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The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
PREFACE
The empire created by Alexander the Great's general Seleukos constituted the largest Hellenistic kingdom of the successor states; yet surprisingly little has been written on this dynasty. It is my hope to shed light on the history of this once glorious empire. The paucity of materials that had previously hindered study into this field has rather remarkably come to an end. An abundance of new materials has recently been discovered that gives us remarkable insight into the history of this once-great kingdom, that was of both the East and the West.
This story would not have been possible without the groundwork lain by previous scholars in this field. I am indebted to Edywn R. Beven, Susan Sherwin-White Amélie Kuhrt for their insight. In the field of numismatics, I owe much gratitude to Oliver D. Hoover, of www.seleukidempire.org. For general knowledge and articles on ancient history, www.livius.org proved extremely helpful.
And finally, enough thanks and praise cannot be given to the Europa Barbarorum team. Although their work would not have been possible without the tools developed by the Creative Assembly, it was through their years of tireless and thankless work that the rich history of the house of Seleukos Nikator came to be known.
S.I.
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CHAPTER II
THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
§1. Asia Minor
To the Seleucids, Asia Minor was “the country beyond the Taurus,” or “on this side of the Taurus,” depending on the speaker’s perspective. Bounded by the Black Sea to the north, the Mediterranean Sea to the south, the Aegean Sea to the west, and the bulk of the Asian mainland to the east, this land sat at the intersection of Western and Eastern civilizations.
Asia Minor would always hold a special place for the Seleucid kings for it was the bridge between the vast expanses of Irân and their motherland. This land would call out the attention of the Seleucid kings in a way in which the eastern portion of their Empire could not.
The land known as Syria lies between the Taurus to the north and the Gulf of ‘Akaba to the south. A line of mountain which runs this length prevents the Arabian desert from extending to the shores of the Mediterranean and provides for a belt of habitable land between the sea and the desert. From its position, Syria forms the bridge between Egypt and Asia.
Babylonia is the Greek name of what the inhabitants knew as Mât Akkadî, the fertile alluvial plain between the Euphrates and Tigris. This was the heartland of the ancient Babylonian Empire, which dominated the ancient Near East between the fall of the Assyrian empire and the rise of the Achaemenid Empire.
In a well-known description of ancient Babylonia, Berossus (a Babylonian priest, who wrote a Greek history of Babylonia in the first half of the third century BCE) says that :
the land lies between the Tigris and the Euphrates rivers. It produces wild barley, chickpea, and sesame, and even, in its marshlands, edible roots, called gongai. These roots are the equal of barley in nutrition. The land also produces dates, apples, and all sorts of other fruit, as well as fish and birds, field birds as well as waterfowl. There are also in the land of the Babylonians waterless and infertile regions near Arabia, while lying opposite Arabia there are hilly and fertile areas.
The rugged mountain ranges and vast deserts of Iran formed natural barriers to movement and communication that would shape the history of this land. The high and rocky central plateau consists largely of two enormous salt deserts and is surrounded by mountain ranges. To the east rises the Hindu Kush, to the north the Elburz range, to the north-west the mountains of Azerbaijan and the Caucasus, and to the west the Zagros chain which overlooks the broad plains of Mesopotamia.
Over most of these lands rainfall is scarce. Settled populations grew up in the few plains watered by rivers or lakes, in the more productive river valleys, and around the oases that dotted the wastes.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Best luck, friend! May you guide the true heirs of Alexandros to victory!
I really love the way you did the pictures. Did you edit them in any way (except cutting them and adding in the names?)
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
This looks very interesting. Those pictures are really neat - best luck for the next chapters.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Excellent set up my friend - post some moar
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
those textures look like RS's :thinking2: could be that :P
now back on topic.. great! I was looking for a Seleukid AAR :2thumbsup:
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Very nice opening! Looking forward to more! Best luck and lots of endurance and time available!!!:2thumbsup:
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Nice pics, I hope for a promising AAR! By the way, how did ou manage to get those textures?
