But why do you believe so?
This depends on distance - if a Jewish state exists bordering Hitler's Germany, or Germany's neighbors, they would be quickly overrun. And if you have one place concentrating most of the Jews already, extermination becomes easier.If the same or similar amount Jews were present in Europe in the early 1900s, and we also had a state of Israel created at some unspecified point earlier, then:
Hitler might forcefully deport all Jews to Israel
a large amount of Jews could migrate voluntarily in response to the deteriorating situation in Germany, making 1. a more likely outcome for the smaller group that still remains
the state of Israel might offer to resettle all German Jews, including footing the bill for the whole thing. For those that refuse to resettle, 1. can still be a later outcome (rather than death)
the state of Israel can alter the outcome in yet different ways: helping Jews escape occupied areas in different ways, like sabotage and other clandestine operations, maybe even strategic bombing raids once the war has started if they can get to any friendly airfields close enough; they may also use diplomacy to make the allies put more effort into stopping or reducing the extent of the Holocaust, both before and during the war, and so on
Superficially, what your idea advocates for is shuffling around mutually-hostile groups until they're sufficiently geographically distant from one another. This sounds familiar...
China would clearly dominate Asia east of India, which would itself be gravely weakened. Maybe Japan and China could carve up Southeast Asia and the Pacific among each other.Many or all of the larger nations would lose a lot of their territory and population if we started carving them up, and would be weakened.
Economies of scale suggest that a single force of 50 jets could overpower 500 individual air forces. Either a central power dominates, or the organization has no practical effect - and that's what the historical evidence shows.Furthermore, small nations could form defensive pacts à la NATO. If one country buys one fighter jet, then 500 small nations is 500 fighter jets. This organisation leaves not a good fundament for independently projecting power (a single fighter jet makes no invasion), but for the given ethnic group, that's probably not worse on average compared to if they had formed a small part of a much larger country (and smaller groups of small individual countries can still agree to project power, obviously).
Or it may not. "5th columns" have largely been a myth, and invaders who hoped to rely on them have often ended with egg on their faces.In the most basic forms, this is straight forward. If we have two approximate ethnostates A and B, and a huge chunk of people migrate from B to A to form 10% of the population there, then if B later (e.g 10 or 100 years) declares war on A, those 10% may leave A in a weaker position than A would have been without them, because of significant sympathies for B from these 10%.
How would they lose democratic autonomy?Note also with the loss of autonomy trough democracy that the majority will have, in the last paragraph; which could impact the security of the original population negatively, even if it remains the majority.
But at this point, feeding immigrants to fascists would only serve to grow the fascists. Eventually they will grow big enough to eat you, and you will have no one left to feed to them.Yet if the indirect problem is easier to tackle than the direct one, tackling the indirect one can be the way to go.
Pragmatism aside, peacable immigrants may hold higher moral value than monstrous locals.
If one perceives that immigration is both more problematic and more easily resolved as a problem than fascist resurgence, irreconcilable differences in values may be at play.To say that something is "not really the problem" is only relevant for the solution as long as solving the "real problem" is feasible and desirable (given potential downsides).
Again, how?If the immigration is large enough for long enough, the minorities will become the new majority. Long before that point, they will also have a large power potential in democracies: if 10% of the population was from a certain immigrant background and most of them voted in a distinct fashion, that can mean a lot influence in a democracy and reduce the autonomy, or whatever you want to call it, of the original population relative to that it would have had without the immigration.
Imagine there are no immigrants. 50% of the population wants to declare the aspen the country's national tree, while the other 50% want to declare the oak their national tree. If, in a few years, 40% favor the aspen and 55% favor the oak, would you say that aspen-lovers have "lost autonomy"?
Autonomy is concrete, and not a mere function of this or that demographic. You have to point out specific policies or structures that increase or decrease it.
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