry of Uvan, and the beserkers of Lord Breth, both of whom were instrumental in the great Pictish victory.



Northumbrian Treachery

The conquest of Ulster in 812 was followed by a relatively peaceful period for the Picts. King Conan I of Wales, sends word in 817 that he wishes to offer an alliance. Castantin graciously accepts this offer. The kingdom rejoices once again in 822, in celebration of the coming of age of Talorc, the youngest of Castantin’s five sons.

Treachery lurks in the south, however. The Northumbrian King, Eardwulf I, has long looked northwards to Fib with covetous eyes, and in 824, he strikes. Unfortunately for Eardwulf, his campaign is something of a disaster from start to finish. Not only is he unable to raise a substantial army to commence his march north, but upon reaching Fib, he discovers that the garrison of the province is much stronger than he had anticipated, and has recently been reinforced by troops from Athfotla en route to the new Irish provinces in the west. His small army receives this news even less favourably than does their king, and a number of Eardwulf’s woodsmen and archers simply melt away during the night. Eardwulf has no option but to turn his force about and march south back to Lothene.

Castantin is furious that Eardwulf has broken the 19-year alliance between the peoples of Northumbria and the Picts by invading Fib. He wastes no time in assembling an invasion force of his own, and marches on Lothene. As word reaches Eardwulf of the approach of a Pictish army keen on revenge, he is panic stricken, and flees south, abandoning Lothene to the Picts.

News of the latest Pictish victory spreads quickly, and in 826, word arrives from Wales that King Conan I is anxious to further cement the ties that bind the two nations. He offers the hand of his daughter, the princess Gwenllian to Prince Drust of the Picts. Castantin accepts on behalf of his son, and soon church bells throughout both kingdoms are chiming the news of the union. Further cause for celebration is provided in 826 bey the coming of age of Uurad, the 6th son of Castantin. Castantin is now known to the Picts as “Castantin the fertile”, and his queen as “Aoife the incredibly tired”.

The Battle of Lothene

In 827, The Northumbrian King Eardwulf I surrendered to the pressure that was mounting within his own kingdom to reclaim some lost Northumbrian dignity. He assembles a mighty army and marches north to Lothene. The Pictish garrison is sorely outnumbered, but they are led by King Castantin and Prince Alpin, and draw great courage from this fact.

The Pictish King stands his ground atop a small hillock, his right flank protected by a cliff. The left flank is protected by the celtic warriors of Deort and Drust.

Eardwulf, having correctly estimated that his army outnumbers the Picts by almost 2 to 1, attempts a clumsy frontal assault. The Northumbrian huscarles are decimated by Pictish crossbow fire. Lord Ciniod’s celtic warriors launch them selves at the survivors, and despite suffering grievous casualties, they prevail. Meanwhile, Eardwulf’s royal guard find themselves surrounded by celtic warriors, and Prince Alpin’s guard, and they too are soon overwhelmed by the Picts. The remainder of the Northumbrian force crumbles in the face of the fierce Pictish counterattack. In all, some 498 Northumbrians and 233 Picts have perished, and 274 Northumbrians (including King Eardwulf) have been captured. The Northumbrians have tired of the foolhardy monarch, and refuse the Pictish ransom demands. Eardwulf is beheaded. His son Eardwulf II is crowned king of Northumbria.



The following year, Pictish armies invade the provinces of Beornice and Elmete. The Northumbrians flee in terror. None dares to stand and face the Pictish onslaught. All is not well in the kingdom of the Picts, however. In that same year, 828, the beloved King Castantin I succumbs to a mysterious illness, and dies. Castantin II now wears the Pictish crown.

News of the death of Castantin I travels southwards, and King Eardwulf II of Northumbria believes that the time is right for him to capitalise on any Pictish disunity arising from the change of monarch. He takes a large army of some 1,680 men north to Beornice. Prince Uurad has but 772 men with which to deflect this onslaught. The battle is short and sharp. Eardwulf II soon shows himself to be no more able a field commander than his father had been. He is one of the first to die in a foolhardy charge into the teeth of the Pictish crossbowmen. As the dust of battle clears, 775 Northumbrian bodies grow cold alongside the corpse of their king. 307 Picts have also perished in the battle – almost half of the entire garrison. 269 Northumbrians are taken prisoner. The once mighty Northumbrian army has been truly humbled.

The new king of the Northumbrians is Eanred I, and he is no more kindly disposed to the Picts than either his father or grandfather had been. He orders Lord Beomund to attack Beornice in 830, noting that “The northern savages have not had time to rebuild their forces. You will crush them and reclaim Beornice for Northumbria!”

He is sadly mistaken. Prince Uurad and his men again fight magnificently. The second battle of Wearmouth sees almost one third of the Northumbrian army killed or captured, with 103 dead and 96 men taken prisoner by the Picts. Pictish losses are but 4 men. It is a truly astounding victory.