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Maion Maroneios
Nice pics, I hope for a promising AAR! By the way, how did ou manage to get those textures?
if they're RS's ones... clic on the first link on my signature and look for "RS textures" :2thumbsup:
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
By now it became apparent to Antiochos, that any invasion of Egypt would have to wait. His son-in-low Magas Cyrenaica had failed in his invasion of Egypt from the west. An internal revolt of Lybian nomads had forced him to return to Cyrenaica to deal with it. Any aid from Antigonus would not be forthcoming, as the Makedonian ruler found himself occupied with wars against both Pyrrhus and Sparta and Athens.
The Seleukid king was facing his own problems, internal pressures to end the war, an increasing number of raids by the Dahae and Parni nomads into his Eastern provinces, as well as serious economic problems. In 271, shortly after the death of his mother, Apame, a treaty was signed ending the war between the two great Hellenic powers.
The end of the war saw the Ptolemies capture a string of Southern Anatolian possession, ranging from Halicarnassus to Cilicia. In Syria, they gained all of Phoenicia and the Marsyas valley, but not Damascus, which the Seleukids retained.
While the First Syrian War may have ended, the problems faced by Antiochos did not. In the east, the Dahae and Parni nomads had poured into Astauene, and were threatening Antiochos’ Hyrkanian and Parthian possessions. But it was Asia Minor that occupied Antiochos interest. Old foes of Antiochos were once again upsetting the precarious balance of power in Anatolia.
Though he had won victory over the Gauls in a campaign that gave him the name “Soter,” Antiochos had hardly defeated the Gauls in a meaningful way. Since then, they had consolidated their power and had settled more or less in the heartland of Anatolia. Moreover, the old whispers, that it was Antiochos’ elephants and gold that won him “victory” over these barbarians, still lingered. But a recent series of raids by the Gauls into Phrygia and Mysia gave Antiochos a chance to effect a permanent resolution to the Gallic situation, as well as enhance his status and prestige in Asia Minor.
It had come to Antiochos’ attention that Eumenes, adopted son of Philetaerus and co-regent of Pergamon, was using the city’s vast wealth to raise an army to campaign against the Gauls. Clearly, this was an obvious bid by Pergamon to gain power in this region. Such a threat could not be left undealt with.
In 267 BCE, Antiochos and his son Theodoros set out from Antiocheia with an army consisting of 17,500 phalangitai, around 3,000 peltastai, and around 3,000 horsemen, including 2,000 of the elite hetaroi (or Companion Cavalry). Their plan was to defeat the Gauls and then turn west and crush the growing power and influence of Pergamon.
A minor skirmish between the Gauls and Antiochos’ forces appears to have taken place on the banks of the Zamanti River in 267. The accounts state that the peltastai encountered a small party of Gauls whilst replenishing their water supplies. A small pitched battle ensued and the Gauls were thoroughly defeated.
By winter, Antiochos had reached Galatia and encamped 25 miles northwest from Ancyra. The Gauls having heard of this, marched an army to confront Antiochos. On the plains west of the hill where Ancyra was situated the Battle of Galatia occurred. Antiochos and his men faced 20,000 barbarian warriors, many of whom fought in the nude. Accounts of the ensuing battle are not detailed, though they do note Theodoros’s personal bravery and valour. Over 10,000 Gauls were killed. The rest fled and dispersed, with a small number taking refuge in Ancyra. The city itself was taken the following spring (265 BCE) and the Gallic threat ended.
An artist's depiction of Theodoros leading the Hetaroi at the Battle of Galatia.
Over 27,000 Gauls were sold into slavery as a result of Antiochos’ successful campaign. To commemorate his victory, Antiochus commissioned a sculpture be made. The work, known as The Dying Gaul, was previously thought to have been commissioned by Attalos of Pergamon, but recent evidence points to an earlier date.
The Dying Gaul depicts a wounded warrior who lies upon the earth awaiting death. It is remarkable for its realism. The figure is naked save for a neck torc. He is shown fighting against death, refusing to accept his fate. It was found in the gardens which had belonged to Sallust, a Roman historian. The statue is a Roman copy of a Greek original made to commemorate Antiochos I Soter's victory at the Battle of Galatia.
§7. Antiochos’ Later Years
Rather than turning immediately to Pergamon, Antiochos’ attention was diverted by Galatia. Although the main barbarian army had been defeated and Ancyra taken, there were several small uprisings and incursions over the next two years. In 263, with his health hindered by a particularly harsh winter, Antiochos passed away.
