I remind you that the Mongols built up a working, centralized state from nothing at all, a state that was arguably more advanced than any of its contemporaries. Chingis achieved this from a background of centuries of tribal strife.
Moreover, the conquests of the Mongols demanded that any potential enemies or rally points of resistance towards their might should be eliminated. What this entailed was that nobility was exterminated, massacred in droves when the Mongols took a city. What does that have to do with this? The following: it means that the Mongols had to start from scratch everywhere, having wiped the former administatrive structure off the face of the earth.
The chinese states and Khwarezm weren’t the pinnacle of unruly lands, and even if you completely remove the aristocracy (which ofcourse wasn’t always the case), you don’t magically transform the local social structures overnight. Bureaucracies, even the most basic ones, are resistant to radical change and can provide the framework for decentralised systems, as here we ‘re talking about the disintegration of traditional authority and its incorporation to a multiethnic empire. Everyday administration found continuation in the carcasses of the great states that tried to resist the Mongols. Karakorum (in a figurative sense, a great capital for nomads is more or less an oxymoron) didn’t act as a guiding centre for bureaucratic issues, but for grand strategy and high politics. Leave and let leave may not be exactly what the Mongols did, on the other hand they were surely more interested in getting their due, maybe forming a new local elite as well, but outright engineering of new “pastures” for their newly acquired human herds…no.
Although they definitely loved cherry-picking specialists and human resources just like Temur, the lame guy sure took this pastime to new heights – he could use some Chinese, nevertheles he was afraid of the Ming up till the point he took care of the threats from the newly established Burji line, the Ottomans and his meddling into White Horde affairs (up until the Battle of Vorskla River strong powers in that region could create him headaches, but afterwards the tatar/turkic ability to loot eastern Russian lands and then project their forces to Central Asia was terminally hampered).
Incorrect. The hard foundation upon which Timur's empire was built -- as was his army, but that is only natural since Timur's empire waxed and waned depending on his force of arms -- was that of the Turko-Mongol nomads of Transoxania and the Chaghatay Khanate. The Chaghataid tribesman was the pillar upon which the entire Timurid empire, that is to say Samarkand and the rest, rested.
What I mentioned is a common theme, encountered in quite a few recent historical biographies of Temur. Turkic and mongolic ethnicities are quite general as terms. And amalgamating them into the word “turco-mongol” doesn’t remove the issues that were already encountered in the Chagatai lands, with Mongols forming a new population layer and in the process adding a few extra ones as integration went on. Common roots existed, no doubt about it, but the Mongols there remained more or less “purists” regarding their way of life (something that constitutes a reversal from the usual procedure nomad populations experience), while their subjects were more diverse and in time even more sedentary elements conflicted with the traditional establishment, something that left the region in a pretty bad shape; culture and religion created quite a fuss back then. Future statesmen in the area surely took note of what happened in the 13th century.
Drawing nearer to the close of the 15th century you definately had the tribesmen that rode through the steppes like nothing ever changes, but you had the sedentary folk playing a vertebral role in the state affairs and providing military and “industrial” assets to Temur. Their importance was on the rise from Kebak’s tumulteous rule and as usual, opposing forces surfaced and reaffirmed to some extent pastoralism in the east and central Chagatai lands despite the fact that elsewhere attempts like this did not last long. Past administrative reforms in the land, that had support from the soft (according to the hardened nomads) “quranna” people, could be described as successful and the safest way to power consolidation when ruling over settled populations. Still, no love lost between the traditionalists and the sedentaries, the former opposing any detachment from the “ancien régime” practices (so it wasn’t actually that “ancien” at that point heh). Here’s where promoting a delicate balance appeared necessary.