It appears that the Northumbrian threat may have finally been ended in 831, but war clouds were brewing further to the west, with the Irish launching a series of border raids in Ulster and Connacht through that year and the next. It would only be a matter of time before the Irish escalated their attacks into full-scale invasion, reasoned Castantin II, and so he began to send troops to his Irish provinces to ward of the Irish threat that he knew would soon emerge.

[seireikhaan]

No problem, Bamff. I know what its like, I'm currently having trouble scrounging up the effort to continue my Golden Horde campaign, although I plan to update it pretty soon with a report on the Khanship of Chagadai.

Also, looks like this campaign will be much shorter.

[Martok]

Ah bamff, how I've missed your AAR's. I just realized it'd been a few weeks since this thread last had an entry, so it's particularly pleasant the most recent dry spell should be ended by you.

[seireikhaan]

Grrr. Due to a recent, very unfortunate event involving my computer, my Golden Horde campaign has a couple VERY big issues. Like not existing anymore. Oh well, I'll try starting a new one. Any suggestions that someone would like to see? I'm using XL mod, though w/ a couple small changes, mainly cutting time for ships and siege equipment down one year each.

[Martok]

Sorry to hear about the loss of your Mongol campaign, greaterkhaan. My sympathies, man.

As for a faction to play, have you ever tried the Burgundians in High? I don't know of many people who have, but what little I've heard suggests they'd be fairly challenging. Sandwiched as they are amongst the French, HRE, and Italian city-states, I think their starting position would be fairly interesting.

And speaking of Italian city-states, it's been a while since we've seen a Venetian or Genoese campaign. Anyway, there's a couple suggestions for you, per your request.

[Sensei Warrior]

My sympathies as well greaterkhaan. It always sucks when technical problems kills a really good game.

It's not really a suggestion, but I played XL a little bit, and had lots of fun as the Cumans, well before I got steamrolled. It was fun sorta, they were really hard to get started for me, and by the time I did, I died.

[Bregil the Bowman]

Part One of an Account of a VI 2.01 campaign as the Danes

An Inauspicious Start

“Can that truly be him?” asked Violante, recoiling in horror. “That greasy, drunken oaf – that foul-mouthed peasant – that is the man you expect me to marry?”

“Have a care, my lady,” replied Don Carlos. “You are speaking of a king.”

Nonetheless, he could hardly disagree with the princess’s assessment. Valdemar of Denmark was a sorry sight as he drank and brawled in the hall at Roskilde, his long hair unkempt and his straggly beard wet with the juices of his meat. His companions were no better. Don Carlos had witnessed at least one fatal stabbing as the Danes fought and squabbled over the feast-boards, while another of the Danish lords, without a hint of shame, coupled with a serving-girl against the far wall. The gusto with which Hardeknud, the king's younger brother, applied himself to his trencher reminded the Aragonese envoy of nothing so much as pig at its trough. And this was the family into which the tender young princess was expected to marry.

“He is a king,” said Don Carlos firmly, “and he is your father’s ally. And that counts for much.”

Looking up to the dais, Don Carlos found his gaze settling on a vast stone symbol set above the king’s chair. Thor’s Hammer, they had called it in the days when pagan kings had ruled here. Now a carved inscription read “Malleus Pontifici” – the Pope’s Hammer – the title Valdemar’s crazed father, Olaf II, had assumed after his declaration of war against the excommunicated Holy Roman Emperor in 1117. Denmark had added Saxony and Franconia to its territories before Pope and Emperor had settled their differences and peace had been restored. Olaf I had already annexed Sweden and Norway, and though the Jarls of Scandinavia were forever rebelling against Danish rule, Don Carlos suspected that the Danish crown provoked such risings purposefully, to plunder the holdings of the rebel lords and to maintain the battle readiness of the army.

“Your father needs this alliance,” he told Violante. “Spain has grown strong – too strong – through the conquest of North Africa. The King of England has swallowed up half of France and has come to a halt below the Pyrenees. The western Mediterranean has become a Sicilian lake. If the smaller kingdoms are to survive, they must work together.”

“And what aid could these savages bring my father?” she asked bitterly.

What indeed, thought Don Carlos. Denmark’s longships wandered the northern seas at will, but these days the Danes came to trade, not to fight. And England, having learned the lessons of Saxon history, was well equipped to resist any Danish domination of the waters. If it came to all out war, he doubted any Danish king would be eager to risk his far-flung fleet and tiny army against the might of either England or Spain, let alone both. But the alliance might at least ward off aggression for a few more years. And if it came to a final analysis, Violante’s marriage might provide one last chance for the Aragonese bloodline – the chance for her son to sit on a throne, albeit a northern throne, while Aragon fell in ruins.