As a young man of twenty-five, he had commanded the wing attacked by Demetrios Poliocertes at the Battle of Ipsus. Even as King he took his share of danger like the Macedonia and Iranian chiefs from whom he sprang. He had endeavoured his entire life to restoring his father’s possessions. While not entirely successful, he turned over to his son Theodoros (Antiochos II), an empire that was in good position to establish its preeminence in the Hellenic world
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Excellent beginning so far socal_infidel! When I first started reading I was instantly reminded of The House of Seleucus: Volumes I as well as volume II by Edward R. Bevan. I enjoy both books immensely and I'm sure I'll enjoy your story of the true heirs of Alexander just as much. :2thumbsup:
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Thanks all for the encouragement thus far. I've read some amazing AARs lately and wanted to contribute one myself. And yes, I'm using the Roma Surrectum map textures. They add a nice dose of immersion to the campaign, I've found.
Quote:
Originally Posted by
DeathEmperor
Excellent beginning so far socal_infidel! When I first started reading I
was instantly reminded of The House of Seleucus: Volumes I as well as volume II by Edward R. Bevan. I enjoy both books immensely and I'm sure I'll enjoy your story of the true heirs of Alexander just as much. :2thumbsup:
Glad you noticed. It was what inspired me to write this AAR, actually. I've really taken to heart EB's mandate to read more history. I've read a lot lately on Armenia, Iran, the Parthians, and the Seleukids. Seems I have a new book being delivered to my office weekly.:laugh4:
Thus far, I've only managed to read Bevan's first volume, but that was enough background info for me to start this campaign. It also gave me an organizational template for the AAR. I want to avoid battle-by-battle reports and instead try to write a little history of my campaign. I'll focus on key battles of course, but I want to focus on telling an overall narrative of an alternative Seleukid history (although I'm not going to try to conquer the world, more drama in setbacks and losses for me).
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Excellent update, socal_infidel!
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
I'll add my voice to the chorus of "Great Start" - I eagerly await your next chapter
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Have to say I agree with pretty much everyone else! Awesome start, definately awesomesauce'd :dizzy2:. Question though, you seem to take a historical approach, is this something you will keep doing througout the AAR?
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Socy
Have to say I agree with pretty much everyone else! Awesome start, definately awesomesauce'd :dizzy2:. Question though, you seem to take a historical approach, is this something you will keep doing througout the AAR?
Well, I'm taking a historical approach in the early-going. Not going for strict historical verisimilitude by any means, but I wanted to immerse myself in their history and play them in the early campaign with their historical context in mind. From there an alternative history will unfold (e.g. one where Antiochos commissioned The Dying Gaul). So while there may be another Syrian War on the horizon, it may not unfold this time as did the historical Second Syrian War.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
socal_infidel
Well, I'm taking a historical approach in the early-going. Not going for strict historical verisimilitude by any means, but I wanted to immerse myself in their history and play them in the early campaign with their historical context in mind. From there an alternative history will unfold (e.g. one where Antiochos commissioned The Dying Gaul). So while there may be another Syrian War on the horizon, it may not unfold this time as did the historical Second Syrian War.
I see, very interesting and cool indeed! Will be watching this one closely.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Very nice AAR, I especially like the history-style approach and the pics with the "EB font". If I may ask, why is the first chapter entitled "Chapter II" and the second one "Chapter IV"?
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
Chaotix27
Very nice AAR, I especially like the history-style approach and the pics with the "EB font". If I may ask, why is the first chapter entitled "Chapter II" and the second one "Chapter IV"?
Well, Chapters I and III told of the events prior to the beginning of this AAR. Chapter I told the story of Hellenism in the East. And Chapter III told the story of Seleukos Nikator himself. Now that we're caught up with the House of Seleukos, we'll chronicle each King's reign henceforth...
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
It was Antiochos II, now a young man of twenty-eight, who took up the Seleukid inheritance in 263 BCE. In him, the grandson of Seleukos Nikator and Demetrios Poliocertes, the martial spirit of his Makedonian ancestors ran strong, if not quite yet pronounced. To many in his kingdom and beyond, he was still the reprobate heir who had spent a dissolute and dissipated youth in Seleukeia indulging every excess known.