By the 15th century you had another attempt to infuse back some traditional values, but this time not the “mongol”, yasa-friendly ones. They were turkic-based and the inhabitants, especially the city folk, of Ma wara'an-nahr, a divided land, felt the –threatening - expansion (once again) of Persian influence towards the east, ofcourse not in the same way as in the Il-khanid period. Consequently, this created and reaffirmed identities, and that’s why you’ll see boiling literary movements during those years, with Nava'i acting as the torch-bearer in matters pertaining to turkic civilisation. With Temur’s conquests, the amalgation didn’t stop. Turkic civilisation gained though in the process the ability to interact in more favourable terms with outside influences.
And returning to the discussion on personal similarities and such, after all, you said it yourself; he was working for the greater glory of Samarkand. How true to his steppe blood was this attachment to a single place? His goals weren’t the same with Genghis Khan’s, nor was his environment – at many levels – or the general political situation. And to be short, his world was until relatively recently rocked violently by the Mongol’s actions, but soon the waves turned into ripples and that which remained was disunity and in some places hateful remembrance of the Houses’ rule.
Might it be that Genghis was blessed with an entourage of charesmatic personalities while Temur’s designated heirs, the ones the warlord himself found worthy enough of preserving his legacy, died before him, maybe a perverse game of genes? What the Mongols were to face a few generations later happened to Temur earlier. After all he was a single person who managed to grab most of some ulus that were administered by different branches of the not-so-united Mongol Empire. On this, one should mention that a significant achievement of the Khanates was warfare without great interruptions to other activities. Temur saw “other activities” as an expedient for his campaigns and personal glory, maybe a bit more than the other “boyz from the steppe”.
As I said before, I’m not advocating any candidatures for this guy’s “greatness” or the other’s, but why should infatuation with how one handles posterity take indirectly so many pages in relevant discussions? Genghis didn’t enjoy optimal PR, but Temur definitely wasn’t spared a bit. Don’t you wonder sometimes what’s the difference between slaughtering whole cities and letting the bodies rot and slaughtering whole cities and building towers of skulls (vengeance and submission through terror being always the reason)? Yes, the wall idea was a bit too much, but it wasn’t like standard practice, and Temur had to bring some originality to being cruel, after all the Mongols had set the standard at a pretty good level.
I believe Temur had a vision. But he was a very complicated, contradicting and multi-dimensional personality, and therefore his aims are not that clear. Uniting the mongol heritage, styling himself a continuation of the Great Khans, the notion of an islamic empire, becoming recognised as the mightiest defender of the faith, engineering the rise of the greatest city in the world, initiating a period of artistic bloom, making himself known as a great conqueror, a random journey of oportunism, all these themes blend and show parts of the dissimilar images of himself he promoted and the conflicting mantles he forced himself to take.
I disagree. Within the confines of his time Timur had greater opportunity and a better base from which to start out, yet he achieved far less than did Chingis Khan from far more meager beginnings. The only thing excusing that was Timur's age: he started his conquests outside Transoxania at a surprisingly advanced age. He was no young god, like Alexander -- which becomes him.
This also shows another thing that doesn’t help the justification of meaningful comparisons (or attempts to do that) between people from different times with a single set of tools. One is locked into a circle of achievement semi-quantification, (something similar to what controversial Dr. Modis does, but for other purposes heh) and it’s funny somehow to bring some determinism into the play. I mean, for example, people mention that Genghis started from zero and climbed to the top. But does anyone doubt Genghis’ fate had he not possessed all these valuable early experiences that formed his character? A sine qua non actually, encountered countless times; you can’t have the same board for all players, so better evaluate them in their unique context.
If it’s such a necessity to make comparisons, why not start with some of the Mongol successor states? After all, they are the ones that set the stage for Temur’s appearance. Their internal fights didn’t get any of them very far, yet the bandit conquered or ruled through puppets most of the grounds that used to belong to 3 of them.
Built after Timur's death
Heh, that’s why I said “one word”. More people know it and it evokes a powerful image. Eitherway, Temur’s lifetime was full of similar accomplishments and setting the tone for the future: Aq-Saray, Gur-e Amir, Cathedral Mosque, Bibi-Khanüm Mosque etc And splendid architectural feats and legendary gardens were not the sole forte of Timurid art…
Bookmarks