Valdemar surveyed his new princess with a critical eye, and turned to his companions. “Have they no food in Spain? If I should wrinkle the bed-linen she’ll be lost in the folds! By Christ, if I was offered such a lamb at market I wouldn’t pay more than a penny for it!”

Violante recoiled in disgust: “Please, Don Carlos, I cannot… Not even for my father’s sake…”

“Be patient child,” muttered the Don as a Danish warrior vomited over his shoes. “I doubt King Valdemar intends to trouble your bed this night. And once you are his wife, you may demand a chamber of your own, with a lock upon the door. He will soon find other distractions, and before too long you can ask to visit your father in Aragon. The alliance will be made, and you need have no more trouble than a queen could wish for.”

And if it turns out this way, he mused, we may have to wait long for a Danish heir who carries the blood of Aragon in his veins. An inauspicious start, perhaps, but I have done my duty. The rest is down to them.

The years passed, and Violante indeed returned to Aragon with some doubt as to whether the vows of her marriage had been consummated. Valdemar, meanwhile, found more than drink to distract him from the departure of his bride. He accelerated his programme of ship-building, to extend his trading empire. He sent his Steward, Erik Ironside, and his brother Hardeknud, to the Baltic states of Livonia and Lithuania where they were to subdue the pagan tribes. The Balts proved no more apt to Danish rules than the Scandinavians. Hardeknud, who had grown immensely fat as he grew older, nonetheless developed a reputation as a warrior, as rising after rising was countered by a Danish army whose reputation was growing. Meanwhile Valdemar himself took charge of subduing the Swedish Jarls, their upland rebellions interfering little with the building works he had commissioned in the coastal towns.

Meanwhile in Aragon, the situation worsened. King Fernando died, leaving his kingdom to his reckless son, Felipe. Provoked by his haughty Castilian neighbour, Felipe launched a fruitless attack, from which he was forced to withdraw without a blow being struck. The Spanish response was immediate and decisive. Felipe fell in battle as armies far outnumbering his own crossed into Aragon, leaving no legitimate heir. The House of Aragon had fallen.

Denmark, as predicted, had done nothing to come to Aragon’s aid, and indeed Valdemar had signed a treaty of friendship with Spain and England to protect his own interests. But when Felipe fell, he had the foresight to demand that his wife should be left unharmed, and returned to Denmark with the people of her household. In that way, many of the Aragonese court were spared the fate of their king, Don Carlos among them.

Don Carlos, like Violante, was quick to notice the change in Valdemar. At 22, the young king had been a reckless boy, callow and immature. At 37, he seemed far older, his features marked by heavy drinking and the cares of royal duty. But there was more steel to this man than before, both in terms of the physical man, honed by battle and hard riding, and the inner man, the man in whose hands the destiny of a kingdom lay. Violante, herself a mature woman, understood this at once. This was king, and a man who would father kings. This was a man whose heirs might one day avenge her father and brothers.

In the remaining years of her fertility, Violante gave Valdemar two sons, Christoffer and Sweyn, and two daughters. Valdemar continued to drink to excess, it was a habit that was hard to break, but he was no less the king for that. With Latvia and Lithuania, in his grasp, he encouraged Hardeknud to conquer Chernigov and Smolensk, recruiting mounted troops from the steppe tribes to supplement his Danish infantry. He extended the range of the Danish merchant fleet deep into the Mediterranean, generating wealth on a scale his forefathers could hardly have dreamed.

Even so, he deemed the time not right to avenge his father-in-law by attacking Spain – nor to challenge the might of England. While Denmark’s wealth was based on trade it was vulnerable to the disruption of war. Therefore Valdemar did nothing to provoke war with the major powers. He did take advantage of English involvement on the continent to launch an invasion of Ireland, re-establishing the Norse trading communities of Dublin and Cork. When a series of rebellions broke out in England and Wales, the Danes were poised to intervene. The sixteen-year-old Prince Christoffer led a small force to subdue the Welsh, and when King William proved unable to hold Mercia from the rebels, the Danes took advantage. Resistance continued sporadically for a few years, but it enjoyed little popular support. In truth, Saxon England proved more apt to Danish rule than it ever had to Norman rule, the language, laws and customs of the Danes being better aligned with those of the Saxon populace.

Christoffer was unable to take personal charge of consolidating this new territory, since while sieging Harlech castle in 1167 he received the news of his father’s death. King Valdemar suffered a seizure while arguing with his drinking companions over whether the onion was a fruit or a vegetable. The King fell on his side and lost the power of speech, and the limbs of his left side were frozen. Within a few days he was dead. He was only 54 but he did not come of a long-lived line, and his love of drink had not helped. Like his father, Prince Christoffer came to the throne at a young age, but he was quite a different man – charming and administratively able, though not unversed in the arts of war.