What they did not know, was that the young man was profoundly affected by the death of his grandmother Apame, when he was twenty years old. Seemingly overnight, he had abandoned his indulgent ways and sought to make himself a better man, expressing a keen interest in politics. Availing himself of the finest teachers in his father’s kingdom, he proved to have a keen intellect. Impressed by his son’s talents, Antiochos I appears to have named him co-regent around the time of his Galatian campaign. Even in this position, Antiochos II had trouble living down his wanton youth and was subject to much gossip by the scandal-mongers.
The death of his father threw the kingdom in disarray. The old king had only recently fought in battle and had seemed in good health. Plans were already in place for a campaign to stifle the ambition of Pergamon. Such plans would have to wait. Antiochos was now faced with new and more pressing concerns.
In the East, his uncle Achaios and his line were struggling to stave off incursions from the Parni, a nomadic tribe from the Central-Asian steppe. What had first been minor raids into Seleukid lands had now turned into something far more troublesome. The nomads appear to have gathered support and had overthrown Seleukid rule in Astauene and Hyrkania. Their leader, Arshâk, was so bold as to declare himself a king.
These cavalrymen hailing from the steppes of Central Asia formed the backbone of Parthian armies the Seleukids faced
However, the more immediate threat to his kingdom was the Seleukid’s old foe, the Ptolemies. And the threat was directed at the heart of the Seleukid realm, Antiocheia.
The Seleukid empire at the time of Antiochos II’s accession in 263 BCE.
§1. The Second Syrian War (263 – 254 BCE)
No sooner than the young king had laid his father to rest, the armies of Ptolemy II marched into Antiocheia and besieged the Seleukid capital. Clearly Ptolemy II had seized this brief moment of transition within the House of Seleukos to try to claim all of Syria as his own. Perhaps encouraged by his generals and emboldened by his alliance with the growing power of Rome, Ptolemy II believed himself strong enough to gain the upper hand in the Ptolemaic-Seleukid conflict. Perhaps he still thought of the young king as the dissipated boy at his father’s court.
Ptolemy II Philadelphos (285-258 B.C.)
Whatever the case, the armies of Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy poured forth into Syria. No man of war himself (his interests were intellectual and artistic and he was clearly of a more sensual nature), the attack was instead led by one of his generals, Dexikrates Kanopoios, of whom little is known.
Ptolemy II’s action, by all accounts, took the young king by surprise as the bulk of his army was still stationed with him in Galatia. Antiocheia itself was protected only by a small garrison led by his younger brother, Sarpedon. However, in stark contrast to the Ptolemy, Antiochus II was possessed of the same fibre as the tough old Makedonian chiefs. With nary time to grieve, he immediately marched his army on a tough journey from Ankyra to Syria where he met up with reinforcements led by the governor of Edessa, Pythiades Lydikos.
A bureaucrat unaccustomed to war, Pythiades was so taken by his campaign with the young king that he kept a detailed diary, parts of which survived to this day. Of particular interest is his account on the numbers and composition of the army. Antiochos’ army consisted of 15,000 phalangitai, 2000 peltastai, 3000 mercenary Greek hoplitai, 1,000 elite hetaroi, as well as a contingent of 600 prodromoi (lesser nobility fighting as light cavalry). For his part, Pythiades was able to raise 3000 archers from the nearby Caucasus, 1,500 heavy Persian archers, and 1,500 Babylonian spearmen. This army was to finally arrive outside the besieged city to find the army of Ptolemy attacking the walls.
a. The First Siege of Antioch
https://i230.photobucket.com/albums/...ntes_large.jpg
The jewel of Syria, Antiocheia, had held out for the better part of a year. Word had reached the city that the young king was coming to its defense, so the people remained hopeful despite privations endured. When news arrived that the young king had crossed the Orontes and was now within a day’s march from the city, hope rose even further. However such news was met by the Ptolemaic army with an immediate decision to attack.