The Queen Mother, having assumed the regency during Christoffer’s absence in Wales, now pressed for a more aggressive policy against Spain. She asked for the new King to be acclaimed for both Denmark and Aragon, an act that must surely promote war with Spain. Christoffer, though, had inherited his father’s Danish pragmatism, and instead sent only respectful greetings to his fellow monarchs around Europe. He had inherited peace and prosperity, and saw no reason change matters.

“Your national symbol is the lion rampant,” mocked the Queen. “Maybe you will change it to the turtle, my son?”

“Maybe so,” replied Christoffer evenly. “For where now are the lions of Aragon – like my uncle? Better a live turtle than a dead lion.”

“Aragon was a small kingdom, and is gone. So were the Almohads of Morocco. Now they are part of a Spanish empire. Remain small, my son, and you remain weak. You will some day have to choose between being a lion or a lion’s prey.”

Christoffer placated his mother by putting her at the centre of a new royal court where a cult of chivalry grew around her, replicating the culture of romance she had known in Aragon. The benefit for Christoffer was the rise of a new class of mounted knights in Denmark, bringing her armies up to date with the best in Western Europe – though in Sweden the traditional huscarle remained at the heart of military service.

The Queen’s warning seemed justified in the years that came. Spain and England came to blows, and the English were quickly driven back from the Pyrenees. Within a few years the English, so dominant earlier in the century, seemed a broken force. Aquitaine, Anjou and Brittany all fall in quick succession. Normandy fell after bitter fighting, and then Flanders. Not even the Channel could hold back the Spanish invasion – London fell and with it all England south of the Thames. Spanish territory now bordered on Danish for the first time.

Christoffer resisted the temptation to exploit England’s weakness, fearing that this would only accelerate Spain’s dominance. Instead, in 1173, he married Edith of England, daughter of William IV, and their long and happy marriage cemented the bonds of their nations. But with Spanish fleets astride the trade route to the Mediterranean, Denmark could not afford to go to war. Without trade, the Danes would be impoverished within a few years, and without money they could not fight Spain.

Poland had also been a dominant power in the early part of the century, and Christoffer’s policy veered between a policy of peace with his powerful neighbour and cultivating alliances with Poland’s enemies – the Holy Roman Empire and the Byzantines. The excommunication of the German Emperor in 1174 brought about a sharp change in policy, with Christoffer responding to the Papal decree by driving the Emperor out of Lorraine, Swabia and Bavaria. The death of Pope Alexander II in 1186 allowed the Germans some respite, as they were able to regain Lorraine before an end to hostilities was commanded by the new Pontiff, Benedict IX.

Denmark’s next test would be in the Baltic, where a Finnish rebellion against the People of Novgorod had allowed Danish forces to invade. Prince Gregori took umbrage at this intrusion into his sphere of influence, and responded by invading Smolensk. The Danish forces in the east were not of the highest quality, but they were numerous. Gregori manoeuvred to avoid a pitched battle, with the result that by 1191 he was cornered in Muscovy, with no fortress available for his retreat. He was captured and killed in the Battle of the Lakes, and the Russian kingdom came to a crashing end with him.

The acquisition of the provinces around Novgorod established Denmark as a power on the eastern steppes, and Christoffer was keen to secure an alliance with the Eastern Roman Empire bordering his new acquisitions. However, his policy changed when the Byzantines made rapid advances through Polish territory, breaking through to the Baltic coast of Prussia. When Greek galleys made their first appearance in the Baltic, Christoffer’s concerns prompted him to accept an offer of alliance from the Poles. Policy changed yet again in 1199, when the offer of an alliance with the Holy Roman Empire, sealed by the marriage of Princess Judith to his second son, Olaf, was accepted.

Spain dominated the West and Byzantium the East. If Denmark was not to be overwhelmed, the expansion of one or the other must be halted. Christoffer’s choice was to be influenced by popular uprisings in Lorraine and Wessex. Though the former was against the German Emperor and the latter against the King of Spain, both sets of rebels made the unusual decision of declaring allegiance to Louis of Lorraine, a last scion of the Capetian house of France. This Louis succeeded in ousting his rivals from both Lorraine and Wessex, and then proceeded to seize the rich province of Flanders from the Spanish. Christoffer persuaded the new monarch to accept both an alliance and a royal marriage, to his eldest daughter Ingrid. This arrangement protected Denmark’s western borders against Spain. With Spain thus engaged, the young Stephen of England conducted raids on the Normandy coast while Brian I of Sicily launched a fierce but ultimately abortive campaign in Aragon and Valencia.

Christoffer’s choice was therefore clear. The immediate threat came from Byzantium, and should be dealt with forthwith. Prolonged war would cost the Danish Treasury 6000 florins per year – a decisive victory would be needed. The die was cast. The Danish lion was ready to take centre stage in a great European campaign…