Though Sarpedon was only able to commit around 8,000 garrison soldiers, the city’s real defense were its seemingly impregnable walls. Though now lost to the sands of time, these awesome stone walls stood as testament to Seleukid might and power in the region. Against them Dexikrates threw 10,000 of his own phalangitai, 7,000 levies, including a contingent of Jewish soldiers, 8,500 akontistai, 1,000 toxotai, and 1,600 Galatian soldiers who had settled in Egypt and were renowned for their ferocity in battle.
The Princeton excavations conducted in the 1930s uncovered one patch of Seleucid era walls on the slopes of Mt Staurin.
Knowing they could not bring down the walls before Antiochos’ reinforcments arrived, the Ptolemaic army hoped to use ladders and towers recently finished to take the walls. Sarpedon’s plan, such as it was, was to fend off the attackers long enough for his brother to arrive with reinforcements. Pythiades account informs us that the battle commenced mid-day on a clear day.
What it must have been like on the walls under the mid-day sun amongst the carnage and metal we can only imagine. The fighting on the walls was fierce and brutal and had raged for hours by the time Antiochos’s reinforcements arrived. Sarpedon’s men suffered heavy casualties that day. Of his 8,000 men, only 3,000 were to return home. But they more than succeeded in buying time for Antiochos’ army to arrive. They bore the brunt of the attack and yet were responsible for the Seleukid victory that day. Against their 3,000 losses, Sarpedon’s men dealt a staggering number of casualties, nearly 22,000. Pythiades notes that there was surprisingly little left for Antiochos’ army to accomplish, “The king arrived expecting to find his brother dead instead he arrived to find him a saviour.”
The fierce and brutal fighting on the walls raged for hours.
Sarpedon Soter rallying his men at the First Siege of Antioch.
Sarpedon had indeed exemplified Makedonian bravery that day, rallying his men from the front as the Ptolemaic soldiers burst through the gates and leading a perilous charge through city streets against the Galatians. His efforts were such that he too was given the appellation Soter. Antiochos reportedly bore no jealousy at this, himself having said to have remarked in his later years, “My father and brother saviours both and I only a god.”
Sarpedon Soter leading a desparate charge against the Galatians.
To commemorate the victory, Sarpedon commissioned a giant bronze statute of Tykhe, the Greek goddess of fortune. The statute depicted Tykhe seated upon the back of a swimming man, the god of the Orontes River. She wore a turret crown, representing the defensive walls of a city, and holds a sheaf of wheat. The original is lost to us and all that remains is a Roman copy at the Musei Vaticani in Vatican City
Tyche of Antioch. Reduced Roman copy of colossal Greek bronze statue by Eutychides ca 260 BC.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Great update, socal infidel! Keep it up!
Maion
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
CHAPTER II
Antiochos II Theos
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After the disaster at Antiocheia, the forces of Ptolemy were left in disarray. Ptolemy’s next most capable general, Protarchos Philopator, was in Marmarike poised to seize Kyrenaia from Magas. Instead, he was ordered to Coele-Syria to defend against retribution by Antiochos II. The survivors from Antiocheia were themselves dispersed. A number of Galatians and pezhetaroi were able to seek refuge in Sidon, while a larger number of the pezhetaroi made way to Posidium, where they hoped to escape by sea to Tarsos.
With all of Coele-Syria now virtually undefended, Antiochos seized the initiative to add these lands to his own. The bulk of his army largely intact after Antiocheia, Antiochos and Pythiades quickly struck southward. The pezhetaroi who were camping outside of Posidium awaiting the Ptolemaic fleet were dispatched with first, struck down to a man. Antiochos now made his way into the heart of Ptolemaic Coele-Syria.
Within a few months of Antiocheia (262 BCE), Antiochos was outside the gates of the great Phoenician city, Sidon. His engineers went to work and the city was laid siege. After winter passed, the city was attacked. We know from Pythiades’ account that the siege was a particularly bloody one. Though greatly outnumbered, the resistance led by the experienced Galatians and pezhetaroi was fierce and it was not until Antiochos committed his own kleruchoi to the attack that the siege was won.
Perhaps remembering their fate at the hands of Alexander some seventy years before, the city of Tyre quickly recognized Antiochos as their new master without a fight. Although the two great centers of Phoenicia were in Seleukid hands, Ptolemy’s armies were still nearby. To the north of Sidon, Alexandros Thraikikos was seeking to rendezvous with 7,500 phalangitai, 1,600 peltastai, 1,600 thureophoroi and 1,600 thorakitai who were camped just outside Tyre. A force consisting of mostly levies and conscripts from Ioudaia was also making its way towards Damaskos. Meanwhile, Protarchos Philopator and his large army were nearing the Nile and were making their way to Ioudaia.
Though likely an intentional effort by the Ptolemies to allow Alexandros Thraikikos to merge with his force outside Tyre and to buy time for Protarchos’ army, Antiochos had no choice but to meet the force converging upon Damaskos. The city was largely ungarrisoned and would likely fall to Ptolemy. At the foot of Mt. Hermon, just north of Panion, battled was engaged. The Ptolemaic force was able to gain the high ground and awaited the Seleukid approach. Despite the advantage in terrain, the army itself was no match for the Seleukid forces. Consisting of mostly levies and conscripts from Ioudaia, they could not compare with Antiochos’ battle-hardened professional soldiers. Of the 13,000 men, only 1,000 survived; with over half cut down by Antiochos’ hetaroi and prodomoi as they flanked the force and charged from above.
In the fall of 261, Antiochos and his men arrived outside Tyre. Alexandros Thraikikos and his men had been denied sanctuary in the city and had no choice but to commit to battle. Although of higher-quality than the force Antiochos dispatched at Mt. Hermon, Alexandros’ men were largely new recruits and had little battle experience. Alexandros made one last effort at convincing Tyre to allow his men inside city walls but was again denied. He arrived back at camp to find Antiochos’ men and his own men drawn up in battle formation.
While the main battle lines advanced, Antiochos and his cavalry, as well as a contingent of Jewish soldiers sought out Alexandros’ own cavalry force. Alexandros’ cavalry were quickly chased from the field, Alexandros himself fleeing for his own life. The main battle lines now engaged, the Ptolemaic forces could not bear the brunt on the Seleukid onslaught. The Seleukid phalangitai simply outmatched the Ptolemaic troops. Returning to the main line, Antiochos found the surviving Ptolemaic forces in panicked flight. The survivors fled south where they were able to meet up with the Ptolemaic navy, who still controlled the seas.
In perhaps the most surprising turn of events in Antiochos’ Syrian campaign, a small Phoenician army led by a certain Osca set out from Orthosia in 261 and by 260 was at the gates of Sidon. Osca was likely counting on support from the city, but Pythiades, who had been left in charge there by Antiochos, had done his best to win over the natives to the Seleukid cause. Pythiades himself was unable to convince Osca of the foolishness of his cause. Instead Osca set out north ostensibly to drum up support for Phoenician independence in Tripolis.
Osca never reached Tripolis, Antiochos had no choice but to confront this force. The armies met on the field of battle on the beaches south of Berytus along the road leading to Tripolis. The small Phoenician army was thoroughly annihilated by Antiochos’ forces. The movement had died before it even began.
5. Battle of Gindarus
Afforded little time to rest, in the fall of 260, Antiochos was greeted with word that Antiocheia had again come under siege. By all accounts, Alexandros Thraikikos, who had survived the Battle of Tyre, had fled by sea to Tarsos. There he mustered a small force to add to his own survivors from Tyre. This force of 9,000, if their plan was to divert Antiochos and allow time for Protarchos, was successful in that sense.
https://www.europabarbarorum.com/i/u...ikon_agema.gif
Among the 9,000 Ptolemaic troops at Gindarus were 600 of their elite phalanx units, the Klerouchikon Agema
Though boasting a number of veterans from earlier Ptolemaic campaigns in Asia Minor, most all units were severely depleted and fighting at half-strength. When faced with the arrival of Antiochos, Alexandros fled north crossing the Orontes. Antiochos’s men caught up with him in the forests south of the small village of Gindarus.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/...romos/0483.jpg
The forests south of Gindarus were not perfect conditions for the Seleukid phalanx, but the Ptolemaic forces faced the same conditions. The size of the Seleukid army and the leadership of Antiochos proved decisive.
https://i249.photobucket.com/albums/...romos/0488.jpg
Bolstered by his earlier successes, Antiochos proved a fearless leader at Gindarus, once again leading the charge from the front.
The battle was notable in that both Alexandros and the satrap of Kilikia, Olympiodoros Kilikiou were struck down, as were nearly all 9,000 of Alexandros’s men. More importantly, all of Kilikia, Pamphylia and Karia was now left open for the Seleukids. Word had also reached Antiochos that Protarchos had reached Rhinocorura near the Ioudaia border. Antiochos charged his brother Sarpedon with the taks of taking southern Anatolia, while word was sent to Pythiades at Sidon to muster whatever reinforcements he could. The king was marching south to confront Protarchos' army and to take Ioudaia for the Seleukids.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
CHAPTER V
Antiochos II Theos
263 to 230
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6. Battle of Gazara
http://www.bibleplaces.com/images/Ge...tb_n042600.jpg
The view of present-day Gazara from the south. The Battle of Gazara was fought just north of here along an arid stretch of road leading to the town.
After Gindarus, Antiochos made his way down the Syrian coast, while Sarpedon made preparations for his campaign against the Ptolemies in Southern Anatolia. By summer of 259 BCE, Antiochos was just north of Gazara. The town was strategically situated at the junction of the coastal highway and the highway connecting it with Jerusalem through the valley of Ajalon.
Tracking Antiochos’ movements along the coast, the Ptolemies were able to land an army from Crete just north of Dora. Reinforcements from Hierosolyma arrived from the east, and the three armies met on an arid stretch of plains along the road to Gazara. The Ptolemaic forces were small in comparison to Antiochos’ forces, numbering 17,000 to Antiochos’s 38,000. But amongst the Ptolemaic forces, were 7,500 klerouchoi, 3,200 thureophoroi, 1,600 Galatians, and 4,000 Jewish soldiers.
The Ptolemaic and Seleukid phalangitai engaged in battle. At Gazara, the Ptolemaic phalanx again proved it was no match against Seleukid might.
The Ptolemaic army could not overcome their lack of cavalry at Gazara. Once again Antiochos’ own cavalry proved overpowering, with the king leading, as always, the charge from the front. It was after Gazara that the first whispers of Antiochos’ divine status were murmured. Not only had he not yet lost a battle, he had thrown himself fearlessly into the fray in every engagement and had emerged unscathed. But his toughest battle lied ahead.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
CHAPTER V
Antiochos II Theos
By summer 259 BCE, Antiochos had entered Gaza without a fight. There he received a messenger who gave word that Protarchos had left Pelusium and was advancing across the desert to Ioudaia. Final dispositions were made at Gaza and Antiochos marched his army across the desert to meet Protarchos. On the fifth evening after leaving Pelusium, Protarchos made camp five miles south of Raphia, the first town in Ioudaia. When morning dawned, the Seleukid army was seen across the desert, roughly a mile away. For two days, the armies remained stationary, face to face, neither side making a move. On the third morning, Antiochos deployed his men in battle formation. Protarchos accepted his challenged.
Though this book is not a military manual given to tactics and strategems, the importance of this battle in the annals of history warrants closer detail than would typical in a book of history. The Ptolemaic force was commanded by Protarchos Philopator, who had participated in the First Syrian War. Accompanying him, was his eldest son Killes Neos Philopator. They commanded an army consisting of 15,000 phalangitai, 2,000 hetaroi, 1,600 thorakitai, 1,600 thureophoroi, 4,000 peltastai, 4,000 Arabian auxiliaries, 2,000 machimoi and 4,000 light infantry. In sole command of the Seleukid army, Antiochos commanded 15,000 phalangitai (including 4,000 experienced pezhetaroi), 2,000 cavalry (including 1,000 elite hetaroi) and 1,600 peltastai. His army also consisted of a large number of auxiliaries, among them 2,000 mercenary hoplitai, 1,000 Babylonian heavy infantry, 3,800 Jewish light infantry, 1,500 Cretan toxotai and 600 Syrian archers.
Antiochos drew up his phalanx eight-wide alongside ruins from Old Raphia. Such a deployment meant the critical right flank of the phalanx was protected. To the right of the ruins, he deployed his auxiliary infantry four-wide with the archers stationed behind them. So not only was the phalanx protected on its right by the ruins, it was also protected by his auxiliaries. To the left of the phalanx, protected on its left by sparse forest, Antiochos deployed his peltastai, including his Thraikians, with their fearsome rhomphaias. Antiochos and his cavalry deployed behind his phalanx, nearer to the Seleukid left.
Protarchos drew up his phalanx six-deep, behind them he placed his machimoi and Arabian auxiliaries. On his left he deployed his light infantry. On the right, he deployed his peltastai, thorakitai, and thureophoroi. Protarchos commanded the cavalry on the right with Killes alongside him.
In full formation in the mid-day heat, neither side budged for hours, staring at each from across the field. Protarchos was no fool and realized the strength of the Seleukid position. He also knew that Antiochos had fertile land to draw from behind his line were battle to be delayed another day, while he had only the vast desert behind him. Protarchos realized that battle was inevitable and gave orders to advance upon the Seleukid position.
The battle opened with a withering barrage of arrows upon the Ptolemaic light infantry advancing upon the Seleukid right. Protarchos must surely have intended for these 5,000 troops to soak up arrow fire from the Seleukid archers, while his phalanx advanced. Such a force stood no chance against the more professional Babylonian heavy infantry and Greek hoplitai. The few Ptolemaic soldiers who met the Seleukid auxiliaries were soon routed.
While the phalanxes prepared to clash, Protarchos and Killes led the Ptolemaic charge against the Seleukid left. Antiochos countered by committing his own cavalry, himself again leading the charge. In vicious melee fighting for which Antiochos had warned and prepared his cavalry, Killes was felled, with his bodyguard fleeing the field. The Ptolemaic peltastai, thorakitai, and thureophoroi soon caught up with the cavalry and joined the fray on the left.
Unaware his son had been killed, Protarchos fought on and soon spotted an opening on the Seleukid right, created when the Babylonians and Greeks had left their line and hinged left to flank the Ptolemaic phalanx. Seeking to exploit this gap, Protarchos raced behind the Ptolemaic phalanx to quickly breach it. But he was isolated and pinned down by the Seleukid auxiliaries and brought down by Antiochos’ Babylonians.
With the cavalry threat on his left over, Antiochos left his Thraikians and peltastai to hold off the remaining Ptolemaic thorakitai and thureophoroi. He wheeled his hetaroi around and cut down Protarchos’ auxiliaries following behind the Ptolemaic phalanx, chasing down the routers.
Ptolemaic hope now rested with its phalanx. However, the Ptolemaic phalanx could not overcome the experience and training of the Seleukid phalangitai. Despite valiant efforts, it soon broke with only 5,000 men remaining on the field. These were soon cut down and with it Ptolemaic hopes for victory.
The Ptolemaic forces rout and the day ends as a total disaster. Of the 36,000 Ptolemaic forces, only 3,000 survived that day.
The defeated army took refuge in Pelusium that night. Of the 36,000 soldiers who had broke camp there eight days before, only 3,000 returned. It was from here that request was sent to Antiochos for permission to bury their dead. The request was granted and Antiochos acknowledged as triumphant.
Antiochos had himself sustained only 5,000 casualties and was in command of an army that was unrivalled in power in the East. Flushed with his success, he contemplated an immediate invasion of Egypt himself. He decided against it. He must have been aware of the failed enterprises of Perdiccas and Antigonos years before. But more importantly, he had received word of a completely unsuspected turn of events – Ptolemy II Philadelphos had slipped unawares into Hierosolyma.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Excellent job socal! I especially loved the diagram of the Battle of Raphia.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
nice work. entertaining account.
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Quote:
Originally Posted by
DeathEmperor
I especially loved the diagram of the Battle of Raphia.
Yeah, that's really great! You capture the history book style quite well, i think.
The AI-movements seem to be impressingly sensible :laugh4:
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Re: The House of Seleukos: The History of the Arche Seleukeia
Thanks once again all for the encouragement. Nice to hear!
The Syrian War is heading to a conclusion, but Antiochos has a lot left to accomplish.
